Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra

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Final Project: Research Proposal

In Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final draft. For this assignment take the opportunity to review all the feedback your instructor provided throughout the course on the various project assignments. Use that feedback to revise and improve your project for this final draft.

Make sure your research proposal adheres to the following structure:

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  • Title page

  • Abstract (see APA guide for format)

  • Introduction

  • Literature Review

  • Methodology

  • Discussion and Conclusion

  • References

In addition, each section should include the following information:

Abstract: An abstract is a summary of the paper. Review the abstracts of the articles used in your literature review for and example of a detailed abstract.

Introduction: This section has been already created in Week 8.

Literature Review: This section was created in Weeks 6 and should have been integrated into your introduction in Week 8. The literature review is not a copy of that material. Rather, it is a synthesis of the material you found into a cohesive review of the literature on your chosen topic. Make sure to include all the articles that you used in Weeks 2–5 for your literature review.

Methodology: This section has been already created in Week 7.

Discussion and Conclusion: This section has been already created in Week 9.

References: In this section, you should include all articles you collected for the literature review. In addition, take care to put all the references in APA format.

Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra
Parents at-risk and their children: intersections of gender role attitudes and parenting practices Jordan E. Montgomery, Casey L. Chaviano, Allison D. Rayburn and Lenore M. McWey Department of Family and Child Sciences, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL Correspondence: Jordan E. Montgomery, Department of Family and Child Sciences, The Florida State University, College of Human Sciences, 225 Sandels Building, Tallahassee, FL 32306-1491, US Email: [email protected] Keywords:at-risk, child welfare, feminist theory, gender, parenting Accepted for publication: September 2016 ABSTRACT Existing research demonstrates that parent and child gender may influence important aspects of family relationships; however, most research in this area has been conducted with non-clinical samples. As clinicians, it is important to consider how gender impacts family relationships, particularly among vulnerable families. This study exam- ined the intersections of gender role attitudes and parenting practices among 34 parents involved with the child welfare system and referred for clinical intervention. Using a mixed methods design, themes regard- ing gender role beliefs and parenting practices were found through qualitative interviews with parents. Findings suggested that fathers felt responsible for financially providing for their families and expressed challenges in communicating with mothers, and mothers described challenges they face because of a lack of father involvement. Parents also discussed a perceived need to monitor daughters closely while fostering the independence of their sons. Results of the qualitative analyses were supported by quantitative findings indicating significant differences in harsh and inconsistent discipline practices and clear expectations for girls compared to boys. The discussion addresses implications for clinicians, including how a feminist family therapy perspective may help promote client influence over traditional gender norms by questioning gender role attitudes and exploring alternate narratives that may impact family dynamics. When working with families, it is important to consider how gender inequality impacts relationships within the family system. Existing research has explored gender- based differences in men and women’s roles as parents and their parenting practices (Albritton et al. 2014). Additionally, studies demonstrate that parents may use different parenting practices based on the gender of their child (McKee et al. 2007; Sunday et al. 2008). More specifically, parent and child gender may influence important aspects of family relationships such as percep- tions of nurturance (Sunday et al. 2008), discipline strategies (McKee et al. 2007) and the strength of parent–child relationships (Starrels 1994). Most research in this area has been conducted with non- clinical samples; however, clinicians are often called upon to work with parents and children where levels of concern are higher. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to build upon and extend past research byexamining gender role attitudes among a sample of mothers and fathers referred for clinical intervention because of involvement with the child welfare system (CWS). GENDER ROLE NARRATIVES AND PARENTING Although some may dismiss the notion of gender stereo- types by suggesting traditional gender narratives are old-fashioned and no longer significant in contemporary society, doing so may raise the potential for the inadver- tent replication of these gender-defined patterns in their own relationships (Knudson-Martin & Mahoney 1999). Some scholars suggest that within the subconscious ideals of a‘gender binary,’which is the duality of expressing oneself as masculine or feminine (Few-Demo et al. 2014; Wiseman & Davidson 2012), Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 11 51 doi:10.1111/cfs.12332 bs_bs_banner there are rules and expectations for which individuals interpret and create their own identities (Diamond 2002; Hart 1996). These ideals influence how one acts and behaves in order tofit in with societal norms (Hart 1996; Wiseman & Davidson 2012). For example, from a young age females may be socialized to put the needs of others before themselves; whereas males may be encouraged to be the leader in their relationships, be independent and not express their emotions (Hart 1996). These gendered narratives become a part of the way in which individuals interact with others and are eventually perpetuated in adult relationships (Knudson-Martin & Mahoney 1999). In turn, gender role norms and attitudes may have an important influence on family relationships (Hart 1996; Knudson-Martin & Mahoney 1999; Toomey et al. 2015). Gender role narratives may place added pressure on both mothers and fathers. Women may feel responsi- ble for the nurturance and emotional wellbeing of their families (Albritton et al. 2014; Hart 1996; Walters 1988), and there is a tendency for mothers to be blamed when things go wrong in the family system (Walters 1988). Meanwhile, men describe stress associated with feelingfinancially responsible for their families (Albritton et al. 2014) and are more likely to be in charge of disciplining their children (McKee et al. 2007; Walters 1988). Indeed, scholars suggest‘the stereotypic gender structure perpetuates male dominance in broader society, replicates the unequal gendered division of labour, and can leave men outside mother- child relationships and less emotionally connected with their children’(Matta & Knudson-Martin 2006; p. 21). These dynamics can impact family systems by reinforcing rigid roles (Carter 1988). In a recent study, researchers conducted focus groups with 35 low-income, young parents asking about parent- ing and their relationships (Albritton et al. 2014). Findings supported several differences between mothers and fathers. Mothers reported feeling unprepared for parenting and a lack of balance in parenting responsibil- ities with their child’s father. Alternatively, fathers described stress associated with fulfilling thefinancial responsibilities of parenthood. Where mothers valued patience and tolerance, fathers placed emphasis on financial stability (Albritton et al. 2014). Parents may also interact differently with their children based upon their child’s gender (Raley & Bianchi 2006) and may have different expectations of sons compared to daughters (Knudson-Martin & Mahoney 1999). A review of extant literature cited empirical support for key differences in parental treat- ment of sons and daughters (Raley & Bianchi 2006).Specifically, parents tend to encourage greater auton- omy of boys compared to girls; however, parents tend to promote more gender stereotypical behaviour in the play (e.g. toys) and household activities of girls. Parents also tend to have higher educational expectations of girls, and spend more time conversing with girls (Raley & Bianchi 2006). McKee et al. (2007) sampled over 2000 parent–child dyads from the community to under- stand how parenting practices varied by both parent and child gender. Fathers reported significantly higher levels of harsh physical discipline compared to mothers and used more harsh physical discipline with boys but were similar to mothers in their harsh physical discipline of girls (McKee et al. 2007). Unfortunately, research in this area has relied heavily on samples of white families, and therefore little is known about these gender differ- ences in parenting among other populations. To understand differences in mothers’parenting practices based on child gender among African American families, Varner & Mandara (2014) examined 796 mother–adolescent child dyads. Consistent with previous research of racial majority samples,findings indicated that girls reported higher levels of monitoring and lower levels of autonomy and decision-making compared to boys, and mothers reported higher expec- tations for girls than boys. The authors concluded that African American mothers may hold more control over their daughters’lives compared to their sons (Varner & Mandara 2014). Specific to a CWS population, researchers compared 96 adolescents documented as physically abused to 95 non-abused adolescents from the same community to understand gender differences in perceptions of family functioning and parenting (Sunday et al. 2008). Adoles- cents who experienced abuse reported feeling closer to their mothers than fathers, while those who had not been abused reported equal closeness to both parents. Girls who had experienced abuse, however, reported feeling less close to both parents and the least amount of family cohesion compared with all other groups. Additionally, boys who experienced abuse viewed fathers as less caring than mothers, and adolescents who had been abused viewed fathers as more controlling than mothers (Sunday et al. 2008). While the study made an important contribution by exploring gender differences in parent–child relationships among an at-risk sample, qualitative research may provide addi- tional information. Taken together, research highlights the importance of gender role attitudes on parenting (Albritton et al. 2014; Varner & Mandara 2014). However, researchers have called for studies using racially and ethnically diverse Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 115 2 families in the study of gender and parenting (Toomey et al. 2015; Sang et al. 2014). Furthermore, while research identifies parent and child gender as impor- tantly associated with parenting practices, some suggest that historical gender stereotypes may be more pronounced among distressed families (Carter 1988; Knudson-Martin & Mahoney 1999). To better serve families at-risk, it is important to expand our under- standing of the intersections of gender role attitudes and parenting to be more inclusive of a broader range of diverse family contexts. The purpose of this study, therefore, was to explore the intersections of gender role attitudes and parenting practices among parents referred for clinical intervention because of CWS involvement. METHOD Data were collected as part of a larger study in which evidence-based parenting psychoeducation was provided to parents involved with the CWS. Parents in the study were all referred by case managers to attend a parenting psychoeducation group. As part of the initial intake, participants engaged in the informed consent process, completed semi-structured interviews and standardized measures. Analyses began inductively by reading interview transcripts in their entirety to deter- mine the theoretical drive for the study. After the initial inductive process, we triangulated data by comparing initial qualitative themes with additional quantitative analyses in order to increase the trustworthiness of the findings (Hammersley & Atkinson 2007; Lapan et al. 2012). Triangulating qualitative data in this way enables researchers to enhance the confidence in theirfindings (Gehart et al. 2001). We then used directed content analysis to explore themes related to the intersections of gender role attitudes and parenting practices. Participants Data were collected from 34 parents (20 mothers and 14 fathers) involved with the CWS because of allegations of child maltreatment. Parents were an average of 34 years old (range 22–52), and the average child age was 6.7 (range 0.5–30 years old). Of the parents, 65% (n= 22) self-identified as African–American, and 29% (n= 10) as Caucasian. Three (9%) parents identified as Hispanic. Over half (53%,n= 18) self-reported their relationships status as single, 26% (n= 9) were married, 11% (n= 4) were divorced or separated and 9% (n=3) were in a relationship. Of the sample, 68% (n=23) were not currently employed, and 32% were working part-time (n=4)orfull-time(n= 7). Approximately 65% (n= 22) were receiving some type of state or federal financial assistance (e.g. Medicaid, food assistance or unemployment). Qualitative parent interviews Trained members of the research team conducted semi- structured interviews with parents. The interviews involved primary questions, and more specificfollow- up questions aimed to generate an in-depth understand- ing of parents’experiences (Miles & Huberman 1994). Parents were asked about their family of origin, percep- tions of their parenting strengths and challenges, their past experiences and expectations for a parenting group. It is important to note that no specific questions were asked about gender or gender role attitudes. Instead, themes related to the intersection of parenting and gender narratives were extracted from broader responses. Each interview was audio-recorded then transcribed. Following the transcription, the team member who conducted the interview verified the transcription by listening to the recording while reading the typed interview, and correcting any inaccuracies in the transcription. Parenting measure Parenting Practices Interview The Parenting Practices Interview (PPI) is a 73 item self-report assessment of parenting practices (Webster- Stratton et al. 2001). The measure has six subscales including: (i)Appropriate Discipline(12 items including the use of time out and taking away privileges; α=0.82); (ii)Clear Expectations(6 items including setting clear rules and enforcing chores;α= 0.60); (iii) Positive Verbal Discipline(9 items including discussing the problem and praising positive behaviour;α=0.70); (iv)Physical Punishment(6 items including spanking and hitting;α=0.88); (v)Praise and Incentives(11 items assessing the use of compliments and privileges; α= 0.75); and (vi)Harsh and Inconsistent Discipline(15 items assessing raising one’s voice and threatening; α= 0.84; Webster-Stratton et al. 2001). The measure has demonstrated adequate reliability when used with diverse samples (α=0.66–0.82; Webster-Stratton et al. 2001). Data analyses Qualitative analyses began inductively by reading each transcript from beginning to end to determine the Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 11 53 theoretical drive for the study. In this step, preliminary themes related to parenting and gender were derived. After this initial inductive process, we then triangulated our preliminaryfindings by conductingt-tests to deter- mine whether there were significant differences in parenting practices based on gender. Next, a directed qualitative content analysis was conducted (Hsieh & Shannon 2005). This part of the process was primarily deductive as we applied a feminist family therapy lens to our review of the data after conducting initial inductive analyses and testing our assumptions through quantitative analyses (Hsieh & Shannon 2005; Kondracki et al. 2002). As a result, we progressed with the assumption that parents’gender narratives informed parenting practices and beliefs, and a coding guide was created to help us look for gendered themes about parents and children as we coded. When team members differed on a code, we discussed our views and further refined the code definition. A description of thefinal themes, subthemes and properties can be found in Table 1. Four transcripts were coded collectively by the research team—two at the beginning and two end of the coding process to help ensure coding dependability. In addition, two or more researchers coded each inter- view to help ensure inter-coder reliability (Kondracki et al. 2002). Each week, the research team met to review and revise the coding scheme. Data excerpts areprovided to allow readers to draw conclusions (Rosenblatt 1981). Additionally, data triangulation was used as we drew from multiple sources including the semi-structured interviews and quantitative measures (Gehart et al. 2001; Hammersley & Atkinson 2007; Lapan et al. 2012). Each of these efforts was made to help increase trustworthiness of thefindings. Reflexivity is the process through which researchers explore their prejudices and biases (Jones & Watt 2010) and is another way of enhancing trustworthiness through transparency (Lapan et al. 2012). The members of this research team are female therapists, and we recognize this influences our understanding and writing about gender and family processes. As part of our weekly meetings, we discussed how our roles as females and therapists may influence data analyses and interpretation. At one point, we considered bringing in a male team member to provide a possible alternative viewpoint on gender narratives, but ultimately decided this paralleled the process we saw reflected in data analyses—a perceived need for male oversight. Thus, we made a joint decision to continue without a male coder. We also made efforts to recognize the impact our position as therapists had on data analyses. There- fore,findings of this study were also compared to our own professional experiences and existing literature as described in the clinical qualitative research process (Lapan et al. 2012). Ta b l e 1Themes, subthemes and properties of qualitativefindings Themes Subtheme properties I. Gender Narratives About ParentsI.A. Fathers are providers or protectorsI.A.1. Being a good father means protecting one’sfamily I.A.2. Being a good father means providingfinancially for one’sfamily I.B. Fathers absent from parentingI.B.1. Mothersfill the role of absent fathers 1.B.2. Fathers may lack cultural or family of origin models of father involvement I.C. Hard to talk to moms I.C.1. Mothers perceived as difficult to talk to for co-parents and their children I.C.2. Mothers seen as unapproachable on topics such as sex or puberty II. Gender Narratives About ChildrenII.A. Girls need to be monitoredII.A.1 Girls make poor choices regarding dating and sex II.A.2. Need for more intensive consequences and supervision for girls II.B. Boys need independence II.B.1. Boys have a need to explore II.B.2. Misbehaviour is normal for boys II.C. Girls need a role model II.C.1. Girls need a model for future romantic relationships from fathers II.C.2. Girls relationship with her mother may be protective II.D. Fathers have trouble disciplining daughtersII.D.1. Fathers struggle to understand how to discipline daughters II.D.2. Fathers have trouble following through with discipline for daughters Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 115 4 RESULTS This study sought to explore the intersections of gender role attitudes and parenting beliefs and practices among parents involved in the CWS. Following the initial qualitative inductive process, we triangulated the preliminaryfindings by conductingt-tests to determine whether or not there were significant differences based on the gender of the parent and child on the PPI subscales. Results indicated fathers reported higher levels ofAppropriate Discipline(M = 62.25, SD = 12.93) compared to mothers (M = 52.25, SD = 10.60;t(33) =2.56,p= 0.01); however, no other differences between fathers and mothers reached statistical significance. Testing whether parenting practices differed by child gender,findings suggested parents provided higher levels ofClear Expectationswith girls (M = 26.32, SD = 5.04) compared to boys (M = 22.40, SD = 4.70;t (33) = 2.49,p= 0.02) as well as higher levels ofHarsh and Inconsistent Disciplinewith girls (M = 50.17, SD = 13.82) compared to boys (M = 41.82, SD = 11.60;t(33) = 2.03,p=0.05). Subsequent qualitative results suggested that parents had multiple gender narratives surrounding themselves as parents and their children. Our coding process allowed responses to fall under more than one category and inclusion in one category did not exclude responses from also being coded in another category. Parents’responses included narratives regarding their own gender and/or the opposite gender. Parents’narratives were complex and often contradictory. For example, some parents noted a need to be strict with daughters while also citing reluctance to discipline females. Resultant themes included narratives about fathers as providers, fathers’ absence from parenting and mothers as difficult to talk to; themes specific to children included beliefs about how girls need monitoring, boys need indepen- dence, girls need role models and challenges in disciplining daughters. GENDER NARRATIVES ABOUT PARENTS Parents shared several ways in which their beliefs about gender influenced their roles as parents. Responses included participants’beliefs about themselves and their roles as parents and their beliefs about their partners or co-parents. Parents often noted that these gender narra- tives came from how they were parented, how they were influenced by society or gender norms of their community.Fathers are providers or protectors Participants frequently commented on the role of fathers as family protectors and providers. One father described how his father served as a poor protector of him as a child: “So, it’s just like I told my father, a woman doesn’t carry a bloodline, she nurtures it. The man carries the bloodline. How could you have allowed your bloodline to get away from you? Like as a man, how can you? These are natural things that your instinct is supposed to tell you that this is what you’re supposed to protect.” For this participant, despite his own father’sabsence, he perceived that being a“good father”meant protecting his family and he was determined to change family of origin patterns to meet this expectation. Other participants remarked on the importance of fathers pro- viding for their families. As an example, one father stated: “I want to be able to provide more. That’s a real thing for me…I mean at the end of the day, for me, you under- stand, if I have not worked to the certain amount of satisfaction, certain amount of exoneration, and being to apply it, as a man…it makes you complete. I don’t know how to be a good woman, you understand, but I know as a man it makes you complete. And, you see right now, I’mkindofdeficient because I don’thavea job. If I had a job, I’d make it work. So at the end of the week, or the end of two weeks, you know, I’dhave something to show.” Ultimately the narrative of fathers as providers left some participants inspired to reach towards what they saw as an ideal father and for others it left them feeling deficient as men and parents. Fathers absent from parenting Parents discussed the difficulties faced because of fathers’lack of involvement. Mothers in the sample often described challenges encountered because of a lack of father involvement. As one participant shared: “Being a single mom is hard. It’s hard dealing with fathers if they not trying to necessarily be there, you know. I just feel like they need to spend more time with their kids because I have to deal with that stress and I have to constantly explain to my children why dad did this or why he didn’t come. And you know they have feelings and I have to deal with that.” Agreeing with the challenges noted by mothers, one father commented,“My momma, she did her best, but it’s like Tupac said,‘It’s hell for a woman to try to raise aman.’Especially not on her own, you know.” Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 11 55 Another father shared how his father was the excep- tion to this gender norm and he planned to be as well, “[I’m] similar in just showing her the love my father showed me…’Cause, regardless I know he loved me, you know, and he stepped up and he was a man’cause a lot of guys don’tdothat.”For this parent, his family of origin experiences influenced his decision to play an active role as a father. Another father described how he was different from other black fathers: “Most black fathers, you got to force them to be in their children’s life. Man, they’gotta force me out of my children’slife.YouknowwhatI’m saying? That’s what we see now, they have to force me out.” Again, this father described a desire to be different from the gender narrative he understood from society and his community. Hard to talk to moms (as co-parent and child) Women in this study were often described by partici- pants as difficult to talk to. One father described to a female interviewer: “There’s women, when they get set in their ways, they’re set in their ways, that’sit.There’s no changing it. There is no changing. I’ve seen that. From being raised by a woman and from being with a woman for almost seven years. When y’all make y’all’smindup… ‘no’to y’all means‘no.’” Other participants described challenges talking to their own mothers when they were children. Most com- monly, parents described how it was difficult to talk to mothers about sex or puberty as a child. One mother stated,“Sometimes when it came to personal things, like boys or sex, or just you know, stuff like that, you know stuff that you can’ttellyourmom.”Overall women were described by both male and female participants as difficult to communicate with. Gender narratives about children Parents also described how their beliefs about gender influenced their parenting practices. They discussed how gender impacted their decisions to discipline, the needs of their child, and parents’struggles with chil- dren based on gender. In large part, these categories focused specifically on daughters and the cautions parents needed to take to protect female children. Again, for many parents these beliefs were related to practices from their family of origin, their own parent- ing experiences, or conventional stereotypes in raising sons or daughters.Girls need to be monitored Fathers frequently remarked on the increased risks for daughters and relatedly their need for additional moni- toring and guidance. One father commented about the need for additional intervention with daughters over sons during their teenage years: “Just when it gets [to their] teenage years you got to keep your guard, especially with a girl. You gotta’keep your guard more with dating wise and stuff. But with boys it’s more easier than girls’cause with girls you ’gotta watch out and you have to make choices for them ’cause you know they can make bad choices. Even though boys do too though, but boys is boys.” Similarly, another father commented on challenges of raising teenage girls. He reported,“When they get in the, in the age of thirteen and fourteen, you gotta’ tighten down on’em then. Can’tlet’em run the streets. Gotta’lot of young girls’runnin the streets now.”For these fathers, fear of daughters’perceived poor choices, particularly regarding dating, led them to feel the need for more intensive consequences, supervision and less freedom in decision making. Boys need independence Conversely, parents also noted the need for increased independence for boys. One parent expressed how she was able to justify her son’sfighting because he was a boy. She stated,“But one of my struggles is trying to keep reminding myself that boys will be boys and they are just going to do that.”Another parent commented on gendered parenting advice from a friend: “Someone had to tell me,‘He’s a little boy. Boys are more mischievous than girls.’So I kind of had to under- stand, ok, well I have a little boy he’s going to be curious…Girls pretty much, if you’ve ever noticed, girls tend to follow along with their mom and dad and kind of sit with them, and boys like to get up and look at every- thing, see what’s going on, more so than little girls.” Overall, parents described how it was natural for boys to explore and have a need to for independence and mischief. Additionally, they noted how it was important for parents to allow or foster this independence. Girls need a role model Both mothers and fathers commented on the need for daughters to have a positive role model. Interestingly this was often in regard to being a model for future romantic relationships with men. One father Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 115 6 commented on the role he hoped to play in his daugh- ters’future relationship success: “I just want them to know that that it’snotokayto have guys yell at them or anything. I don’twanttoset that example. So when they go through life they’llfind somebody and they won’t be treated in that kind of way. So that’s my main concern and goal.” Similarly, mothers reported the need to be a positive influence on their daughters in order to promote healthy future relationships. One mother commented,“And she get her love from her mom. She don’t have to worry about no man touching her, saying he love her, and will love you my whole life bull crap.”Overall, parents noted fear for the future men in their daughters’lives and their desire to protect them by modelling healthy relationships. Fathers have trouble disciplining daughters While parents expressed the importance of increased monitoring and role models for daughters, they also remarked on how fathers disciplining daughters could be a challenging aspect of parenthood. One father noted how, in effort to be different from the abuse he experi- enced in his family of origin, he struggled tofind a way to discipline his daughter: “I mean, different–definitely no abuse. You know, and she’sagirlIcouldn’t even think about you know, like, even disciplining her. That’sgonna’beaverydiffi- cult…disciplining her. What am I supposed to do?‘No baby, don’tdothat.’That’s not gonna’work for too long at all, you know?” Another mother described her struggles watching her children’s father follow through with discipline with her daughter. She described,“He always says I’mnot gonna’let’em do this and I’m not gonna ’let’em do that, but he’s a pushover too. He really is, especially with his little girl. Yeah, he’s putty in her hands.” Despite noting the importance of discipline for daugh- ters, parents noted some concern for fathers’ability to follow through. DISCUSSION The societal gender binary sets rules and expectations individuals use to form their own identities (Few-Demo et al. 2014; Wiseman & Davidson 2012), and these gender role norms and attitudes may have an important influence on family relationships (Knudson-Martin & Mahoney 1999; Toomey et al. 2015). Rather than unintentionally reinforcing these unexamined familypatterns, it is important for clinicians to identify and discuss a family’s gendered processes. Using a feminist family therapy perspective, this study sought to contrib- ute to our understanding of parents’gender role attitudes and address a key gap in the literature by including the voices of a diverse sample of mothers and fathers referred for clinical intervention. Consistent with existing literature (e.g. Albritton et al. 2014), parents frequently noted the importance of fathers fulfilling a provider and protector role. In lower socioeconomic status families, however, the expectation for fathers to providefinancially may be harder to fulfill. Feelings of shame and guilt were a pervasive theme when fathers were not able to providefinancially for their children. Identities were tied, in part, to a societal expectation that fathers should create afinancially stable family environment. When not achieved, fathers may feel powerless. Additionally, fathers who experience intersectionalities of oppression may feel even more powerless (Dyson et al. 2008). Fathers noted their desire to differ from perceived gender stereotypes by playing a more active parenting role. This, however, may be challenging for fathers who might not have a role model from their family of origin or community to rely on. In such cases, they may feel ambiguity about their role as parents. This ambiguity, in turn, could be inadvertently reinforced systemically. Finally, a societal expectation that men should not express emotion because it may be perceived as weak or not masculine may be a key element related to this ambiguity (O’Brien 1988). This relates to fathers identifying as providers and protectors, and that as the protector of the family one must remain strong and not express vulnerability. Ambiguity can be further heightened specifically for fathers involved in the CWS who are often discounted or overlooked by current child welfare policy and prac- tice (Brown et al. 2009). In fact, Strega et al. (2008) found that among a random sample of child protection casefiles, nearly 50% of fathers were described as‘irrel- evant’to mothers and children (p. 710). The authors concluded,“Children, mothers, and fathers suffer when workers fail to engage purposefully with fathers and father-figures”(p. 713). A lack of clarity about what involved fathering looks like, coupled with engagement in a CWS context that may not highlight the importance of fathers, may result in fathers feeling further disenfranchised. Parents also reflected difficulty communicating with mothers. Previous literature on couples’communica- tion found women tend to exhibit more criticism or demanding behaviours in communication with partners Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 11 57 than men (Gabriel et al. 2010; Heavey et al. 1993). This could relate to beliefs that mothers were difficult to talk to, as mothers may be more likely to acknowledge problems within the family system. As such, mothers may be more likely to be perceived as“difficult”when they take on problem solving or other more assertive roles within the family. Again, this idea of a“difficult” mother could be reinforced by the CWS, where gender bias has historically placed blame for child welfare involvement on mothers (Risley-Curtiss & Heffernan 2003). This focused blame provides an alternate context for understanding descriptions of mothers as difficult and demanding. Indeed, sole accountability for a family system is a tremendous responsibility to bear. Overall, although there were more female participants than male, participants discussed the intersections of gender and mothering less than they discussed gender and fathering. It is possible that the lack of discussion about the gendered role of mothers could relate to female participants perceiving that we, as female researchers, already had an understanding of women and expectations tied to the mother role. Alternatively, this lack of discussion could also relate to perceptions of the all-encompassing role of mothers. Unlike societal norms associated with specific roles as fathers (e.g. financially providing; discipline), it reflects a norm that mothers are expected to do it all. Silverstein (1996) describes that while men may elect to take on a nurtur- ing role as fathers, feminine gender roles now require mothers to be involved with their children as both nurturers and providers. Participants also described parenting beliefs and practices based on child gender. Overall, parents reported having higher expectations for daughters than sons and described daughters as needing consistent guidance and monitoring. This was particularly salient in descriptions of the father–daughter relationship. Specifically, fathers described how daughters need to be monitored more than sons. This belief may coincide with the idea that fathers need to be the protector (Albritton et al. 2014). Interestingly, however, research suggests fathers spend less time with daughters than sons (Yeung et al. 2001). Alternatively, parents described the need for foster- ing independence of male children. Existing research demonstrates that among African–American children, later-born sons reported fewer household responsibili- ties and less monitoring than later-born girls (Mandara et al. 2010); however, little is known about differences in parenting practices with sons and daughters involved in the CWS. Despite the described need for more strictparenting practices for daughters, parents also noted that disciplining daughters was a particularly difficult parenting task for fathers. Again, this challenge may reflect ambiguity within the fathering role. Interestingly, participants noted similar gender expectations of girls to those roles associated with motherhood. In essence, protecting girls and having high expectations of them helps socialize them as mothers (Walters 1988). Additionally, beliefs that girls need monitoring and protection reinforce the‘fathers serve as protectors’role. These gendered beliefs and practices can be interdependent, and parental expecta- tions for daughters and sons may translate into their future roles as mothers and fathers. For example, it is possible the high expectations, monitoring, and guid- ance of daughters may influence their roles as commu- nicators and problem solvers as parents later on. Conversely, promoting independence of sons, which was often described as a lack of monitoring or interfer- ence, may contribute to later experiences of ambiguity as fathers. LIMITATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH It is important to note that no specific questions were asked about gender role attitudes during the interviews, which speaks both to the strength of the gendered themes across participants as well as implications for future research. As gender narratives were so com- monly expressed, it is important for researchers to ask specifically about the intersections of gender narratives and parenting; doing so may elicit more targeted re- sponses that could be used to inform intervention. In addition, although qualitative saturation was reached, the lack of statistical significance of some of the quan- titative triangulation data may be a reflection of low power rather than insignificance. Recruiting larger samples may expand what can be learned. Further, this study relied on parental self-report. As parenting is systemic, however, future research should include the perspectives of both parents and children. Further- more, participants were not asked to identity their sex- ual orientation or gender identity. Future research should be more inclusive of participant identities. Finally, although efforts were made to recognize possi- ble researcher influence on data analyses, researchers of different genders and professions could interpret the data differently. Despite these limitations,findings point to the importance of gender narratives in parenting. Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 115 8 CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS The stress associated with being a parent involved with the CWS can often be overwhelming. Among this sample, there are opportunities to clinically challenge and reexamine beliefs about fathers’and mothers’ responsibilities. Being a good father is not synonymous with being thefinancial provider. Being a good mother does not mean trying to do it all alone. Shifts in roles, however, require shifts in the family system. Clinicians can support parents in exploring and testing alternate roles while also acknowledging contextual societal pressures encouraging otherwise. Applying a feminist family therapy lens when working with at-risk parents is one way to examine power and encourage equality amongst relationships (Knudson-Martin & Mahoney 1999). Gender aware therapy can offer clients influence over norms by questioning traditional gender role expecta- tions (e.g. fathersfinancially provide for families, mothers bear overall responsibility for the family system), and offer clients alternate and perhaps unknown options because of gender role constraints (Good et al. 1990). By making these dynamics overt, clients then have the option to intentionally choose roles and feel empowered in that choice. Additionally, a recent review on father involvement in CWS acknowl- edges that a common theme in engaging fathers is to make them feel welcomed (not excluded) and just as important of a parent as the mother (Maxwell et al. 2012), especially when they are commonly labelled as “absent”or not responsible. Specific to mothers, Carolan et al. (2010) highlighted the need to support and empower mothers involved with CWS. In working with this population, clinicians should be mindful of their own biases and work to create a new dynamic, away from an experience of blaming that parents may feel through their involvement with the CWS (Risley-Curtiss & Heffernan 2003). As thera- pists, we can gain an understanding of parents’family of origin and how this may influence their beliefs about themselves as parents and their parenting practices with sons and daughters. Discussing ways in which parents’views are similar to or different from their own families of origin may help promote greater insight. 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(2001). Children’s time with fathers in intact families.Journal of Marriage and Family,63, 136-154. Parent gender narrativesJE Montgomeryet al. Child and Family Social Work 2017, 22, pp 1151–11 60 © 2016 John Wiley & Sons Ltd 116 0 Copyright ofChild &Family SocialWorkisthe property ofWiley- Blackwell anditscontent may notbecopied oremailed tomultiple sitesorposted toalistserv without thecopyright holder’s expresswrittenpermission. However,usersmayprint, download, oremail articles for individual use.
Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra
Cent Eur J Nurs Midw 2018;9( 2):840 –847 doi : 10.15452/CEJNM.2018.09.001 3 © 2018 Central European Journal of Nursing and Midwifery 840 ORIGINAL PAPER THE EFFECTIVENESS OF A GENDER EQUALITY COURSE IN CHANGING UNDERGRADUATE MIDWIFERY STUDENTS’ ATTITUDES TOWARDS DOMESTIC VIOLENCE AND GENDER ROLES Emel Bahadir Yilmaz Department of Midwifery, Health Sciences Faculty, Giresun University, Piraziz, Giresun, Turkey Received September 18, 201 7; Accepted March 17, 201 8. Copyright: This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution International License (CC BY). Abstract Aim: The aim of the study is to evaluate the effectiveness of a gender equality course in changing undergraduate midwifery students’ attitudes towards domestic violence and gender roles. Design: A one -group before -after quasi -experimental design was used. Methods: First -year undergraduate midwifery s tudents (n = 64) were pre – tested and post – tested for their attitude to domestic violence and gender roles using “The Attitudes Towards Domestic Violence Scale”, and “The Gender Roles Attitudes Scale”. Data were collected from a health science faculty in Giresun, Turkey. The pre – and post -test results were compared using a paired samples t -test. Results: While the mean score of the attitudes towards domestic violence was 55.23 ± 5.84 before the gender equality course, it increased to 57.71 ± 5.07 after the course. The increase in scores was statistically significant (p < 0.001). For attitudes to gender roles, the mean total score increase d from 154.65 ± 14.16 to 164.72 ± 13.65 after the course (p < 0.001). Conclusion: The gender equality course helped stude nts develop more positive attitudes towards domestic violence and gender roles. We achieved the aim of the study. We recommend that gender equality courses be integrated into the midwifery curriculum. Keywords : domestic v iolence, gender e quality, gender r oles , midwifery students . Introduction The pregnancy and postpartum period are associated both with the initiation of violence within a relationship, or with an increase in the severity or frequency of domestic violence (DV) ( Marchant et al., 2001 ). However, these periods provide many potential opportunities for midwives to identify and help women experiencing DV (Bacchus et al., 2004; Stenson, Sidenvall , Heimer, 2005; McLachlan et al., 2011). Therefore, midwives are crucial in identifying affected women, in providing appropriate care and support (Hindin, 2006; Lauti, Miller, 2008). Sensitivity to DV should also be developed in all midwives, and they should be provided with adequate knowledge and skills ( Prime Ministry Directorate General on the Status of Women , 2008 a). DV has negative effects on sexual and reproductive health, as well as on the physical and ment al health of women. Some of the effects related to sexual and reproductive health include gynaecological disorders, Corresponding author: Emel Ba hadir Yilmaz, Department of Midwifery, Health Sciences Faculty, Giresun University , Erenler Street and No: 25, Giresun , Turkey ; e -mail: [email protected] trauma, unintended and unwanted pregnancy, abortion, HIV and other sexually transmitted infections, maternal mortality, miscarriage, stillbirth, and babies born with low birth weight ( World Health Organ ization, 2012; International Confederation of Midwives, 2014 ). Midwives also play a crucial role in identifying and managing DV due to women’s frequent contact with them. However, they have difficulties in recognising DV because of a limited knowledge of t he most common signs and symptoms of violence, lack of training, education, and confidence, time constraints, safety issues, sta ff shortages, cultural taboos, unwillingness of victims to disclose abuse, lack of privacy for screening, and midwives’ personal experiences of DV (Mezey et al., 2003; McCosker -Howard et al., 2005; Lazenbatt, Taylor, Cree, 2009; Finnbogad óttir, Dykes, 2012; Mauri et al., 2015; Pitter, 2016 ). A number of studies have been conducted on undergraduate students receiving education in the health field. Kaynar -Tunçel, Dündar, Peşken (2007) pointed out that while a significant number of nursing and midwifery students had positive attitudes, as many as half were undecided on the appropriateness of questioning women about whether they were being