In the 1997 case of University and Community College System of Nevada v Farmer, Farmer was initially awarded $40K in damages for violation of the Equal Pay Act. The university won an appeal in front o

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In the 1997 case of University and Community College System of Nevada v Farmer, Farmer was initially awarded $40K in damages for violation of the Equal Pay Act. The university won an appeal in front of the State of Nevada’s Supreme Court. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear the case, leaving the lower court’s verdict in place. Defend or critique the finding of the Nevada Supreme Court using a deontological or teleological approach.The WatchMark-Comnitel Corporation has undergone significant changes since their case of outsourcing. They were renamed Vallent Corporation, and later were acquired by IBM. This shows the competitive nature of the software industry. Based on this knowledge, examine the outsourcing actions taken by Watchmark-Comnitel from the deontological and teleological perspectives.Present an argument that it is easier for employers to comply with diversity legislation in Canada than it is in the United States.Select a source of media as outlined in Exercises in Media Diversity. Comment on the questions listed in the textbook for the media option you selected.Assignment Expectations:

Length:10 -12 minutes, (about 1500 to 1800 words; answers must thoroughly address the prompts in a clear, concise mannerStructure:Include a title page and reference page in APA style for your scriptReferences:Reference any outside content. Include the appropriate APA style in-text citations and references for all resources utilized to answer the questions

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In the 1997 case of University and Community College System of Nevada v Farmer, Farmer was initially awarded $40K in damages for violation of the Equal Pay Act. The university won an appeal in front o
Understanding and Managing Diversity Readings, Cases, and Exercises Sixth Edition This page intentionally left blank Boston Columbus Indianapolis New York San Francisco Hoboken Amsterdam Cape Town Dubai London Madrid Milan Munich Paris Montréal Toronto Delhi Mexico City São Paulo Sydney Hong Kong Seoul Singapore Taipei Tokyo Sixth Edition Understanding and Managing Diversity Readings, Cases, and Exercises Carol P. Harvey Assumption College, Professor Emerita Suffolk University M. June Allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this textbook appear on the appropriate page within text. Many of the designations by manufacturers and sellers to distinguish their products are claimed as trademarks. Where those designations appear in this book, and the publisher was aware of a trademark claim, the designations have been printed in initial caps or all caps. Editor in Chief: Stephanie Wall Executive Editor: Kris Ellis-Levy Program Manager Team Lead: Ashley Santora Program Manager: Sarah Holle Editorial Assistant: Bernard Ollila Director of Marketing: Maggie Moylan Executive Marketing Manager: Erin Gardner Project Manager Team Lead: Judy Leale Project Manager: Tom Benfatti Operations Specialist: Michelle Klein VP, Director of Digital Strategy & Assessment: Paul GentileDigital Editor: Brian Surette Digital Development Manager: Robin Lazrus Digital Project Manager: Alana Coles MyLab Product Manager: Joan Waxman Creative Director: Jayne Conte Cover Designer: Bruce Kenselaar Cover Photo/Illustration/Art: © Santhosh Kumar/ShutterstockMedia Project Manager: Lisa Rinaldi Full-Service Project Management/Composition: Anand Natarajan/Integra Software ServicesPrinter/Binder: Courier/Westford Cover Printer: Courier/Westford Text Font: 10/12 Minion Pro Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Harvey, Carol P. Understanding and managing diversity: readings, cases and exercises / Carol P. Harvey, M. June Allard.—Sixth edition. pages cm ISBN-13: 978-0-13-354819-8 (alk. paper) ISBN-10: 0-13-354819-8 (alk. paper) 1. Minorities—Employment—United States. 2. Multiculturalism—United States. 3. Personnel management—United States. I. Allard, M. June. II. Title. HF5549.5.M5H37 2015 658.3008—dc23 2013048287 ISBN 10: 0-13-354819-8ISBN 13: 978-0-13-354819-8 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Copyright © 2015, 2012, 2009 by Pearson Education, Inc., 221 River Street, Hoboken, New Jersey 07030. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. This publication is protected by Copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or likewise. To obtain permission(s) to use material from this work, please submit a written request to Pearson Education, Inc., Permissions Department, 221 River Street, Hoboken, New Jersey 07030, or you may fax your request to 201-236-3290. From Carol: This book is dedicated to my family: Steve, Kevin, Toni, David, Krista, and the marvelous Maeve. I could not have done this project without their support. From June: This book is dedicated to the late Roosevelt Thomas, Jr., whose dedication to diversity has been an inspiration. This page intentionally left blank vii C ONTENTS Preface xiii About the Authors xvii Understanding Workplace diversity: Where have We Been and Where are We going? 1 section i Understanding individ Ual perspectives of diversity 8 1. Diversity Today: Fact or Fiction? 11 Carol P. Harvey 2. Diversity! 12 Jeanne M. Aurelio and Christopher Laib 3. Body Ritual Among the Nacirema 14 Horace Miner 4. Increasing Multicultural Understanding: Uncovering Stereotypes 21 John R. Bowman 5. I AM … 25 M. June Allard 6. Are You Privileged? 26 Mark Julien and Micheal T. Stratton 7. White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming to See Correspondences through Work in Women’s Studies 29 Peggy McIntosh 8. The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict 38 Carole G. Parker 9. Exploring Diversity in Your Organization 45 Carol P. Harvey 10. The Pitney Bowes’ Case: A Legacy of Diversity Management 48 Carol P. Harvey Integrative Questions for Section I 55 