Bahadir Yilmaz E. Cent Eur J Nurs Midw 2018;9(2):840 –847 © 2018 Central European Journal of Nursing and Midwifery 841 exposed to violence. According to Kaplan et al. (2014) and Tufan -Kocak, Türkkan, Seren (2014), the attitudes of nursing students towards DV were negative, and t hey had adopted traditional gender roles. According to some studies, nursing and midwifery students also lacked confidence in recognizing and responding to abuse (Bradbury – Jones, Broadhurst, 2015 ), were ill -prepared to deal with domestic violence in clini cal practice (Beccaria et al., 2013), and had not received sufficient training, practical skills, and classroom knowledge to effectively manage abuse against women ( Majumdar, 2004) . Some studies have indicated that attitudes to gender roles of healthcare students are in line with traditional views, with adverse effects on attitudes towards DV (Kanbay et al., 2012; Kaplan e t al., 2014; Karabulutlu, 2015). Ben Natan et al. (2016) found that normative beliefs, subjective norms, and behavioural beliefs affecte d nursing students’ inclinations to screen women for DV (24). Coleman and Stith’s (1997) study measured nursing students’ attitudes towards victims of DV. They found that students with more egalitarian beliefs regarding gender roles were more sympathetic t o victims of abuse than those with more traditional attitudes to gender roles. There is no evidence regarding the effectiveness of midwifery students’ training in attitudes towards gender roles and DV. However, there is some evidence regarding the effectiveness of midwives’ training in DV. Jayatilleke et al. (2015) conducted a training program for public health midwives. The training program significantly improved midwives’ practices, perceived responsibility, and self -confidence in identifying and assisting DV sufferers. Berman, Barlow, Koziol -McLain (2005) interviewed midwives who had participated in the Family violence prevention education programme in the Auckland region, 2002. Most spoke of their increased motivation and emphasized the importance of knowledge in encouraging changes in attitudes. Midwives who have positive attitudes towards DV report greater understanding of DV, rec ognize signs of DV, ask women what would be helpful for them, and support those who have been abused ( Protheroe, Green, Spiby, 2004; Baird et al., 2017). Thus, training in DV is very important, and is associated with gender roles, since midwives with egali tarian attitudes towards gender roles are more likely to have positive attitudes towards DV. Undergraduate education is also a critical time for developing attitudes towards DV and attitudes to gender roles necessary to identify, prevent, and manage DV, a nd to create support for victims of violence ( Beccaria et al., 2 013 ). Hence, this study evaluated the effectiveness of a gender equality course on the attitudes of undergraduate midwifery students towards DV and gender roles. The research question was as f ollows: What is the impact of a gender equa lity course on the attitudes of undergraduate midwifery students towards DV and gender roles? Aim The aim of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of a gender equality course in changing the attitudes of undergraduate midwifery students towards DV and gender roles. Objectives: 1. To evaluate the effectiveness of a gender equality course in changing attitudes of undergraduate midwifery students towards DV. 2. To evaluate the effectiveness of a gender equality cou rse in changing the attitudes of undergraduate midwifery students towards gender roles. Methods Design A one -group before -after quasi -experimental design was used to evaluate the effectiveness of a gender equality course in changing attitudes of undergraduate midwifery students towards DV and gender roles. Sample Convenience sampling was used. All the participants were enrolled in the first -year of a Bachelor of Midwifery Degree at the University of Giresun in the academic year 2015 –2016. 64 students who participated in the gender equality course in the fall semester were eligible to participate in the study. Students were given the option of participa ting and assured that their participation was voluntary. The inclusion criteria for the study included: 1) taking the gender equality course, 2) voluntary participation, and 3) competence in understanding and speaking Turkish. The criteria for exclusion fr om the study were: 1) Non -participation in two or more sessions, and 2) lack of competence in understanding or speaking Turkish. Two students did not have sufficient competence in Turkish, and six students who did not participate in two or more courses wer e excluded from the study. A f low diagram of the phases of the study is shown in Figure 1. 64 students who participated in the gender equality course in the fall semester were eligible to participate in the study. Bahadir Yilmaz E. Cent Eur J Nurs Midw 2018;9(2):840 –847 © 2018 Central European Journal of Nursing and Midwifery 842 Figure 1 The flow diagram of the study All were female, and their average age was 18.34 ± 0.80. Data collection The study was conducted between September 2015 and January 2016. During the study, the data were collected at two different time points. Before the co urse started, measurements from the ATDV and GRA scales were taken by a researcher, and the second measurements were collected one week after the course had finished. Official written permission was received from the school management before the study comm enced. Students were then informed about the study, and data collection forms were distributed to the students who had voluntarily agreed to participate in the study, during classes. The completion of the data collection forms took about 15 –20 minutes. Th e data was collected with the “Demographic Information Form (DIF)”, “The Attitudes Towards Domestic Violence Scale (ATDV)”, and “The Gender Roles Attitudes Scale (GRA)”. The DIF included demographic information about the students such as age, family struct ure, number of siblings, area they lived in, socio -economic status, parents’ educational status, and parents’ professions. The ATDV Scale was developed by Şahin, Dişsiz (2009). The ATDV Scale, which consists of 13 items, and assesses interiorized labelling, has four subscales: “The N ormalization of Violence”, “The Generalization of Violence”, “The Causality of Violence”, an d “The Hiding of Violence”. The items of the Lik ert scale are rated as “absolutely disagree” (1 point), “disagree” (2 points), “undecided” (3 points), “agree” (4 points), and “completely agree” (5 points). The highest possible All first year midwifery students (n = 72) were selected The Gender Equality Course that consisted of 12 sessions and each session lasted two hours 8 students were excluded (2 students did not understand or speak Turkish well , and 6 students did not participate in at least two sessions) Filled out the ATDV and the GRAS Filled out the ATDV and the GRAS (n = 64) Analysis Bahadir Yilmaz E. Cent Eur J Nurs Midw 2018;9(2):840 –847 © 2018 Central European Journal of Nursing and Midwifery 843 score from the scale was 65, and the lowest was 13 . Higher scores indicated that attitudes towards domestic violence were positive. The instrument’s total Cronbach alpha internal consistency coefficient was found to be 0.72. For this study, the Cronbach alpha internal consistency coefficient was found to be 0.75. The GRA was deve loped by Zeyneloğlu and Terzioğlu (2011). The GRA Scale, which consists of 38 items, and assesses interiorized labelling, has five subscales: “Egalitarian Gender Role”, “Female Gender Role ”, “Marriage Gender Role”, “Traditional Gender Role”, and “Male Gend er Role”. The egalitarian attitude items of the Likert scale are rated as “absolutely dis agree” (1 point), “disagree” (2 points), “undecided” (3 points), “agree” (4 points) and “completely agree” (5 points). The traditional attitudes items of the Scale are rated inversely. The highest possible score from the scale was 190, and the lowest was 38 . Higher scores from the scale indicated that the students had more egalitarian attitudes towards gender roles. The instrument’s total Cronbach alpha internal consist ency coefficient was found to be 0.92. For this study, the Cronbach alpha internal consistency coefficient was found to be 0.86. Gender Equality Course The gender equality course consisted of two parts. The first part, which related to gender roles, was structured based on the related literature (World Health Organization, 2006; Prime Ministry Directorate General on the Status of Women , 2008 b; World Healt h Organization, 2009; Ecevit et al., 2011; Dökmen, 2016). The second part related to DV was structured based on the related literature also (Berman, Barlow, Koziol -McLain, 2005; Jayatilleke et al., 2015; Crombie, Hooker, Reisenhofer, 2016 ). The course was desig ned to improve the attitudes of undergraduate midwifery students towards domestic violence and gender roles. A summary of the course content is shown in Table 1. Table 1 The topics of the gender equality course Sessions Topics First session Preparatory Second session Gender, gender role and related theories Third session Women in politics Fourth session Gender inequality in education Fifth s ession Women’s rights in laws Sixth session Women in cultural context Seventh session Women in media Eighth s ession Women and religion Nineth s ession Definition, causes and types of DV Tenth s ession Effects of DV on women’s physical and mental helath Eleventh session Relationship between gender role and DV Twelfth s ession Closing The course spanned ten sessions, and each session lasted two hours . The course was delivered by a researcher, assistant professor in Midwifery Department of Health Science Faculty at the University of Giresun, a RN with advanced education in psychiatric nursing, with a PhD in domestic violence. Using case reports and making visual presentations, the re searcher discussed how to define the signs of domestic violence, and improved their awareness and level of knowledge. The researcher debated on the agenda related to DV and gender equality. The students were allowed to share their sexist experiences. Durin g the course, the researcher gave the students written notes about each of the session’s content. Data analysis The Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS, Chicago, IL) for Windows version 16.0 was used for data entry and analysis . In this researc h, the gender equality course was the independent variable, and the ATDV and GRA were dependent variables. The midwifery students’ demographic variables were evaluated using perce ntage distribution and mean. As the data showed a normal distribution, the re sults of the pre – and p ost -tests were compared using a paired samples t -test. The significance level of the statistical tests was set to 0.05 (p < 0.05). Results The sample character istics are shown in Table 2. Of the 64 s tudents that commenced the study, 75.0% came from a nuclear family structure, 42.2% Bahadir Yilmaz E. Cent Eur J Nurs Midw 2018;9(2):840 –847 © 2018 Central European Journal of Nursing and Midwifery 844 previously lived in a town, and 37.5% previously lived in the country. 82.8% of the students perceived their socio -economic status as moderate. Only 14 (21.9%) of the students’ mothers worked outside the home, and 20.3% of them had graduated from high school or university. Nearly a third of students’ fathers (35.9%) had graduated from high school or univers ity, and most (82.8%) were in work. As indicated in Table 3, the mean ATDV total score of students was 55.23 ± 5.84 before the gender equality course. It increased to 57.71 ± 5.07 one week after the final session. The increase in the scores was statistical ly significant (t = -4.829, p = 0.000). There were statistically significant increases in ATDV subscale mean scores one week after the last session (t = -5.116, p = 0.000 for normalization of violence; t = -2.708, p = 0.009 for causality of violence; t = -2.797, p = 0.007 for hiding of violence). However, there was no statistically significant increase in generalization of violence subscale mean scores one week after the final session (t = -1.785, p = 0.079). Table 2 Sample characteristics (n = 64) Demograp hic information n % Family structure nuclear 48 75.0 extended 14 21.9 divorced 2 3.1 Place of living country 24 37.5 town 27 42.2 village 13 20.3 Socio -economic status high 9 14.1 moderate 53 82.8 low 2 3.1 Mother’s educational level illiterate 5 7.8 < high school 46 71.9 ≥ high school 13 20.3 Mother’s working status working 14 21.9 not working 50 78.1 Father’s educational level < high school 41 64.1 ≥ high school 23 35.9 Father’s working status working 53 82.8 not working 11 17.2 Table 3 Distribution of students’ ATDV subscale mean scores according to pre – and post -test measures (n = 64) Pretest X ± SD Posttest X ± SD t value p value Normalization of violence 21.50 ± 2.5 23.07 ± 2.1 -5.116 < 0.001 Generalization of v iolence 13.74 ± 1.5 14.18 ± 1.1 -1.785 0.079 Causality of v iolence 11.22 ± 1.7 11.81 ± 1.7 -2.708 0.009 Hiding of v iolence 8.05 ± 1.8 8.59 ± 1.8 -2.797 0.007 Total score 55.23 ± 5.8 57.71 ± 5.0 -4.829 < 0.001 X – arithmetic mean; SD – standard deviation Table 4 shows the students’ GRA scores across the subscales. The students’ mean “eqalitarian gender role”, “female gender role”, “marriage gender role”, “traditional gender role”, and “male gender role” subscale scores increased significantly one week after the final session compared to the scores before the course (egalitarian gender role t = -4.123, p = 0.000; female gender role t = -5.400, p = 0.000; marriage gender role t = -2.733, p = 0.008; traditional gender role t = -5.440, p = 0.000; male gender role t = -4.177, p = 0.000). In the GRA, the mean total score before th e course was 154.65 ± 14.16. It increased significantly to 164.72 ± 13.65 one week after the final session (t = -6.633, p = 0.000). Table 4 Distribution of students’ GRA subscale mean scores according to pre – and post -test measures (n = 64) Pretest X ± SD Posttest X ± SD t value p value Egalitarian g ender role 35.86 ± 4.4 37.88 ± 2.4 -4.123 < 0.001 Female g ender role 26.83 ± 4.5 29.30 ± 4.9 -5.400 < 0.001 Marriage gender role 36.63 ± 2.8 37.56 ± 2.2 -2.733 0.008 Traditional gender role 29.45 ± 4.5 32.37 ± 4.3 -5.440 < 0.001 Male gender role 25.41 ± 2.6 27.12 ± 2.6 -4.177 < 0.001 Total score 154.65 ± 14.1 164.72 ± 13.6 -6.633 < 0.001 X – arithmetic mean; SD – standard deviation Bahadir Yilmaz E. Cent Eur J Nurs Midw 2018;9(2):840 –847 © 2018 Central European Journal of Nursing and Midwifery 845 Discussion The higher scores in the ATDV subscales one week after the last session indicated that the gender equality course was helpful in improving attitudes towards DV. This result provides empirical support for the suggestion that the course promotes improvement in attitude s towards DV of the students. Similar results to our study were obtained in another study consisting of 26 midwives, evaluating the impact on midwives of a training programme designed to increase their awareness and understanding of violence against women (Protheroe, Green, Spiby, 2004 ). It was demonstrated that after training, the midwives reported greater understanding of DV, and an increased likelihood of identifying and supporting victims of DV. According to Berman , Barlow, Koziol -McLain (2005), The Ne w Zealand College of Midwives organized a workshop to train midwives in how to integrate screening and referral for family violence into their care. Participants later asserted that the training had been of value to their midwifery practice. They described an increasing sense of confidence in routinely screening their clients, and related strategies for doing this safely. Jayatilleke et al. (2015) reported that a DV training programme for public health midwives improved identification of and assistance for DV victims in Sri Lanka. They also suggested that the training programme had the potential to improve midwives’ skills in preventing DV. A study by McLachlan et al. (2011), which evaluated an educational intervention for midwives in order to identify and support women with psychosocial issues during the postnatal period, revealed different results to our study. In this case, the programme did little to change attitudes to DV. However, the reason for the failure of this educational intervention may be that it did not directly attempt to change knowledge of and attitudes to DV. In another study by Ritchie et al. (2013) it was determined that the training and documentation ha d led to improved assessment of female victims of assault presenting at an emergency department. However, the training alone did not account for the changes. Supporting processes such as a standardized documentation form are required in addition to training. Alongside training, a systematic approach is necessary to promote cha nges in attit udes towards DV in midwives. As illustrated in Table 4, it was determined that students’ mean “egalitarian gender role”, “female gender role”, “marriage gender role”, “traditional gender role” and “male gender role” subscale scores increased significantly after the gender equality cou rse, compared to the scores before the course. These results indicated that the gender equality course contributed to students’ more positive attitudes to gender roles. There were no intervention studies related to gender roles in the literature. Our revie w of the related literature found that the studies aimed either to assess the association between students’ gender roles and undergraduate education, or to determine students’ gender roles. Results of a recent study by Kömürcü et al. (2016) which determine d the attitudes of first and fourth year nursing and midwifery students to gender roles revealed that attitudes regarding male, female, marriage and traditional gender roles of the students did not change during their nursing and midwifery education. Adana et al. (2011) reported that male nursing students had social gender roles which supported violence against women by men, and that nursing education did not affect the social gender roles of the students. In another study, the attitudes to gender roles of first and fourth year nursing and midwifery f emale students were compared. A statistically significant difference was found between the two groups (Atış, Alan, 2010). The results of these studies suggest that undergraduate nursing and midwifery education i s not particularly effective in changing attitudes towards gender roles, and that these students require specialized training regarding gender roles . To transform g ender roles from traditional to equalitarian requires gender equality training. The differe nces in these studies may be due to differences in the nursing and midwifery curriculum. Therefore the curriculum in nursing and midwifery schools should be restructured. A review study by Crombie, Hooker, Reisenhofer (201 7) demonstrated that undergraduate DV education for nursing/midwifery staff and students was inadequate and unsatisfactory. In accordance with these results, DV education should examine gender roles and the effects of traditional gender roles on attitudes towards DV. A study by Jayatilleke et al. ( 2015) emphasized that gender roles were an integral part of DV training programmes. Limitation of study This study had two limitations. Firstly, the design did not include a control group. For this reason, it was not possible to establish causality between the course and the results. Secon d, the follow -up assessments of ATDV and GRA after the course had finished were not measured. Hence, we did not det erminate whether or not the effects of the course were long – term. Bahadir Yilmaz E. Cent Eur J Nurs Midw 2018;9(2):840 –847 © 2018 Central European Journal of Nursing and Midwifery 846 Conclusion The results of our study confirmed that the gender equality course was successful in improving attitudes towards both gender roles and DV. Aspects influencing the effectiveness of gender equality courses include presenting case reports, making visual presentations, discussion of an agenda related to DV and gender equality, and the length of the training (twelve days, twenty four hours). A final factor might be the integration of DV and gender equality. The resul ts of this study suggest that a gender equality course should be integrated into the midwifery curriculum. After gender equality courses are integrated int o the midwifery curriculum, the outcomes of courses should be assessed and shared in scientific environments. Ethical aspects and conflict of interest Ethical issues were taken into consideration during all phases of the study. Written consent was obtained from the Dean of Health Sciences Faculty. The study was conducted according to the ethical guidelines set out in the Declaration of Helsinki. Students were informed regarding the aim and design of the study. They were invited to participate, and v erbal and written consent was received from the st udents. The author has no conflicts of interest to disclose. Acknowledgement We would like to thank the those who participated in this study . References Adana F, Arslantaş H, Ergin F, Biçer N, Kıranşal N, Şahin S. Views of male university students about social gender roles; an example from east of Turkey. Journal of Family Violence . 2011;26(7):519 –526. Atış F, Alan S. 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Development and psychometric properties gender roles attitude scale. Hacettepe University Journal of Education . 2011;40 :409 –420. Copyright ofCentral European JournalofNursing &Midwifery isthe property ofCentral European JournalofNursing &Midwifery anditscontent maynotbecopied oremailed to multiple sitesorposted toalistserv without thecopyright holder’sexpresswrittenpermission. However, usersmayprint, download, oremail articles forindividual use.
Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra
Take it Like a Man: Gender-Threatened Men’s Experience of Gender Role Discrepancy, Emotion Activation, and Pain Tolerance Danielle S. Berke, Dennis E. Reidy, Joshua D. Miller, and Amos Zeichner University of Georgia Theory suggests that men respond to situations in which their gender status is threatened with emotions and behaviors meant to reaffirm manhood. However, the extent to which threats to masculine status impact gender role discrepancy (perceived failure to conform to socially prescribed masculine gender role norms) has yet to be demonstrated empirically. Nor has research established whether gender role discrepancy is itself predictive of engagement in gender-stereotyped behavior following threats to gender status. In the present study, we assessed the effect of threats to masculinity on gender role discrepancy and a unique gender-shaped phenomenon, pain tolerance. Two-hundred twelve undergraduate men were randomly assigned to receive feedback that was either threatening to masculine identity or nonthreat- ening. Over the course of the study, participants also completed measures of gender role discrepancy, emotion activation, and objectively measured pain tolerance. Results indicated that gender threat predicted increased self-perceived gender role discrepancy and elicited aggression, but not anxiety- related cognitions in men. Moreover, gender-threatened men evinced higher pain tolerance than their nonthreatened counterparts. Collectively, these findings provide compelling support for the theory that engagement in stereotyped masculine behavior may serve a socially expressive function intended to quell negative affect and realign men with the status of “manhood.” Keywords:gender role discrepancy, masculinity, pain tolerance Across the multidisciplinary and methodologically diverse psy- chology of men and masculinity literature, a view of manhood as a potentially perilous and socially constructed status stands as a key and unifying assumption of the field (e.g.,Eisler & Skidmore, 1987;Kimmel, 2006;Levant, 1996;O’Neil, 2008;Pleck, 1976, 1981,1995). In its most recent iteration, this theoretical contention is articulated inVandello and Bosson’s (2013)construct ofpre- carious manhood, which comprises three subordinate theoretical assumptions. First, manhood is an achieved, rather than innate status. Second, the achievement of manhood is inherently tempo- rary and can be easily lost or revoked. Third, the socially con- structed nature of manhood means that it is primarily predicated upon public demonstrations of proof (Vandello & Bosson, 2013). Put simply, masculinity can be understood as “hard won and easily lost” (Bosson & Vandello, 2011). Indeed, masculinity in both industrialized and “preindustrial” societies has been observed and described in anthropological research as a “precarious or artificial state that boys must win against powerful odds” (Gilmore, 1990, p.11). Thus, masculinity is thought to produce significant psycho- logical challenges for men across cultures. As such, when any man encounters actual or perceived challenges to masculine status, he may be vulnerable to invoking stereotypical masculine behaviors to maintain a sense of power and control (Moore & Stuart, 2005; Vandello & Bosson, 2013).Several laboratory-based, experimental studies provide empiri- cal support for these assumptions, highlighting aggression in par- ticular as a social behavior through which men may seek to reassert manhood (e.g.,Vandello, Bosson, Cohen, Burnaford, & Weaver, 2008;Weaver, Vandello, Bosson, & Burnaford, 2010). Specifically, laboratory research demonstrates that threats to mas- culinity (i.e., stimuli designed to challenge the status conferred to men by traditional gender roles) elicit aggression-related cogni- tions and actions in men (Weaver et al., 2010) and that men use situational cues to justify their aggressive behavior (for a review seeVandello & Bosson, 2013). Furthermore, in a series of exper- iments, Bosson and colleagues not only demonstrated that chal- lenges to men’s gender status elicited displays of physical aggres- sion, they were also able to establish that a public display of aggressive readiness reduced men’s anxiety-related cognitions in the wake of a gender threat (Bosson, Vandello, Burnaford, Weaver, & Arzu Wasti, 2009). Taken together, research on pre- carious manhood has filled important gaps in the literature by providing empirical evidence that masculine stereotyped behavior may be potentiated by the desire to mitigate negative affect pro- duced by gender threat. Despite laudable advances made by the precarious manhood paradigm in forwarding understanding of fundamental emotional and behavioral components of masculinity, masculine-specific cognitiveprocesses have yet to be fully incorporated into this empirical literature. In other words, how do men process gender- salient events and derive evaluations about their own masculinity? Although gender threat is assumed to adversely affect how men evaluate their manhood, this supposition has not been directly assessed, nor has research established whether the evaluation of oneself as insufficiently masculine is itself predictive of engage- This article was published Online First February 15, 2016. Danielle S. Berke, Dennis E. Reidy, Joshua D. Miller, and Amos Zeichner, Department of Psychology, University of Georgia. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Danielle S. Berke, Department of Psychology, University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30602-3013. E-mail:[email protected] This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Psychology of Men & Masculinity© 2016 American Psychological Association 2017, Vol. 18, No. 1, 62– 691524-9220/17/$12.00 62 ment in gender-stereotyped behavior in direct response to threats to gender status. The assumption that self-evaluative cognitive processes underlie gender-threatened men’s engagement in gender-stereotyped be- havior is compatible with longstanding sociocognitive theory re- garding the effect of incompatible beliefs about the self on emo- tional distress. For example, self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, Klein, Strauman, 1985) posits that incompatibilities arising be- tween theactual self(i.e., the representation of attributes that individuals or perceivers believe an individual possesses) and the ought self, (i.e., the representation of attributes that one believes they should possess) result in either the absence of positive out- comes or the presence of negative outcomes, generating either depression or anxiety/agitation respectively. In terms of incompat- ibilities in masculine self-perception, evidence suggests that boys learn to expect that violations of masculine norms result in nega- tive social consequences (Fuchs & Thelen, 1988;Zeman & Gar- ber, 1996) including social condemnation and negative psycholog- ical consequences (Rummell & Levant, 2014). Therefore,gender role discrepancy(perceived failure to conform to socially pre- scribed masculine gender role norms) is theorized to precipitate anxious or agitated affect and attendant behavior as a function of disruptive inconsistencies in self-perception. As such, empirical validation of this theory necessitates direct measurement of gender role discrepancy in the context of gender threat. A further avenue for extending the validity of the precarious manhood construct relates to the types of stereotyped-behaviors to which it has been empirically linked. The laboratory examinations reviewed above have exclusively utilized aggression analogues to model the impact of gender-threatening feedback on men’s behav- ior. However, threats to masculinity are reasonably expected to increase risk for engagement in a broader array of masculine stereotyped behavior. Indeed, dominant cultural repertoires of masculinity include not only behavior with deleterious interper- sonal consequences (e.g., aggression) but also choices that impact on men’s intrapersonal experience of pain and suffering. Regarding pain in particular, shared cultural beliefs about pain are posited to both reflect and maintain dominant masculinity ideologies (Bernardes, Keogh, & Lima, 2008). For example, cross- cultural research analyzing gendered beliefs on appropriate pain behavior indicates that patriarchal cultures including Euro Amer- ican, Japanese, and Indian samples, share the belief that overt pain expressions are more appropriate in women than men (Hobara, 2005;Nayak, Shiflett, Eshun, & Levine, 2000). Moreover, re- search on gender role expectations indicates that men believe the typical man is more tolerant to pain than the typical woman, which may account, in part, for the finding that men are less willing to express pain than women (McCaffery & Ferrell, 1992;Robinson et al., 2001). Similarly, qualitative studies investigating dominant discourses of masculinity among athletes have documented com- mon themes pertaining to pain. Specifically, willingness to persist in play despite pain warning signs or injury is represented as the ultimate expression of masculinity (Howe, 2001;White, Young, & McTeer, 1995). However, the situationally specific conditions under which men may be more or less likely to endure pain have yet to be clearly elucidated, particularly as they relate to the experience of masculine threat and gender role discrepancy. As such, the inclusion of pain tolerance adds to the multimethod assessment of men’s response to gender-threatening contexts. Purpose and Hypotheses The purpose of the current study was to build on the work of Vandello and Bosson (2013)by assessing the effect of gender- threatening feedback on men’s self-perceived gender role discrep- ancy. Moreover, we aimed to elucidate the impact of dynamic changes in masculine self-perception on affective arousal and the enactment of a heretofore untested stereotyped masculine behavior within the literature, the endurance of painful stimuli. Direct assessment of gender role discrepancy in the context of gender- threatening and gender-stereotyped contexts allows for empirical validation of a core theoretical assumption regarding precarious manhood, namely that masculinity can be understood as a rela- tional, contextual, and dynamic process of ongoing (re)construc- tion. To this end, several hypotheses were put forth: 1. It was expected that the current study would replicate the work ofBosson and colleagues (2009)by demonstrating that men exposed to gender-threatening feedback would evince higher levels of aggression and anxiety-related cognitions than those receiving nonthreatening feedback. 2. Given the theoretical proposition that men engage in stereotyped masculine behavior to regain masculine sta- tus (Vandello & Bosson, 2013), it was hypothesized that men exposed to gender-threatening feedback would en- dure higher levels of pain than their nonthreatened coun- terparts. 3. Consistent with self-discrepancy theory (Higgins, Klein, & Strauman, 1985), exposure to gender-threatening feed- back was also hypothesized to predict changes in mas- culine self-perception, such that men would experience heightened levels of gender role discrepancy following this feedback. 4. State changes in gender role discrepancy from baseline to post gender-salient feedback were hypothesized to pre- dict emotion activation and pain tolerance. 5. Lastly, we predicted that endurance of painful stimuli would function to reaffirm masculine status and therefore be associated with a subsequent decrease in gender role discrepancy. Method Participants A sample of 246 men was recruited from the psychology de- partment’s research participant pool at a large university in the Southeastern United States for a study titled “Gender Knowledge, Cognitive Processing, and Pain Tolerance.” Participants were in- formed that the study comprised an online questionnaire session and a laboratory session that would take place on two separate occasions. Of those men who responded to the advertisement by completing the online questionnaire, more than 87% (n 215) attended the laboratory session. Three of these men, who did not identify as exclusively heterosexual (i.e., gay, queer, bisexual, or transgender) on the demographics questionnaire, were excluded This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 63 GENDER THREAT, EMOTION ACTIVATION, AND PAIN from analyses given our goal to investigate behavior in heterosex- ual men. The final analytic sample comprised 212 men and was demographically representative of the university community from which it was derived. The mean age of the sample was 19.48 (SD 1.49), 66.4% Caucasian, 18.3% Asian, 7.1% African Amer- ican/Black, 1.8% American Indian/Alaskan Native, 5.7% Hispan- ic/Latino, and 1.3% indicating “other” for ethnic background. The majority of participants, 98.6%, indicated that they were single, whereas only 1.4% were in a committed relationship/long-term partnership. All participants provided IRB-approved informed consent and received partial academic credit for their participation. Measures Demographic Questionnaire.Participants were adminis- trated a demographic questionnaire with questions pertaining to age, ethnicity, relationship status, and sexual orientation. Age was indicated by filling in a blank, whereas ethnicity was reported by selecting among the following categories, Hispanic or Latino, American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black or African Amer- ican, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, White, or Other. Similarly, relationship status and sexual orientation were reported by selecting among a series of representative categories. Masculine gender role discrepancy (Reidy, Berke, Gentile, & Zeichner, 2014).The Masculine Gender Role Discrepancy Stress scale (MGRDS) was used to assess men’s experience of gender role discrepancy. The MGRDS contains five questions pertaining to the experience of (a) perceived gender role discrep- ancy (e.g., “I am less masculine than the average guy,” “Most women I know would say that I’m not as masculine as my friends”) and five questions pertaining to the experience of (b) distress stemming from the discrepancy (e.g., “I wish I was more manly,” “I worry that women find me less attractive because I’m not as macho as other guys”). The MGRDS has a two-factor structure that includes Gender Role Discrepancy and Discrepancy Stress, both of which demonstrate strong internal consistency (Reidy et al., 2014). For the purposes of the current study, only the Gender Role Discrepancy subscale was used as we were interested in the unique effects that gender role discrepancy may have on pain tolerance and anxiety and aggression-related cognition, inde- pendent of the stress that men explicitly identify as driven by such discrepancy. The Gender Role Discrepancy subscale has been shown to relate to harmful externalizing behavior for men in previous research. For example, Reidy and colleagues demon- strated that boys endorsing higher levels of perceived gender role discrepancy were more likely to endorse some history of sexual teen dating violence (Reidy, Smith-Darden, Cortina, Kernsmith, & Kernsmith, 2015). In the current sample, Cronbach’s alpha for the 5-item discrepancy scale was .95. Computerized gender knowledge test.The “gender knowl- edge test” was created as a 32-item adaptation fromRudman and Fairchild (2004)and utilized as a cover for providing participants bogus gender feedback. Participants were informed that the mea- sure assesses “basic gender knowledge,” and included 16 multiple- choice items assessing knowledge about stereotypically masculine topics (sports, auto mechanics, and home repair) and 16 items measuring knowledge about stereotypically feminine topics (cook- ing, childcare, and fashion). In actuality, participants were pro- vided bogus feedback regarding their scores on this test and thetest items themselves were not scored. Items ranged from moder- ately difficult to very difficult to maximize the believability of false feedback. For example, one masculine item required identi- fying the first people to use flamethrowers in battle (Turks or Greeks) whereas a feminine test required identifying the first company to invent hair coloring (L’Oreal or Clairol). Word completion task.This task was developed as an ad- aptation of methodology utilized in previous laboratory exam- inations of the effects of gender threat (Bosson et al., 2009)on emotion activation. A 27-item questionnaire described to par- ticipants as a “word completion task” was used to measure the cognitive accessibility of words related to anxiety and aggres- sion. Of the 20 word fragments, it was possible to complete seven with either aggression-related words or aggression- unrelated words: KI __ __ (kill), __ IGHT (fight), BLO__ __ (blood), B __ T __LE (battle), __ __ RDER (murder), __ UNCH (punch), STA __ (stab). The total number of aggressive word completions served as a measure of activation of aggression- relevant cognitive-affective networks. Additionally, it was pos- sible to complete seven words with either anxiety-related words or anxiety-unrelated words: THREA__ (threat), STRE__ __ (stress), __ __SET (upset), __OTHER (bother), SHA__ E (shame), __EAK (weak), and LO__ER (loser). The total num- ber of anxiety word completions served as a measure of acti- vation of anxiety-relevant cognitive-affective networks. The remaining 13 word stems were designed to be completed to form neutral words (e.g., account, engine, picture). These filler items were included to minimize the potential for detection of the word completion task as a measure of participant affective arousal. Past research has demonstrated that this type of word completion task is a valid measure of aggressive and anxiety- related cognitions. For example, this methodology has been utilized to assess the impact of violent media on access to aggressive cognitions (Anderson et al., 2003,2004;Carnagey & Anderson, 2005) and access to anxiety cognitions in the face of gender threat (Vandello et al., 2008). Pain tolerance.To assess pain tolerance in response to pres- sure, a Wagner Instruments (Greenwich, CT) FDIX 50 algometer 1cm 2rubber tip probe was applied to the supinator muscle on the participants’ nondominant upper arm at increasing pressure until it reached a subjective level of pain that the participant did not want to increase further. In the current study, pressure level was re- corded as Lbf (poundforce). This procedure was repeated three times (Ms 1–3: 22.1, 21.0, and 21.2, respectively;SDs 9.3, 9.2, and 9.2, respectively). An algometer composite score was used comprising the average of three values. Cronbach’s alpha for the composite of the three algometer readings was .95. Procedure In an initial questionnaire session, participants were provided an informational letter allowing them to provide informed consent following which a questionnaire battery was completed including the demographic questionnaire and a baseline measure on gender role discrepancy (T1). A second, experimental phase was sepa- rated by one week to minimize participant fatigue effects and to mitigate any priming cues associated with questionnaire content. For the experimental session, participants presented to a small classroom and were randomly assigned to one of the two experi- This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 64 BERKE, REIDY, MILLER, AND ZEICHNER mental conditions described below (Threat vs. Control). Partici- pants were oriented to the computerized “Gender Knowledge Test,” and left to complete it in private. Following completion of the test, computer generated bogus feedback about their perfor- mance was provided. Men assigned to the threat condition received gender discrepant feedback about their percentile rank compared with other men (i.e., 27th percentile), whereas men assigned to the control condition received gender congruent feedback about their percentile score (i.e., 73rd percentile). Additionally, all men were presented with a visual scale anchored with “feminine gender identity” and “masculine gender identity” at each end. An arrow pointing toward the feminine end was used to indicate the “average woman’s score” and an arrow toward the male end indicated the “average man’s score.” For the men assigned to the threat condi- tion, an arrow labeled “your score” appeared near the average woman’s score, while the “your score” arrow presented to men in the control condition appeared near the average man’s score. Next, participants were administered the measure of gender role discrepancy a second time (T2). Men were instructed verbally and in the written directions to respond based on their feelings and beliefs “at this moment.” Participants were then asked to complete “a measure of cognitive processing” and presented with the com- puterized word-completion task. After the word-completion task, participants’ pain tolerance was assessed as described above. Fol- lowing the third pain tolerance trial, participants were presented with a third administration of the gender role discrepancy measure (T3) with state-salient instructions (i.e., “answer based on how you feel at this moment”) before they were assigned class credit, thanked, and debriefed. The debriefing procedure included discus- sion of the IRB-approved deception component of the study. Specifically, participants were informed that the gender knowledge feedback provided by the experimenter was bogus, rather than a reflection of their actual gender knowledge. To guard against unlikely, yet possible, residual unpleasant effects attributable to participation in the experiment, all participants were provided the opportunity to discuss any concerns with the experimenter, the research supervisor, and given information regarding locally ac- cessible mental health resources. Manipulation Check The validity of the masculine threat manipulation was assessed in a brief interview that included questions about the feedback provided. Participants were asked to recall whether their score on the gender knowledge was more consistent with female gender identity or male gender identity, and whether they remembered the percentile score they earned. No participant indicated believing that the feedback was bogus. All participants correctly recalled the gender feedback provided and approximate percentile score “earned.” Results Preliminary Analyses Random group assignment was expected to produce, on aver- age, an equal distribution of scores on pertinent demographic and predictor variables across the two experimental groups. To confirm this assumption, a series of one-way analyses of variance wereperformed with age, ethnicity, relationship status, and participant’s baseline gender role discrepancy as the dependent variables. These analyses revealed no significant group differences. To determine the effect of multicollinearity among the multiple administrations of the gender role discrepancy measure, a regression analysis specifying pain tolerance as the dependent variable was performed to estimate variance inflation factors (VIF) for each predictor variable (i.e., the degree to which the variance of the estimated regression coefficient is “inflated” by the existence of correlation among the predictor variables in the model). A VIF of 1 indicates no correlation among predictor variables, and hence no inflation in regression coefficient estimates. VIFs exceeding 4 warrant further investigation (Cohen, Cohen, West, & Aiken, 2003), whereas VIFs exceeding 10 are signs of multicollinearity at a level requiring correction. In the current sample, the variance-inflation factors of T1, Baseline Discrepancy (VIF 2.29), T2 (VIF 3.07), and T3 (VIF 2.19) were all below suggested cutoffs. Principal Analyses A 5-phase analytic plan was specified to systematically model hypothesized interrelations among gender threat, self-perceived gender role discrepancy, emotion activation, and pain tolerance. First, Pearson product–moment correlations were computed be- tween aggression, anxiety (as measured by the total number of aggression and anxiety word completions respectively) and exper- imental condition to test hypothesis 1, in which we predicted that men exposed to gender-threatening feedback would evince higher levels of aggression and anxiety-related cognitions than those receiving nonthreatening feedback. Results indicated thatexperi- mental condition was significantly correlated with total number of ambiguous word stems completed in aggressive,r .23,p .01 but not anxiety-related terms,r .03,p .63, meaning that exposure to gender-threatening feedback activated only aggression-specific cognitive affective networks. Second, consistent with hypothesis 2 (i.e., men exposed to gender-threatening feedback wouldendure higher levels of pain than their nonthreatened counterparts) and our stated goal of adding to the multimethod assessment of the impact of gender threat on men’s behavior, a correlation was computed between pain tolerance and experimental condition. Results revealed that experimental condition was significantly and positively associated with pain tolerance,r .29,p .01, indicating that gender-threatened men endured significantly more painful pressure than their nonthreatened counterparts. Pearson product–moment correlations for all pertinent study variables (i.e., experimental condition, pain tolerance, gender role discrepancy at all three time points, and emotion activation: anxiety and aggres- sion) are provided inTable 1. Third, to test our hypothesis that men would experience heightened levels of gender role discrepancy following gender-threatening feed- back, we regressed T2 gender role discrepancy scores on experimen- tal condition, controlling for baseline gender role discrepancy scores. Results of the full model proved to be significant,F(2, 210) 142.66; p .01;R 2 .58. Additionally, the condition term accounted for significant variance in T2 gender discrepancy scores in the model 0.12;p .01, indicating that receipt of gender-threatening feedback significantly predicted men’s self-perceptions of gender role discrep- ancy following gender feedback, independent of their perceptions at baseline. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 65 GENDER THREAT, EMOTION ACTIVATION, AND PAIN Fourth, we hypothesized that state changes in masculine self- perception would predict emotion activation and pain tolerance. As such, three hierarchical regression models were constructed spec- ifying aggression, anxiety, and pain tolerance as the pertinent dependent variables of interest. In each model, baseline gender role discrepancy was entered as a control in the first step and T2 gender role discrepancy was entered as the independent variable of interest. When emotion activation variables (i.e., anxiety; aggres- sion) were considered as the dependent variables, neither the full model for anxiety,F(2, 210) 0.20;p .82;R 2 .00, nor that for aggression,F(2, 210) 0.23;p .10;R2 .02, reached significance. In other words, when controlling for baseline dis- crepancy scores, T2 gender role discrepancy was not a significant predictor of emotion-activation. Although a trend emerged for the full model predicting pain tolerance,F(2, 210) 2.79;p .06; R 2 .03, results revealed that this effect was driven by baseline rather than T2 gender role discrepancy scores. Regression coeffi- cients for each step of hypothesis 4 analyses are presented inTable 2. In the final phase of our analysis, we tested hypothesis 5 (i.e., that endurance of painful stimuli would be associated with a subsequent decrease in gender role discrepancy), by regressing T3 gender role discrepancy on a condition by pain tolerance interac- tion term, controlling for T2 gender role discrepancy. Results of this analysis (summarized inTable 3) indicated that the pain by condition term was not a significant predictor of T3 gender role discrepancy when controlling for T2 gender role discrepancy scores. These results suggest that the endurance of pain by gender- threatened men did not meaningfully impact their self-perceived gender role discrepancy following engagement in a stereotyped masculine behavior relative to their self-perceived gender role discrepancy following the gender threat. Discussion The purpose of the present study was to evaluate whether gender role discrepancy precipitates men’s experiences of distress and stereotypic masculine behavior in the face of masculine threat(Bosson & Vandello, 2011). The current study builds on previous literature in its design and findings by directly assessing the impact of gender threat on cognitive self-evaluative processes and by assessing the impact of changes in self-perceived gender role discrepancy on a methodologically rigorous laboratory expression of stereotyped masculine behavior (i.e., tolerance of painful pres- sure). It was expected that gender-threatened men would show greater aggression and anxiety-related emotion activation and greater tolerance of painful pressure than their nonthreatened counterparts. Further, we hypothesized that gender threat would predict changes in masculine self-perception and that this evalua- tion of self-perceived masculine discrepancy would be associated with emotion activation and pain tolerance. Lastly, we tested the assumption that engagement in stereotyped masculine behavior would serve to reaffirm masculine status (Bosson et al., 2009)in terms of an effect of such behavior on subsequent self-perceived gender role discrepancy. Although several hypotheses were sup- ported, results of the current study also revealed null and novel Table 2 Estimated Effects of Gender Role Discrepancy on Emotion Activation and Pain Tolerance Controlling for Baseline Scores Dependent variableAggressionParameter estimate Anxiety Pain tolerance pvalue pvalue pvalue Step 1 T1 .14 .05 .03 .68 .14 .05 Step 2 T1 .08 .46 .01 .94 .23 .03 T2 .08 .43 .05 .64 .13 .22 Note. Aggression Total number of ambiguous word stems completed as aggressive words; Pain tolerance Composite score of average algom- eter readings across three pain tolerance trials; T1 baseline gender role discrepancy score; T2 gender role discrepancy score assessed after gender feedback; T3 gender role discrepancy score assessed after pain tolerance assessment. p .05. Table 3 Estimated Effects of Gender Threatened Participants’ Endurance of Pain on T3 Gender Role Discrepancy Controlling for T2 Scores Dependent VariableT3 Parameter estimate pvalue Step 1 T2 .73 .00 Step 2 T2 .74 .00 Condition Pain tolerance .05 .29 Note.T3 gender role discrepancy score assessed after pain tolerance assessment; T2 gender role discrepancy score assessed after gender feedback; Condition Pain tolerance interaction term representing the cross-product of the dummy-coded condition variable and the pain toler- ance composite variable. p .01. Table 1 Bivariate Correlations of All Measured Variables Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 1. Condition — .29 .07 .18 .13 .03 .23 2. Pain tolerance — .14 .05 .13 .07 .10 Gender role discrepancy 3. T1 — .75 .62 .03 .14 4. T2 — .73 .04 .14 5. T3 — .08 .06 Emotion activation 6. Anxiety — .04 7. Aggression — Note. Pain tolerance Composite score of average algometer readings across three pain tolerance trials; T1 baseline gender role discrepancy score; T2 gender role discrepancy score assessed after gender feedback; T3 gender role discrepancy score assessed after pain tolerance assess- ment; Anxiety Total number of ambiguous word stems completed in anxiety-related terms; Aggression Total number of ambiguous word stems completed in aggressive terms. p .05. p .01. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 66 BERKE, REIDY, MILLER, AND ZEICHNER patterns of findings, specifically highlighting the salience of gen- der threat on men’s experience of gender role discrepancy and their willingness to endure pain. First, consistent with previous studies, men exposed to gender- threatening feedback evinced more aggressive-related emotion ac- tivation than those receiving nonthreatening feedback. The signif- icant effect of condition on completion of ambiguous word stems in aggressive terms replicates the work ofBosson and colleagues (2009)and supports theory regarding the impact of discrepant feedback about the self on emotional distress (Higgins, Klein, & Strauman, 1985). However, contrary to expectations, gender threat did not significantly impact anxiety-related emotion activation for men in our sample. This inconsistent finding may relate to gender socialization of emotion. As men are socialized to restrict expres- sions of emotion, with the exception of anger (e.g.,Chaplin, Cole, & Zahn-Waxler, 2005), it is possible that men in our study, when given the opportunity to complete both aggression and anxiety word stems in the same task, were more likely to exhibit aggres- sion than anxiety (a vulnerable emotion) in the face of gender threat. Moreover, it is possible that participants experienced a broader range of emotions than those objectively assessed in the current study. As such future research might examine emotions beyond aggression and anxiety, or consider qualitative assessment of emotion. Adding to the multimethod assessment of behavioral responses to masculine threat, we found that gender-threatened men endured significantly more pain than their nonthreatened counterparts. This finding is consistent with a key assumption of precarious manhood (Vandello et al., 2008), which posits that threats to masculine status should activate gender stereotyped cognitive-affective net- works in the service of reasserting masculine status. If cultural scripts for manhood sanction endurance of pain as a way of demonstrating masculine status (e.g.,Howe, 2001;White et al., 1995), then masculine threat should prime arousing, action- oriented feelings that “prepare” men to endure greater levels of pain. The finding that gender-threatened men demonstrate greater tolerance suggests that this behavior serves a socially expressive function (i.e., appearing tough and, by extension, appearing mas- culine). This finding also extends the generalizability of previous studies, which have been limited in associating gender threat with readiness to engage in aggression specifically (e.g.,Vandello & Bosson, 2013). Gender-threatened men’s willingness to endure higher levels of pain in the current study expands understanding of the scope of men’s behavioral response to threatening contexts. The finding that exposure to gender threat exerts an effect on men’s perception of gender role discrepancy is another novel and important contribution of the current study. Indeed, results indi- cated that men assigned to the gender threat condition, as opposed to the control condition, reported higher levels of perceived gender role discrepancy, irrespective of their baseline discrepancy scores. Taken together with the finding that gender-threatened men were more likely to experience aggressive arousal, these results provide compelling support for the notion that aggression-related cogni- tions and emotions may prepare gender-threatened men to inhibit the expression of pain when they perceive themselves as falling short of masculine norms. However, the expectation that masculine reappraisal following gender threat would directly predict emotion arousal and pain tolerance was not supported, nor did endurance of painful pressureresult in a reaffirmation of self-perceived masculine status in terms of an effect of such behavior on subsequent self-perceived gender role discrepancy. These results suggest that although men may endure pain to align their behavior with prescribed dictates of manhood, this social performance may not be effective in mitigat- ing the experience of gender role discrepancy. These data are consistent withBosson and Vandello’s (2011)theoretical charac- terization of manhood as “hard won, and easily lost.” Several limitations of this study merit comment. Given the carefully controlled conditions of this laboratory study, general- ization into the real world is uncertain. More research is necessary to ascertain whether gender-threatened men would be equally willing to endure pain in the context of more externally valid settings such as an athletic or medical environment. Moreover, it is likely that individuals vary in terms of their reactivity to gender- threatening contexts. As such, future studies should seek to inte- grate models of state processes by which men’s self-perceived gender role discrepancy impacts affective arousal and attendant behavior, with an understanding that trait differences and cultural context likely determine which men are particularly sensitive to gender threats and most inclined to respond by engaging in a stereotypic manner. Additionally, participants in this study were a relatively homogenous sample of men. Thus, caution should be exercised in generalizing findings outside the population of Cau- casian, high-school graduates, enrolled in a Southeastern U.S. university. As such, the external validity of future studies would be further bolstered by the inclusion of a noncollegiate sample with a greater diversity across age, ethnicity, race, and class, particularly as these variables are relevant to the formation of contextual appraisals of gender in social interactions. Age in particular may inform the experience of gender role discrepancy, as evidence suggests that older men may be less sensitive to gender threat (Wills & DePaulo, 1991); as such future research may benefit from the inclusion of middle-aged and older men. Despite these limita- tions, the results of the present study provide interesting new data on the effects of self-evaluative cognitive processes on men’s engagement in stereotyped behavior beyond aggressive action tendencies. Taken as a whole, these data support continued study of masculinity as a socially driven cognitive-affective process embedded within the context of social interactions. Above and beyond such immediate implications, the study find- ings also contribute to the larger goal of utilizing empirically informed theory to design intervention efforts aimed at the reduc- tion of men’s negative behavioral health outcomes. This laboratory model of precarious manhood supports the theory that men may engage in stereotyped masculine behavior as a means of regaining masculine status and ostensible control over interpersonal situa- tions associated with feelings of vulnerability and negative affect arousal, despite evidence that such behavior may fail to mitigate perceived gender role discrepancy. Thus, gender-threatened men are vulnerable to a self-perpetuating cycle of tenuous self- evaluation, negative affect, and ineffective strategies for resolving these experiences. As the dysregulated expression of negative affect has been identified as a core pathological process in PTSD (McFall, Fontana, Raskind, & Rosenheck, 1999), substance abuse (Foran & O’Leary, 2008), and depressive disorders (Pasquini, Picardi, Biondi, Gaetano, & Morosini, 2004), the current study also has significant translational applications to clinical contexts. Although this study was explicitly designed to model the impact of This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 67 GENDER THREAT, EMOTION ACTIVATION, AND PAIN men’s self-perception on public displays of stereotyped masculine behavior, it may also be possible for men to develop private, internal processes by which to regulate affect and associated action urges triggered by the perception of oneself as falling short of masculine norms. Such strategies may be of particular clinical relevance, as the help-seeking context of therapy itself is likely to elicit masculine discrepancy stress for some men (Addis & Ma- halik, 2003) thereby providing ample opportunity for clinicians to model alternative interpretations and reactions to gender-salient cues. As such, interventions designed to challenge norms about “real men” and bolster skills for managing challenging emotions and situational stressors may be an important focus for efforts aimed at reducing men’s negative behavioral health outcomes. References Addis, M. E., & Mahalik, J. R. (2003). Men, masculinity, and the contexts of help seeking.American Psychologist, 58,5–14. .1037/0003-066X.58.1.5 Anderson, C. A., Carnagey, N. L., & Eubanks, J. (2003). Exposure to violent media: The effects of songs with violent lyrics on aggressive thoughts and feelings.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 960 –971. Anderson, C. A., Carnagey, N. L., Flanagan, M., Benjamin, A. J., Jr., Eubanks, J., & Valentine, J. C. (2004). Violent video games: Specific effects of violent content on aggressive thoughts and behavior.Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 36,199 –249. .1016/S0065-2601(04)36004-1 Bernardes, S. F., Keogh, E., & Lima, M. L. (2008). Bridging the gap between pain and gender research: A selective literature review.Euro- pean Journal of Pain, 12,427– 440. .2007.08.007 Bosson, J. K., & Vandello, J. A. (2011). Precarious manhood and its links to action and aggression.Current Directions in Psychological Science, 20,82– 86. Bosson, J. K., Vandello, J. A., Burnaford, R. M., Weaver, J. R., & Arzu Wasti, S. (2009). Precarious manhood and displays of physical aggres- sion.Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 35,623– 634.http:// Carnagey, N. L., & Anderson, C. A. (2005). The effects of reward and punishment in violent video games on aggressive affect, cognition, and behavior.Psychological Science, 16,882– 889. .1111/j.1467-9280.2005.01632.x Chaplin, T. M., Cole, P. M., & Zahn-Waxler, C. (2005). Parental social- ization of emotion expression: Gender differences and relations to child adjustment.Emotion, 5,80 – 88. .1.80 Cohen, J., Cohen, P., West, S., & Aiken, L. (2003).Applied multiple regression/correlation analysis for the behavioral sciences(3rd ed.). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Eisler, R. M., & Skidmore, J. R. (1987). Masculine gender role stress: Scale development and component factors in the appraisal of stressful situations.Behavior Modification, 11,123–136. .1177/01454455870112001 Foran, H. M., & O’Leary, K. D. (2008). Alcohol and intimate partner violence: A meta-analytic review.Clinical Psychology Review, 28, 1222–1234. Fuchs, D., & Thelen, M. H. (1988). 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The new psychology of men.Professional Psychol- ogy: Research and Practice, 27, 259 –265. 0735-7028.27.3.259 McCaffery, M., & Ferrell, B. R. (1992). Do you know the value of a non-narcotic?Nursing, 22,48 –51. 199210000-00018 McFall, M., Fontana, A., Raskind, M., & Rosenheck, R. (1999). Analysis of violent behavior in Vietnam combat veteran psychiatric inpatients with posttraumatic stress disorder.Journal of Traumatic Stress, 12, 501–517. Moore, T. M., & Stuart, G. L. (2005). A review of the literature on masculinity and partner violence.Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 6, 46 – 61. Nayak, S., Shiflett, S., Eshun, S., & Levine, F. (2000). Culture and gender effects in pain beliefs and the prediction of pain tolerance.Cross- Cultural Research: The Journal of Comparative Social Science, 34, 135–151. O’Neil, J. M. (2008). Summarizing twenty-five years of research on men’s gender role conflict using the Gender Role Conflict Scale: New research paradigms and clinical implications.The Counseling Psychologist, 36, 358 – 445. Pasquini, M., Picardi, A., Biondi, M., Gaetano, P., & Morosini, P. (2004). Relevance of anger and irritability in outpatients with major depressive disorder.Psychopathology, 37,155–160. 000079418 Pleck, J. H. (1976). The male sex role: Definitions, problems, and sources of change.Journal of Social Issues, 32,155–164. .1111/j.1540-4560.1976.tb02604.x Pleck, J. H. (1981).The myth of masculinity. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Pleck, J. H. (1995). The gender role strain paradigm: An update. In R. F. Levant & W. S. Pollack (Eds.),A new psychology of men(pp. 11–32). New York, NY: Basic Books. Reidy, D. E., Berke, D. S., Gentile, B., & Zeichner, A. (2014). Man enough? Masculine discrepancy stress and intimate partner violence. Personality and Individual Differences, 68,160 –164. 10.1016/j.paid.2014.04.021 Reidy, D. E., Smith-Darden, J. P., Cortina, K. S., Kernsmith, R. M., & Kernsmith, P. D. (2015). Masculine discrepancy stress, teen dating violence, and sexual violence perpetration among adolescent boys.Jour- nal of Adolescent Health, 56,619 – 624. .jadohealth.2015.02.009 Robinson, M. E., Riley, J. L., III, Myers, C. D., Papas, R. K., Wise, E. A., Waxenberg, L. B., & Fillingim, R. B. (2001). Gender role expectations of pain: Relationship to sex differences in pain.The Journal of Pain, 2, 251–257. Rudman, L. A., & Fairchild, K. (2004). Reactions to counterstereotypic behavior: The role of backlash in cultural stereotype maintenance.Jour- nal of Personality and Social Psychology, 87,157–176. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 68 BERKE, REIDY, MILLER, AND ZEICHNER Rummell, C. M., & Levant, R. F. (2014). Masculine gender role discrep- ancy strain and self- esteem.Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 15, 419 – 426. Vandello, J. A., & Bosson, J. K. (2013). Hard won and easily lost: A review and synthesis of theory and research on precarious manhood. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 14,101–113. .1037/a0029826 Vandello, J. A., Bosson, J. K., Cohen, D., Burnaford, R. M., & Weaver, J. R. (2008). Precarious manhood.Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 95,1325–1339. Weaver, J. R., Vandello, J. A., Bosson, J. K., & Burnaford, R. M. (2010). The proof is in the punch: Gender differences in perceptions of action and aggression as components of manhood.Sex Roles, 62,241–251. White, P., Young, K., & McTeer, W. (1995). Sport, masculinity, and theinjured body. In D. Sabo & D. F. Gordon (Eds.),Men’s health and illness: Gender, power, and the body(pp. 158 –182). London, UK: Sage. Wills, T. A., & DePaulo, B. M. (1991). Interpersonal analysis of the help-seeking process. In C. R. Snyder & D. R. Forsyth (Eds.),Handbook of social and clinical psychology(pp. 350 –375). New York, NY: Per- gamon Press. Zeman, J., & Garber, J. (1996). Display rules for anger, sadness, and pain: It depends on who is watching.Child Development, 67,957–973. Received July 26, 2015 Revision received December 9, 2015 Accepted January 5, 2016 Division 51 – Society for the Psychological Study of Men and Masculinity Please visit for complete member- ship information and to join. Membership benefits include: ●Subscription to the Division journal,Psychology of Men and Masculinity; ●Networking opportunities with a diversity of people who share similar interests; ●Formal and informal avenues to provide mentoring; ●Opportunity to be recognized for scholarship, clinical practice, service, and leadership; ●Student members and early career professionals also may develop leadership skills through involvement in (1) the Division’s Interest Groups, (2) an elected position on the Division’s Board of Directors, and/or (3) the Research to Practice and Policy Leadership Development Institute. ●Venues for dialogue on clinical and scholarly issues relevant to men at (1)Division’s biennial Psychotherapy with Men Conference, (2) annual mid-year retreats, and (3) small group discussions facilitated by Division’s interest groups. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 69 GENDER THREAT, EMOTION ACTIVATION, AND PAIN
Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra
The Development and Correlates of Gender Role Orientations in African-American Youth Olivenne D. Skinner and Susan M. McHale The Pennsylvania State University This study charted the development of gendered personality qualities, activity interests, and attitudes across adolescence (approximately ages 9 –18) among 319 African-American youth from 166 families. The relations between daily time spent with father, mother, and male and female peers —the gendered contexts of youth ’s daily activities —and (changes in) these gender role orientations were also assessed. Boys and girls differed in their gender role orientations in stereotypical ways: interest in masculine and feminine activities, and attitude traditionality generally declined, but instrumentality increased across adolescence and expressivity first increased and later decreased. Some gender differences and variations in change were conditioned by time spent with same- and other-sex gender parents and peers. The most consistent pattern was time with male peers predicting boys ’stereotypical characteristics. Gender is one of the most salient of youth ’s social identities and has implications for their achieve- ment-related behaviors, interpersonal relationships, and adjustment (Galambos, Berenbaum, & McHale, 2009). Among African-American youth, gender socialization and experiences take place within the context of their racialized experiences (Crenshaw, Ochen, & Nanda, 2015) and as such, gender devel- opment emerges at the intersection of youth ’s racial and gender identities. Research focused on gender development of African-American youth and its correlates are important given findings of gender differences in key domains of adjustment and well- being in this racial/ethnic group. For instance, Afri- can-American girls are more likely than boys to experience sexual harassment, interpersonal vio- lence, and depression, all of which are negatively related to outcomes such as academic achievement and psychological adjustment (Belgrave, 2009; Crenshaw et al., 2015). The challenges faced by many African-American boys also are distinct in some ways, but equally pervasive. These include more frequent discrimination by teachers, lower educational expectations from parents, more fre- quent negative encounters with police, and less access to early psychological care in comparison to African-American girls (Barbarin, Murry, Tolan, & Graham, 2016). Importantly, these gendered experi- ences may have downstream implications, as evi- dent in studies documenting gender differences among African-American youth in academic, employment, and health outcomes (Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010; Losen, 2011; Matthews, Kizzie, Rowley, & Cortina, 2010). Among African Americans, biological sex also has implications for family roles and experiences. For example, African-American mothers tend to place more demands on their daughters than their sons; mothers ’concerns about boys ’more pervasive experiences of racial discrimination may account for such differences in parenting (Mandara, Varner, & Richman, 2010; Varner & Mandara, 2014). In adult- hood, African-Americans ’family gender roles are manifested in low marriage rates, with close to 50% of African-American children growing up in single- mother headed households —as compared to 23% in the general population (Child Trends Databank, 2015). In addition to family roles, African-Ameri- cans ’history of slavery and economic marginaliza- tion also has had implications for gender roles as seen in African-American women ’s long-standing involvement in the labor force, limited employment opportunities for African-American men, and in some studies, men ’s involvement in housework (Hill, 2001; Penha-Lopes, 2006). This research was supported by a grant from the Eunice Ken- nedy Shriver National Institute on Child Health and HumanDevelopment (R01 HD32336), Susan McHale and Ann Crouter,Co-PIs.Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed toOlivenne D. Skinner or Susan M. McHale, Social Science ResearchInstitute, The Pennsylvania State University, 114 Henderson University Park, PA 16802. Electronic mail may be sent to od- [email protected] or [email protected] © 2017 The Authors Child Development ©2017 Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2018/8905-0020 DOI: 10.1111/cdev.12828 Child Development, September/October 2018, Volume 89, Number 5, Pages 1704 –1719 In short, historical and current social and eco- nomic conditions have implications for family roles and relationships in African-American families, and correspondinglyflexible gender role orientations (Hill, 2001). Importantly, gender is multidimen- sional, ranging, for example, from gender role atti- tudes to daily activities, and the social construction of gender means that gender role orientations will vary as a function of time and place. Accordingly, toward building an understanding of gender devel- opment among African-American youth, in this study we used an ethnic homogeneous research design to capture within-group variation in gender role orientations among African-American boys and girls (Garcia Coll et al., 1996; McLoyd, 1998), we capitalized on an accelerated longitudinal design to chart within-individual changes in gender across adolescence—a period of significant gender devel- opment (Galambos et al., 2009)—, we examined multiple dimensions of gender to illuminate poten- tial multifaceted sex gender differences in gender development (Ruble, Martin, & Berenbaum, 2006), and we tested whether time spent with male peers, female peers, mother, and father helped to explain changes across adolescence in boys’and girls’gen- der role orientations. The Course of Adolescent Gender Development Several theoretical perspectives offer insights about the course of gender development. Cognitive theories such as gender schema theory (Martin, Ruble, & Szkrybalo, 2002) hold that the strength or rigidity of gender concepts and corresponding behaviors change across development. For example, stronger stereotyping is expected during childhood, at least in some domains, with moreflexibility emerging later, given increased cognitive develop- ment; further, individual differences may become more apparent later in development based on the salience of and values regarding gender roles (Mar- tin et al., 2002). In contrast, the gender intensifica- tion hypothesis suggests that gender typing becomes more pronounced during adolescence (Ruble et al., 2006). From this perspective, the phys- ical changes brought on by puberty are an impetus for increases in socialization pressures for tradi- tional gender roles and behaviors. The changes in puberty and looming adult roles also may lead youth to align their personal qualities and behav- iors with more gender stereotypical self-percep- tions, activities, values, and interests. Integrating cognitive and socialization frameworks, from an ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris,2006), the Person9Process9Context interactions that characterize development mean that patterns of change will differ—including for males versus females, as a function of socialization processes, and across contexts, such as sociocultural settings. As noted, research on gender also has high- lighted its multidimensionality (Ruble et al., 2006). And, the multiple dimensions of gender—including values, personal-social characteristics, interests, and activities—may be subject to differing influences and so change in different ways across develop- ment (McHale, Kim, Dotterer, Crouter, & Booth, 2009; Ruble et al., 2006). To begin to capture its multidimensionality, ourfirst study goal was to chart the course of three dimensions of gender development that may have both concurrent and longer-term implications for youth’s adjustment, achievement, and life choices (Cooper, Guthrie, Brown, & Metzger, 2011; Crockett & Beal, 2012; Lee, Lawson, & McHale, 2015): gendered personal- ity characteristics (expressivity and instrumentality), interests in gender stereotypical activities, and gen- der role attitudes. Gendered Personality Stereotypically masculine, instrumental qualities reflectindividual agency, including leadership and independence, whereas stereotypically feminine, expressive qualities reflectorientations to others, such as kindness and sensitivity. These gendered person- ality qualities have been linked to indices of well- being, including anxiety and depression (Cooper et al., 2011; Palapattu, Kingery, & Ginsburg, 2006; Priess, Lindberg, & Hyde, 2009), making their developmental course and correlates important areas of study. Recent research on the development of gendered personality qualities has produced mixed results. A longitudinal study of majority White youth, from middle childhood to late adoles- cence, showed that at age 13, girls endorsed more expressive qualities, than boys, whereas boys endorsed more instrumental qualities (McHale et al., 2009). Among girls, expressivity did not change over time, but boys showed declines in expressivity in early adolescence and increases in later adolescence. The authors argued that this pat- tern was consistent with gender intensification. In addition, boys reported more instrumental qualities over time, and consistent with a gender schema perspective, girls’instrumental qualities also increased (McHale et al., 2009). In a study of White youth ages 11–15 (Priess et al., 2009), however, girls reported more expressive qualities than boys at all Development of Gender Orientations 1705 ages, and this gender difference did not change over time. Furthermore, there were no gender dif- ferences in instrumentality. Across time, both gen- ders showed small increases in expressivity, but there were no changes in instrumentality. There are few studies on African-American youth’s gendered personality qualities, and avail- able data are largely cross-sectional. Palapattu et al. (2006) found that girls, ages 14–19, endorsed more feminine-typed personality qualities than boys, but there were no gender differences in masculine- typed personality qualities. Some scholars have suggested that African-American women’s long his- tory of economic independence and family respon- sibilities may contribute to the development of instrumental qualities among women, and further, that mothers may socialize girls to develop these qualities (Hill & Zimmerman, 1995; Sharp & Ispa, 2009). A cross-sectional study of 11- to 14-year-olds, however, revealed that African-American boys endorsed more instrumental qualities than girls, and girls reported more expressive qualities than boys (Zand & Thomson, 2005). Inconsistencies across these studies may stem from their focus on different age groups, such that less stereotypical traits emerge in later adolescence, particularly among girls. Such a pattern would be consistent with gender schema theory and with the press for instrumental traits within this sociocultural context. However, we found no longitudinal studies of the development of gendered personality qualities in African-American youth. Gendered Activity Interests Interest in stereotypically feminine and mascu- line activities is one of thefirst gender differences to emerge, and gendered interests in childhood have been shown to have long-term implications for education and occupational achievement in young adulthood (Lee et al., 2015). Research with majority White youth shows that both boys and girls are less interested in cross-gendered activities than same-gendered activities, although girls dis- play moreflexible activity interests than boys (Lee et al., 2015; Ruble et al., 2006). Longitudinal research has documented stable gender differences from childhood through late adolescence, but overall declines in both masculine- (math, sports) and feminine- (reading, dance) typed activity interests for both genders that may reflect increas- ing specialization of interests across development (Jacobs, Lanza, Osgood, Eccles, & Wigfield, 2002; McHale et al., 2009).Studies of gendered activity interests among African-American youth are largely cross-sectional and limited to occupational interests. These data suggest that, in middle childhood, similar to their White and Hispanic peers, African-American chil- dren report gender-typed occupational interests (e.g., nursing and teaching by girls, law enforce- ment, and sports by boys), but that older elemen- tary school-aged girls select less gender stereotypical careers in comparison to boys (Bobo, Hildreth, & Durodoye, 1998); the pattern for girls is consistent with a gender schema perspective. Whether these gender differences exist in later ado- lescence remains unknown, although a cross-sec- tional study of youth ages 14–18 showed that African-American girls aspired more to professional occupations such as business owner and professor in comparison to boys (Mello, Anton-Stang, Mon- aghan, Roberts, & Worrell, 2012). Also of relevance, research documents that African-American boys spend more time in stereotypically masculine activi- ties such as sports, whereas African-American girls spend more time in feminine-typed activities such as academics and socializing (Larson, Richards, Sims, & Dworkin, 2001; Posner & Vandell, 1999). Gender Role Attitudes Gender role attitudes are associated with youth’s expectations about education as well as the ages of transitions into adult roles such as spouse and par- ent, and they predict actual educational attainment and family formation (Crockett & Beal, 2012; Cun- ningham, Beutel, Barber, & Thornton, 2005; Davis & Pearce, 2007). Consistent with the idea that men gain more than women from stereotypical roles (Ferree, 1990), in a national sample of 14- to 25- year-old White, Hispanic, and African-American youth, male participants endorsed more traditional gender attitudes about work and family roles than female participants but, consistent with a gender schema perspective, gender differences were smal- ler in young adulthood as compared to in adoles- cence because young men espoused relatively less traditional attitudes (Davis, 2007). A longitudinal study of White youth likewise revealed gender dif- ferences marked by boys’greater traditionality, but an overall pattern of change consistent with gender intensification: declines in traditionality from child- hood to early adolescence, leveling out between the ages of 13 and 15, and increases in traditionality in later adolescence. Consistent with an ecological per- spective that highlights Person9Context interac- tions in development, this change pattern was 1706 Skinner and McHale moderated by the combination of youth’s personal characteristics and family characteristics, including parents’gender attitudes (Crouter, Whiteman, McHale, & Osgood, 2007). One longitudinal study of African-American youth’s gender attitudes regarding marital roles was based on the same data set used here. Results from that study showed that girls exhibited less traditional gender attitudes than boys, and consistent with a gender schema perspec- tive, youth’s traditional attitudes declined from ages 9 to 15 and leveled off in later adolescence (Lam, Stanik, & McHale, 2017). In sum, the available research—primarily focused on White youth—and the more limited research on African-American youth document gen- der differences across several dimensions of gender role orientations, with some suggestion that girls are less stereotyped than boys. The few longitudinal data on African-American youth, however, do not provide a consistent picture of gender development across adolescence, leaving open the question of whether gender stereotyping is intensified or becomes moreflexible, allowing for a broader range of opportunities and choices by later adolescence. Because African-American youth may reside in families and communities in which gender roles are flexible, we expected that they would exhibit less stereotypical personal qualities, interest, and atti- tudes across adolescence. The Social Contexts of Gender Development Our second study goal was aimed at illuminat- ing the correlates of individual differences in pat- terns of within-individual change. Here, we focused on the social contexts of youth’s daily activities, specifically time spent with male peers, female peers, mother, and father, as potential correlates of the development of their gender role orientations. From an ecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), daily activities are an impetus to (and consequence of) development: Time in activi- ties affords opportunities for the development of interests, skills, attitudes, and social relationships, which in turn provide impetus to youth’s choices about how and with whom to spend their time. From a social-learning perspective as well, time spent with male and female partners will have implications for development, as youth acquire skills, values, and attitudes through practice and reinforcement processes, direct teaching about gen- der roles, and observation of significant others (Ruble & Martin, 1998). We drew on these perspec- tives to examine the relations between time spentwith male peers, female peers, mother, and father, and the development of gendered personality quali- ties, interests, and gender attitudes among African- American youth. The role of parents in their children’s gender development is one of the most widely studied topics in the literature on gender socialization, but we know very little about such normative processes in African-American families. Some work suggests that African-American mothers treat boys and girls differently, but research has not yet linked maternal socialization to African-American youth’s gender development (Hill & Zimmerman, 1995; Smetana, 2011; Varner & Mandara, 2014). Given the distinc- tive challenges experienced by African-American girls versus boys, however, an important step is to begin to illuminate African-American parents’role in their children’s gender development. Incorporat- ing fathers into research on gender development is another important step; we know very little about the role of residential fathers in African-American youth’s development. Like parents, peers are important agents of socialization. Peers model and reinforce gendered behaviors, and peer interactions provide opportuni- ties for practicing gendered behaviors and skills (Martin & Fabes, 2001). Indeed, in a short-term lon- gitudinal study with White children, Martin and Fabes (2001) found that same-gender play predicted increases in aggression, rough and tumble play, and activity level among boys. In contrast, same- gender play predicted lower aggression and activity level among girls. In addition, time spent with same-gender partners in play predicted increases over time in gender-typed play for both boys and girls. Among African Americans, research also highlights the significance of male peers in shaping stereotypically masculine behaviors among boys (Roberts-Douglass & Curtis-Boles, 2013). We built on this research to examine whether the amounts of time youth spent with their father and their mother, male peers, and female peers were related to (changes over time) in youth’s gendered personality qualities, gendered interests, and gender role attitudes. Based on social-learning theory time spent with same-gender peers should be linked to more stereotypical gender role orientations and time spend with peers of the other gender should be linked to less stereotypical ones. Studying White youth in middle childhood through adolescence, however, McHale et al. (2009) found that amounts of time spent withboth male and female peerswere related to higher levels of instrumental qualities; further, time spent with female peers wasnegatively Development of Gender Orientations 1707 related to feminine activity interests. Thesefindings suggest that during adolescence, time spent with male and female peers may have different socializa- tion implications than in childhood such that peers promote independence and other instrumental qual- ities but may discourage“femininity.” Further highlighting the complexity of the role of social partners in youth’s gender role orientations, Mandara, Murray, and Joyner (2005) found that adolescents from father present households—both boys and girls—reported more gender stereotypical personality qualities in comparison to adolescents whose fathers did not reside with them. Suggestive of fathers’role in gender development, controlling for other family demographics, boys who resided with fathers reported more stereotypically mascu- line qualities than boys who did not reside with their fathers, and girls from lower-income house- holds who resided with fathers reported less stereo- typically masculine qualities than girls who did not reside with fathers (Mandara et al., 2005). The authors suggested that the everyday presence of fathers in their children’s lives might account for these patterns: Boys may model their fathers’mas- culine-typed behaviors, and fathers may encourage complementary qualities in their daughters and therefore support the development of more stereo- typical gender role orientations in both girls and boys (Parke, 1996). Given thesefindings, we tested if the effects of time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers differed for girls and boys. The Present Study In sum, highlighting the intersectionality of gen- der and race, extant research reveals differences in their socioculturally relevant experiences as well as in the adjustment and achievement of African- American girls versus boys (Skinner, Perkins, Wood, & Kurtz-Costes, 2016). Accordingly, in an effort to advance understanding of the normative processes of gender development in these youth, this study addressed two goals. Ourfirst goal was to chart the developmental course of African-Amer- ican girls’versus boys’gender role orientations in three domains: (a) gendered personality qualities, specifically expressivity (sensitive, kind) and instru- mentality (independent, adventurous); (b) interests in traditionally masculine (sports, hunting) and feminine (dance, shopping) activities; and (c) gen- dered attitudes toward childrearing roles. From a gender schema perspective, we would expect that both girls and boys would show declines in stereo- typicality over time, although from a genderintensification perspective, we may see some increase in traditionality beginning in early adoles- cence. Our second goal was to test whether the amounts of time they spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers were linked to (changes in) girls’and boys’gender role orienta- tions and whether those linkages varied by adoles- cents’gender. Based on social-learning theory we expected that time spent with males would be related to more stereotypical orientations for boys and less for girls, and that time spent with females would be related to more stereotypical orientations for girls and less for boys. Prior empirical examina- tion of these theories of gender development, how- ever, have not taken into account the intersectionality between gender and race, and thus we use an ethnic homogeneous design to test whether these predicted patterns differ for African- American girls versus boys. Method Data Source and Sample The sample included mothers, fathers, and 319 African-American youth, specifically up to two sib- lings from 166 families. Families were recruited as part of a 3-year longitudinal study on gender socialization and gender development in two-parent African-American families. Data were collected dur- ing 2002–2004. We used an accelerated longitudinal research design in which cohorts (in our case, sib- lings) of different ages are repeatedly assessed, resulting in overlapping measurements of age groups across a longer age span than one cohort provides (Duncan, Duncan, & Hops, 1996; Miyazaki & Raudenbush, 2000). This method allows for a shorter follow-up period of participants thus reduc- ing the problem of repeated testing and attrition in comparison to single-cohort longitudinal designs. Results from accelerated longitudinal research designs adequately capture development and the effects of covariates are similar to results obtained from true longitudinal designs wherein the same individuals are studied over time (Duncan et al., 1996). To be eligible, families self-identified as Black/ African American and included a mother and a fatherfigure who resided together and were raising at least two adolescent-aged children. In families with more than two children, the two closest to age 13 were recruited. About half of the families were recruited by African-American recruiters in local communities in the mid-Atlantic region of the 1708 Skinner and McHale United States who posted advertisements and dis- tributedflyers at youth activities. The remaining families were recruited from the same geographic region via mailings purchased from a marketing firm. In Year 1, 202 families participated. For these analyses we did not include data from families in which the parents were not romantically involved (e.g., mother living with her father;n=7), parents who ended their relationship throughout the course of the study (n=23), or families in which mother and fatherfigures resided together for less than 3 years (n=6). Attrition across the 3 years of the study was 5%. All youth self-identified as Black/ African American, as did 95% of mothers and 97% of fathers. The average educational level was 14.67 years (SD=1.82; range=9–19) for mothers and 14.37 years (SD=2.36; range=5–19) for fathers (a score of 12 indicated high school gradu- ate). The median family income was $85,000 (SD=$58,740, range=$3,000–$525,000), however, the median income for mothers was $33,500 (SD=$22,617) and for father was $45,000 (SD=$48,211). The sample was comprised mostly of two-earner families with adolescent-aged chil- dren (i.e., older parents working in the labor force for a longer period of time), which likely accounts for the overall high median family income. The ranges of parental education and family income, however, suggest that the sample was largely working to middle class, with some lower and upper variation. Given age differences between siblings and three waves of data collection, betweenn=30 and n=151 siblings provided data at each chronologi- cal age from 9 (age 8.50–9.50) to 18 (age 17.50– 18.50) years allowing us to chart gender develop- ment from middle childhood through adolescence (ages 9–18). In thefirst year of the study, older sib- lings averaged 13.95 years (SD=1.88; range=10.03–18.49) and younger siblings averaged 10.48 years (SD=1.00; range=8.52–12.92). Procedures Data collection involved two procedures. First, during each of the 3 years of the study, two Afri- can-American interviewers conducted separate home interviews with fathers, mothers, and each of the two target youth about their personal qualities and family relationships. We used data from youth about their gender role orientations and data from parents about family demographics and their own gendered interests. Informed consent/assent was obtained prior to the interviews, and familiesreceived a $200 –300 honorarium for participation. The project was approved by the university’s Insti- tutional Review Board (IRB). The second data collection procedure was used to gather information about youth’s time spent with male peers, female peers, mother, and father. Dur- ing the month following the home interviews in the first and third years of the study, seven nightly tele- phone interviews were conducted with parents and adolescents to obtain information about their daily activities. Using a cued-recall approach, during each phone call youth reported on the types of activities they were involved in outside of school hours, the individuals who were involved in the activities, and how long each activity lasted. We used data on time spent with peers and parents that were col- lected during thefirst year of the study to predict changes in youth’s gender role orientations. Measures Gendered personality qualities(expressivity and instrumentality) were measured with the Antill Trait Questionnaire (Antill, Russell, Goodnow, & Cotton, 1993). Using a 1 (almost never)to5(almost always) scale youth indicated how well six femi- nine-typed (e.g., gentle, patient) and masculine- typed (e.g., athletic, independent) traits described them. Items were averaged to create ratings of expressivity and instrumentality. Cronbach’s alphas averaged .60 for instrumentality and .74 for expres- sivity. Gendered activity interestswere assessed using a measure developed by McHale et al. (2009). During thefirst year of the study, parents rated their inter- est in 35 activities and youth rated their interest in these same activities during all 3 years of the study using a1 (not at all interested)to4(very interested) scale. As in prior work (McHale et al., 2009) because the gendered natured of activities depend on place and time, we classified activities as mascu- line or feminine based on significant differences between mothers’and fathers’ratings of their inter- est in these activities: six activities that were rated as more interesting by fathers were classified as masculine (sports, hunting, building, boating, watching sports on television, motor biking) and 14 activities that were rated as more interesting by mothers were classified as feminine (language arts, reading and writing for pleasure, music, drama, drawing, dancing, religious activities, emailing, talking on the telephone, shopping, gardening, playing games, and roller skating). The indices of youth’s gendered interests were the averages of Development of Gender Orientations 1709 ratings of these masculine and feminine interests, respectively. Gender role attitudeswere measured with the gen- der-based attitudes toward Childrearing Scale (Hoff- man & Kloska, 1995). Youth rated seven items such as,“It is more important to raise a son to be strong and independent than to raise a daughter that way,” ona1(strongly disagree)to4(strongly agree) scale, with higher scores indicating more traditional gen- der attitudes. Across time, alphas averaged .69. Amounts of time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peerswere assessed using data col- lected from the phone interviews during thefirst year of the study. To create these indices, youth’s reports of time (in minutes) spent in any activity with mother present, father present, male peer(s), and female peer(s) present were each summed across all activities and all calls. To correct for skewness we used log transformations. Controls In year 1, mothers and fathers reported on their education and annual family income. Because of the high correlation between mothers’and fathers’ education,r=.47, and to reduce the number of control variables in the analyses, we used the par- ent average. Analysis Plan We used multilevel modeling because of the clus- tered nature of the data (time within individuals, sib- lings within families). For each dimension of gender (expressivity, instrumentality, feminine and mascu- line interests, and gender attitudes), we estimated a three-level model (Level 1=within individual; Level 2=within family/between siblings; Level 3=be- tween family). Analyses were conducted using the PROC MIXED procedure in SAS Version 9.4 (SAS Institute Inc., Cary, NC, USA). In all analyses we used youth age as the metric of time and tested for linear, quadratic, and cubic polynomial terms. Youth age was centered at age 13 (the average age across siblings across time points). In thefirst step of the analyses we esti- mated an unconditional growth curve model (from approximately age 9 to 18) for each dependent vari- able. We also tested a series of nested models to determine whether slopes should be treated asfixed or random. Deviance tests comparing the log likeli- hoods of nested models were used to determine which random variances to include. Following this step, we tested a conditional model to describe thedevelopmental course of each dependent variable, controlling for family income and parent education. In all models we included the covariates youth’s gender, and time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers at Time 1. In addition, two- and three-way interactions involving time with par- ents or time with peers and youth gender and age were included to test for gender differences in the effects of time spent in gendered social contexts at the intercept as well as in the developmental trajec- tories of each domain. Given the two age cohorts of siblings, we tested birth order, the marker of age cohort here, as well as the Birth Order9Age poly- nomial interaction term to assess cohort differences in each domain of gender development. When sig- nificant, we retained these effects in the models (Miyazaki & Raudenbush, 2000). Indices of time spent with parents and peers were grand mean centered and entered as a time- invariant covariate at Level 2. Youth gender and birth order were also included at Level 2, and fam- ily-level factors (family income and parent educa- tion) were entered at Level 3. As described in Aiken and West (1991), we probed significant inter- actions by changing the reference group in the case of categorical variables (e.g., gender) and compar- ing youth whose scores were 1SDabove or below the sample average for interactions involving con- tinuous variables (e.g., Time with Male Peers9Linear Age). Only significant interactions were retained in thefinal models. We computed the pseudoR 2effect size estimate (Peugh & Heck, 2016) to quantify the proportion of variance explained in the gender role orientation variables by the inclusion of all predictor variables’fixed effects. Results Means and standard deviations for study measures are in Table 1. Mean levels of instrumentality, expressivity, masculine interests, and feminine interests were above the midpoints of the scales for both boys and girls, suggestive of high levels of each, but below the midpoint of the scale for tradi- tional gender attitudes. Turning to the development of youth’s gender role orientations, the bestfitting unconditional growth curve models for expressiv- ity, instrumentality, masculine interests, feminine interests, and gender attitudes included random intercepts at Levels 2 and 3. A random linear slope was also added at Level 3 for gender attitudes and feminine activity interests. Standardized coefficients 1710 Skinner and McHale are presented in Tables 3 and 4 as indices of the rel- ative influence of each variable in the models. Development and Correlates of Expressivity Results from the unconditional model showed nonsignificant linear,c= .015,SE=.011,p=.173, and significant quadratic effects,c=.010,SE=.004, p=.004 (Table 2; Figure 1). Follow-up tests showed that youth exhibited declines in expressive qualities from age 9 to age 15 (c= .037,SE=.015, p=.013), followed by increases in later adolescence(c=.114,SE=.034,p<.001). The conditional model showed that, at age 13, girls endorsed more expressive qualities than boys,c= .255,SE=.070, p<.001, and this gender difference did not change over time. Development and Correlates of Instrumentality The best-fitting growth curve for instrumentality included a significant linear age term, indicating that youth’s instrumental qualities increased over time,c=.034,SE=.011,p=.002 (Table 2; Table 1 Means and Standard Deviations for Gender Role Orientations and Time ain Gendered Social Contexts Girls M(SD)Boys M(SD) Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 Time 1 Time 2 Time 3 Expressivity 3.97 (.62) 3.96 (.66) 3.88 (.59) 3.68 (.66) 3.70 (.66) 3.65 (.61) Instrumentality 3.48 (.66) 3.59 (.68) 3.59 (.65) 3.79 (.63) 3.81 (.62) 3.90 (.60) Feminine activity interests 3.13 (.45) 3.06 (.44) 2.98 (.44) 2.61 (.51) 2.50 (.52) 2.42 (.51) Masculine activity interests 2.26 (.60) 2.12 (.66) 2.12 (.64) 2.91 (.63) 2.76 (.59) 2.69 (.63) Gender attitudes 1.65 (.49) 1.58 (.38) 1.58 (.41) 1.96 (.53) 1.98 (.50) 1.92 (.45) Time with mother 667 (352)——528 (316)—— Time with father 347 (260)——411 (295)—— Time with male peers 277 (263)——415 (312)—— Time with female peers 450 (339)——225 (231)—— aTime in minutes across 7 days. Table 2 Conditional Model Predicting (Changes in) Expressivity and Instrumentality Expressivity Instrumentality b[95% CI]b[95% CI] Intercept 3.898** 3.799, 3.996 3.548** 3.460, 3.637 Linear age .015 .064, .034 .060* .180, .109 Quadratic age .048** .011, .085—— Gender (girl=0) .259** .395, .122 .203* .061, .345 Family income .038 .047, .123 .044 .039, .176 Parent education .037 .121, .047 .046 .035, .128 Time with mother .037 .130, .055 .012 .080, .055 Time with father .025 .045, .095 .014 .083, .055 Time with male peers .003 .074, .068 .044 .032, .120 .016 .088, .056 .009 .067, .085 Time with male peers9gender——.143* .006, .280 Variance components Level 1 .238*** .253** Level 2 .123*** .132*** Level 3 .040* .026 PseudoR 2 .61% .59% *p<.05.**p<.01.***p<.001. Development of Gender Orientations 1711 Figure 1). Results from the conditional model revealed a significant effect of gender such that boys reported more instrumental qualities than girls,c=.208,SE=.071,p=.004, and this gender difference did not change over time. The significant effect of gender was qualified by a time with Male Peers9Gender interaction,c=.071,SE=.033, p=.033. Follow-ups revealed that for boys—but not girls—more time with male peers was related to more instrumental qualities at age 13,c=.093, SE=.031,p=.003;c=.021,SE=.018,p=.242, n.s.,respectively. Development and Correlates of Feminine Activity Interests The overall growth curve for feminine interests showed significant linear,c= .068,SE=.009, p<.001, and quadratic effects of age,c=.007, SE=.003,p=.012 (Table 3; Figure 2). Youth exhibited declines in feminine activity interests in early adolescence that leveled off in later adoles- cence. Results from the conditional model showed significant main effects of gender at age 13 indi- cating that boys were less interested in stereotypi- cally feminine activities than girls,c= .494, SE=.051,p<.001, and this gender difference did not change over time. A signi ficant effect of birth order,c= .177,SE=.054,p=.001, was qualified by a significant Birth Order9Linear Age interac- tion,c=.085,SE=.035,p=.015; older siblings exhibited greater declines in feminine interests over time,c= .120,SE=.020,p=.001, in com- parison to younger siblings,c= .035,SE=.020, p=.084, possibly because their interests were stronger to begin with. With respect to gendered time use, time with father predicted more feminineactivity interests at age 13,c=.054,SE=.010, p=.007. Development of Masculine Activity Interests The overall growth curve for masculine interests included a significant linear age term, indicating that youth’s masculine interests declined over time, c= .078,SE=.011,p<.001 (Table 3; Figure 3). Results from the conditional model revealed a mar- ginally significant effect of time with female peers, c= .037,SE=.020,p=.060, such that time with female peers predicted less interest in masculine activities at age 13. The significant effect of gender was qualified by a signi ficant time with Male Peers9Gender interaction,c=.100,SE=.033, p=.003. Follow-ups revealed that boys who spent more time with male peers reported more stereotypi- cally masculine interests at age 13,c=.121, SE=.031,p<.001, whereas time with male peers was not related to girls’masculine interests,c=.022, SE=.018,p=.223,n.s. Finally, a significant Gender9Linear Age interaction,c= .044, SE=.021,p=.041, and a significant Linear Age9Time with Mother interaction,c= .060, SE=.021,p=.004, was qualified by a three-way, Gender9Linear Age9Time with Mother interac- tion,c=.068,SE=.029,p=.021. Follow-ups indi- cated that time with mother was a stronger predictor of declines in masculine interest for boys (high time with mothers_c= .122,SE=.020,p<.001; low time with mother_c= .083,SE=.018,p<.001) than girls (high time with mother_c= .057, SE=.014,p<.001; low_c= .037,SE=.019, p=.050). Of the control variables, parents’education was related to less interest in masculine activities at age 13,c= .049,SE=.023,p=.033. Figure 1.Growth curves for boys’and girls’instrumental and expressive qualities. 1712 Skinner and McHale Development and Correlates of Gender Attitudes The best-fitting growth curve model for gender atti- tudes toward childrearing included a significant linearage term,c= .025,SE=.008,p<.001 (Table 4; Fig- ure 4): Attitude traditionality declined from early to late adolescence. Results from the conditional model showed that girls reported less traditional attitudes Table 3 Conditional Model Predicting (Changes in) Feminine and Masculine Activity Interests Feminine activity interests Masculine activity interests b[95% CI]b[95% CI] Intercept 3.112** 3.019, 3.204 2.188** 2.099, 2.277 Linear age .264** .351, .177—.122** .186, .054 Quadratic age .079** .033, .124—— Gender (girl=0) .484** .589, .378 .526** .388, .664 Birth order (0=older) .166* .279, .059—— Family income .003 .067, .060 .088 † .004, .161 Parents education .054 † .116, .008 .088* .169, .007 Time with mother .015 .037, .067 .018 .073, .109 Time with father .069* .016, .123 .044 .024, .121 Time with male peers .010 .064, .044 .046 .029, .120 Time with female peers .032 .024, .087 .073* .147, .001 Gender9Time with Male Peers——.204** .070, .338 Linear Age9Birth Order .193* .039, .347—— Linear Age9Gender—— .010* .191, .002 Linear Age9Time with Mom—— .041** .170, .028 Linear Age9Time with Mom9Gender——.115* .018, .213 Variance components Level 1 intercept .111* .187*** Level 2 intercept .089*** .120*** Level 3 intercept .014 .041* Level 3 slope .000— Intercept-slope covariance .002— PseudoR 2 74% 72% *p<.05.**p<.01.***p<.001.†p<.10. Figure 2.Growth curves for boys’and girls’stereotypically feminine activity interests. Development of Gender Orientations 1713 than boys at age 13,c=.398,SE=.053,p<.001, and this gender difference did not change over time. Discussion A growing body of research highlights the implica- tions of gender role orientations for African-Ameri- can youth’s adjustment and health-related quality of life (Cooper et al., 2011; Palapattu et al., 2006; Scott et al., 2015). We know little, however, abouthow African-American youth’s gender role orienta- tions change over time or about the factors that contribute to their development. More generally, this study contributes to the scant literature on nor- mative development in African-American youth (McLoyd, 1998) in several key ways. First, we charted change over time in three dimensions of gender development and examined gender differ- ences and individual differences in patterns of change among boys and girls from late childhood through adolescence. In general, masculine and feminine activity interests and attitude traditionality declined, whereas instrumentality increased across adolescence, and expressivity decreased from early to middle adolescence and later increased for both boys and girls. As elaborated next, these patterns of change provide some support for both gender schema and gender intensification hypotheses. Fur- thermore, consistent with an ecological perspective about the role of daily activities in youth develop- ment (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006), amounts of time spent with mother, father, male peers, and female peers were related to gender role orientation development, and Person9Context interactions indicated that some of the links between the gen- dered contexts of time use and gender development differed for boys and girls. These different develop- mental patterns in combination with the effects of time spent with parents and peers are evidence of the multidimensionality of gender for African- American youth. Most importantly, our ethnic homogenous research design served to illuminate the development of African-American youth and the factors that contribute to gender and individual differences in their gender role orientations. Consis- tent with some reports offlexibility in the gender Figure 3.Growth curves for boys’and girls’stereotypically masculine activity interests. Table 4 Conditional Model Predicting (Changes in) Gender Attitudes Gender attitudes toward childrearing roles b[95% CI] Intercept 1.574** 1.505, 1.644 Linear age .063** .100, .026 Gender (girl=0) .399** .296, .502 Family income .061 † .128, .005 Parents education .044 .109, .020 Time with mother .019 .070, .032 Time with father .013 .042, .069 Time with male peers .029 .082, .025 Time with female peers .015 .040, .069 Variance components Level 1 intercept .084*** Level 2 intercept .067*** Level 3 intercept .040*** Level 3 slope .011* Intercept-slope covariance .013* PseudoR 2 .81% *p<.05.**p<.01.***p<.001.†p<.10. 1714 Skinner and McHale role orientations of African Americans, ourfindings revealed that, in the face of consistent gender differ- ences, these youth espoused nontraditional atti- tudes, on average, and that both girls and boys endorsed relatively high levels of stereotypically feminineandmasculine personality qualities and gendered activity interests. Next we elaborate on the conclusions that can be drawn from this study and highlight directions for future research. Gender Role Orientations in African-American Youth Gender differences in this sample of African- American youth were generally consistent with pre- vious cross-sectional research with African-Ameri- can youth that has focused on those living in single parent households (Palapattu et al., 2006) as well as that with White youth (McHale et al., 2009). These gender differences also represented the largest effects in comparison to other factors in our models. Overall, girls reported more expressive qualities and feminine activity interests than boys, and boys reported more instrumental qualities and masculine activity interests as well as more traditional gender attitudes than girls. Consistent with a gender schema perspective, youth exhibited some declines in gender stereotypicality over time, and consistent with an ecological perspective, the main effects of gender were qualified by time spent with male and female partners for some dimensions of gender. Finally, these patterns of gender differences were consistent with research showing that African- American girls and women areflexible in their gen- der role orientations (Harris, 1996; Palapattu et al., 2006)—but so too, were boys: As noted, despite overall gender differences, both male and female adolescents endorsed masculine and femininepersonality qualities, similar levels of interests in masculine- and feminine-typed activities, and held nontraditional gender attitudes, on average. Consis- tent with these patterns, some scholars have sug- gested that African-American families areflexible in their gender roles, in part, because of social condi- tions including discrimination and economic marginalization particularly of men (Hill, 2001). In the face of mean-level gender differences, the developmental patterns of youth’s gender role ori- entations were similar for boys and girls. For exam- ple, both boys and girls showed declines in expressivity from early to mid adolescence followed by increases over time. This pattern corresponds most closely to a gender intensification pattern for boys (Hill & Lynch, 1983), but a gender schema prediction of decreasing stereotypicality for girls. Changes in instrumentality also were similar for girls and boys in evidencing linear increases over time. Here, the girls’pattern was most consistent with a gender schema prediction, but the pattern for boys aligned with a gender intensification per- spective. Considering the developmental patterns of boys and girls together, however, these results sug- gest that in this sample of African-American youth from two-parent households, both boys and girls espoused instrumental (e.g., independence and bravery)andexpressive (e.g., kindness, sensitivity) personal qualities during mid to late adolescence. Both sets of characteristics may be important for youth to successfully navigate their home, school, and community contexts. Instrumental characteris- tics such as bravery, independence, and leadership may also be necessary for African-American youth to develop and sustain a positive identity in the face of negative images and attitudes in society about African Americans. Figure 4.Growth curves for boys’and girls’gender attitudes. Development of Gender Orientations 1715 Turning to activity interests, in addition to gen- der differences in feminine activity interests consis- tent with prior research (Jacobs et al., 2002; McHale et al., 2009), both girls and boys became less inter- ested in stereotypically masculineandfeminine activities across adolescence. As prior investigators have noted, declines in gendered activity interests may result from increased specialization during adolescence as youth make choices about how to spend time and auditions and try-outs set limits on their participation opportunities. In general, how- ever, research is needed to understand how Afri- can-American youth spend their time across adolescence given the decreases in both feminine and masculine activity interests. Despite the impli- cations of gendered activity interests for youth’s academic choices and occupational aspirations, we know almost nothing about the ways in which this domain of gender development is related to educa- tional outcomes for African-American youth, an area where gender differences are clearly docu- mented. Finally, decreases in traditional attitudes toward childrearing roles are consistent with a gen- der schema perspective in showing increasingly flexible views about the ways that boys and girls should be raised. An important avenue for research is to examine the implications of these gender role orientations for African-American youth’s development and adjustment in other domains. For example, some research suggests that African-American youth with both stereotypically masculine and feminine person- ality qualities have better mental health, suggesting that efforts to promote balance between instrumen- tal and expressive qualities more generally may be important (Cooper et al., 2011; Palapattu et al., 2006); future research should extend beyond the domain of gendered personality. Toward better understanding the intersectionality between gender and race, another next step may be to examine the links between gendered qualities and orientations to race/ethnicity, including identity and responses to the racial discrimination experiences that are common for African-American youth (Seaton & Douglass, 2014). Gendered Social Contexts and Development of Youth’s Gender Role Orientations Consistent with social-learning theory and with an ecological perspective, youth’s personality quali- ties, interests, and gender attitudes were predicted by the time they spent in gendered social contexts. One exception to this pattern was that time withfather was related to stronger feminine activity interests at age 13 for both sexes. This same associa- tion was found in research with White adolescents (McHale et al., 2009) and is suggestive of the important role that fathers may play in the norma- tive development of African-American youth—a topic that has been largely neglected in the devel- opmental and family literatures. Fathers who spend more time with their children may have less tradi- tional gender role orientations themselves, includ- ing in the division of child-oriented activities between themselves and their wives. Results focused on time spent with male peers were consistent with a social-learning perspective, especially for boys: Boys who spent more time with male peers reported more instrumental qualities and stronger masculine activity interests at age 13. These results align with research suggesting that there is pressure within African-American male peer groups to maintain a“masculine”reputation (Belgrave & Brevard, 2014), and extend this work to encompass gendered personal qualities and activity interests. A limitation of our study is that we did not include analysis of the race of youth’s companions. Furthermore, our correlational data mean that causal inferences cannot be drawn: it may be, for example, that boys who have more instrumental qualities and masculine interests choose to spend time with other boys rather than the reverse, and also that both directions of effect are operative. As noted, an important direction for future research is to examine the links between gen- der development and adjustment and well-being in African-American youth: A balance between stereo- typically feminine and masculine gender orienta- tions may be protective against risk factors such as discrimination and promotive of psychological well-being. Ourfindings on the links between gen- der and time use may suggest that the positive developmental and adjustment implications of boys’time with male peers, in particular, may be enhanced by fathers’coinvolvement in such activi- ties, such as in the role of coach, club advisor, and the like. Limitations and Directions for Future Research In the face of our study’s contributions to the lit- eratures on normative development in African- American youth and the larger literature on gender development, its limitations imply directions for research. First, although we examined both parents’ and peers’role in youth’s gender development, other individuals such as siblings, teachers, and 1716 Skinner and McHale other nonfamilial adults are also important agents of socialization, and time spent with these individu- als may also have implications for youth’s gender development but we did not include these variables in our study. In addition, although we treated time with parents and peers as distinct predictors, it is likely that these are interrelated, for example, as when parents promote and provide opportunities for their children to interact with same- or other- gender peers. Importantly, however, ourfindings revealed that amounts of time spent with peers ver- sus mother and father were differentially related to youth’s gender role orientations. In addition, we were limited in our ability to fully examine the role of time spent with parents and peers because we did not collect these data at all 3 years of the study. Relatedly, this study’s correlational design pre- cluded causal inferences. Intervention studies that promote parent and/or peer shared time in the con- text of experimental designs could be used to estab- lish the role of youth’s time use in their gender development. Finally, our sample was limited to two-parent families from a specific geographic region, and future research should be directed at recruiting nationally representative samples of Afri- can-American youth who reside in various family structures. Conclusion This study provided afirst longitudinal look at gender development and its correlates among Afri- can-American youth who are growing up in homes with mothers and fathers. In so doing, our study moved beyond the literature’s more typical focus on dysfunction and pathology to contribute to the sparse body of knowledge on normative develop- ment in this sociocultural group (McLoyd, 1998). Ourfindings were consistent with prior portrayals of African Americans asflexible in their gender role orientations—a pattern that may be necessitated by the challenges of adapting to a history of limited opportunities—in showing that both girls and boys tended to endorse nonstereotypical gender role ori- entations. Results showing that boys’time, with male peers in particular, was more consistently linked to their gender role orientations than was girls’time, also contribute to the emerging literature on intersectionality among dimensions of youth identity. And, they underscore the significance of future research of youth who are growing up with the challenge of integrating social and socialization experiences around both gender and race given the unique risks faced by African-American males andfemales in contemporary U.S. society (Crenshaw et al., 2015). 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Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra
Running Head: BARRIERS THAT CAN BE LIFE OR DEATH SENTENCE 1 David M. Blanding PSY3010 Social Psychology Week 3 April 26, 2020 Barriers That Can Be A Life or Death Sentence Melissa and Jared were a young couple that had just graduated from college and was in their 2nd year of marriage. Melissa was 26 and Jared was 28 years old. Melissa was a physician’s assistant and Jared was an engineer. On May 28th 2017, they began traveling down highway 64 heading to West Virginia to visit their parents for their 50th wedding anniversary. They had been driving for 6 hours already and Jared stated that he was getting a little sleepy. Melissa suggested that she drive them the rest of the way since she had slept for most of the trip. Jared pulled the car over at the next exit. Melissa got in the driver’s seat and they continued their trip to their parents’ house. It was approaching 7pm eastern time and it started to rain heavily. Melissa turned on the windshield wipers and also leaned over and reached her hand to turn up the volume on the radio. Immediately, once Melissa removed her hand from the stereo and straightened up in her seat, she felt a big boom and her head went forcefully into the steering wheel. Jared had dozed off and woke up in shock. As soon as Melissa realized something had hit their car, she felt another bam in the back of them pushing her head into the airbag which had deployed from the first hit. Jared wasn’t wearing his seat belt. He took it off so that he could relax while Melissa was driving. When they got hit in the back, Jared flew through the windshield and his body was laying straightway on top of the car. Melissa was knocked unconscious and their car was now in the middle of the woods. They had been in a very serious car accident. A 12 passenger van hydroplaned and landed into Melissa’s lane and hit their vehicle, on the passenger side, while at the same time causing another vehicle to hit them from behind. All of a sudden their car was surrounded by people speaking what sounded like a bunch of gibberish and wearing long garments with only their eyes revealed. Melissa being in so much pain, could not respond to the words of the people and to make matters worse, she couldn’t understand a word that they were saying. She was afraid for her life. She was saying to herself, please don’t hurt me. The people started to pull on Melissa to take her seatbelt off but she couldn’t move. The car had started smoking and the people were afraid that the car was going to catch on fire. Out of fear, the people started yelling even louder in their foreign language. A car passing by had called 911 and when the police arrived they had an interpreter with them. The language that the other people was speaking was Arabic. The police began to check on Jared to ensure he didn’t have any life threatening injuries and then they looked at Melissa to make sure she was okay. The police notified the paramedics and they quickly came on the scene. Once the paramedics arrived they extracted Melissa from the vehicle and immediately placed Jared onto the stretcher. A few minutes later, the car blew up in flames. The people at the scene was explaining to the police that they were a group of students from Saudi Arabia that were on an internship assignment at John Hopkins. It was a total of 11 of them and none of them spoke English. What the students were trying to convey to Melissa and Jared, was that they wanted to drag them away from the car. But with the language barrier, and the unusual clothing, it just made things scarier for Melissa and more frustrating for the students were trying to help. Melissa and Jared received the medical care that they needed but unfortunately were unable to make it to their parent’s home in time to celebrate their anniversary. They were grateful to be alive and apologized to the students for giving them a hard time when they were only trying to help. Melissa had prejudged them based on their language, their accent and the clothing that they were in (Arabesque, 2016) . I think his could have ended up a little different if the students would have slowed down when they were yelling instead of getting louder. This just made the situation worse and scared Melissa and Jared even more after this very tragic accident. Maybe they could have lowered their voices and then their body languages could have revealed that they were actually trying to help and not attack them. This would have caused Melissa to welcome their assistance even though she couldn’t understand what they were saying she would only assume that they were trying to help her because of their gentleness and their tone. The cultural differences in Melissa and the students caused a delay in her and Jared getting out of the vehicle quicker. Melissa immediately built up a wall when she saw them and was even more frightened when they started trying to communicate with her. References Traditional urban men’s dress of Saudi Arabia, Saudi Arabesque (2016) Retrieved From:
Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra
Running Head: GENDER PERSPECTIVES 1 David M. Blanding PSY3010 Social Psychology Lab Week 5 May 10, 2020 Gender Perspectives Summary: This article was about Predominately male driven work places in Canada that create an environment that makes it uncomfortable to men to be honest about their mental health state and to ask for help. This article zoomed in on events needed in the work place in order to establish more cohesiveness and trust amongst men, without making them feel vulnerable. Making mental health programs available through employers saves the organization money in the long run. There is a need for innovative programs to promote men’s mental health and address norms related to masculinity, work related stress, concerns about job security, and male-specific stigmata associated with mental health issues. The objectives of this article are to (a) describe the gendered views of male employees and workplace representatives in male-dominated industries about workplace mental health promotion and (b) suggest recommendations for effective gender-sensitive workplace approaches to promote men’s mental health. Analysis: I believe author did an outstanding job hitting the key focal points of this article. This article was very well written and very easy to follow. I liked the information in this article that gave awareness to the mental health state of men in the workplace. It allowed me to look into the different things that men actually go through on their jobs and just in life period that they keep silent about. This article queued me to follow up on my mental health assessments and ensure that I seek help if I am having issues coping with stress. I thought this was a very interesting article. This article reminded me of some of the key points that I learned during this week’s lesson about the changes that men and people in general go through in the workplace and have to be try to be as resilient as possible, just to make the time by faster. Summary: This article is about the determination and comparison of social emotional skills and prosocial behavior among 15 and 16 year-old adolescent athletes and non-athletes. The study results revealed that adolescent sport participation has influence on social skills and strongly links to athletes’ prosocial behavior. Emotional, social and prosocial behaviors have an effect on gender differences. This article elaborates on the changes that adolescence go through at this age. Their life is essentially a roller coaster. So many influences, stages of puberty, identity changes, emotional ups and downs just to name a few. This article pointed out that kids with poor social emotional skills have difficulty learning and children with good social emotional skills tend to do better academically. The article broke down statistics with a table that showed boys versus girls and their emotional, social and prosocial behavior. The results from the current study showed that there no significant differences between adolescent girls and boys in terms of their abilities to assess emotions, self-control, communication, and assertiveness skills. Analysis: I really enjoyed reading this article. It explained how usually athletes are able to relate to others in a more efficient way. They understand the concept of working together and express empathy towards others more easily versus those non athletes. The study revealed that girls scored higher on emotional skills, such as ability to understand and analyze emotions and social skills such as cooperation. Moreover, boys scored higher on prosocial behavior such as public and anonymous. References Myers, D., Twenge, J. Social Psychology. [South University]. Retrieved from: Seaton, C. L., Bottorff, J. L., Oliffe, J. L., Medhurst, K., & DeLeenheer, D. (2019). Mental health promotion in male-dominated workplaces: Perspectives of male employees and workplace representatives. Psychology of Men & Masculinities, 20(4), 541–552. Retrieved from: Social Emotional Skills and Prosocial Behavior among 15–16-year-old Adolescents. (2018). European Journal of Contemporary Education, 7(1). doi:10.13187/ejced.2018.1.21 Retrieved from:
Final Project: Research ProposalIn Weeks 1 through 9, you have created all the sections to be included in the research proposal. This week, you will collate all these sections and create the final dra
THE WORLD WE LIVE IN 7 David Blanding South University PSY 3011 Week 6 Project May 18, 2020 ABSTRACT This paper will discuss the power, privileges and entitlements given to particular groups within our society. It will break down the importance of understanding the different economic categories that affect the dynamics and truth about gender and gender roles. It will also address the major factors that cause stereotypical thinking towards different gender groups. This paper will address the norms of society and give examples and various instances that affect the views of others regarding them. In today’s society, there are many factors that play major roles. A person’s class, a person’s race and also a person’s gender can very easily be a determining factor in how he or she develops or navigate through society, (Kendall, 2013). During this paper we will be able to analyze and assess the effects of gender and relationship roles, and the impact that particular stereotypes have on the way we have in this day and age. At an early age we realize “I am a boy.” or, “I am a girl.” Of course, we are told this by our parents, siblings and caregivers from very early on, but it is in the toddler years when we can identify that our gender is different from that of another person’s. We begin to notice the subtle differences between how boys are treated and girls are treated, store this information, and recall it in later years. There are several ways we learn this information, from picking up on cues from our parents, friendships, and other caregivers to modeling behavior we see on television shows and in movies. We begin to make our own rules regarding how we should act as boys or girls, and even how we should behave in our relationships, (The Nxt Chapter, 2019). As we grow older and develop our social norms. Our gender roles separates male from female based on their biological make up. Gender roles are established by a society and those who make up the norms of that society, (Kendall, 2013). In society, men seem to have more power than women and are more privileged or accepted as being the dominant gender. Even having research from hundreds and even thousands of years ago, the male gender always seemed to have a dominant and more relevant place in society over that of a female. Research has proven that men are usually expected to exert pressure or force on their sexual partners, assume responsibility as the “breadwinner” of the family, achieve status by earning lots of money, and work in careers that are mechanical or analytical. The female gender however, was always looked upon to be emotionally sensitive and vulnerable, have children, meet the needs of others before their own, and choose careers in the “helping” professions. This type of thinking is due to stereotypes. Stereotypes are preconceived notions about an individual or group of individuals based on a common perception given by those in power in society. (Kendall, 2013). Gender in society can determine much of these things also. For example women, nor African Americans had the right to vote in this country. Before World War II, certain jobs were only available to men (Kendall, 2013). It was even unlawful to pay women on certain amounts of wages for work (Kendall, 2013). Women could have easily been considered second class citizens. I was able to sit in on a specific interview that was in support of a case study about gender. This particular interview was with an African American female. She’s 34 years old, has four children and is considered by society to be a part of middle class. She has also been married for 15 years and expressed that she gets the same responses as the African American male whenever she introduces herself as such. However, this woman does view the majority of her issue with society to be racial. She states that as a Non-commissioned Officer (NCO) in the United States Army, gender tends to play a huge role. She says that most male counterparts are often promoted in the ranks faster than females. She also stated that even when a female out ranks a male, that male tends to often still be placed in more of a leadership role. This is due to society and how it promotes or promoted certain gender roles. In earlier years, women were not even allowed to hold certain jobs and positions in the United States Army. (Kendall, 2013). The norms of the society in which she live are constantly changing. However, there are some gender roles that still remain evident in our society (Kendall, 2013). This woman stated that often times when she ask for a military discount while she’s with her husband people often turn to him and ask how long did he serve in the military. As it pertains to these two individuals believe post modernism is the best way to describe their development in society. She has since learned how to adapt, grow and change with society and have not allowed restrictions to stand in her way of being successful. Gender and the way we view relationships and the demands on the person of the opposite sex, can really alter our way of life. We must be diligent, open and honest about our position and the things that we are willing to adapt to as a generation. References Kendall, D. (2013). Sociology in Our Times, 11th. Independence, KY: Wadsworth Publishing. ISBN : 9781305503090 The Nxt Chapter, Retrieved from:

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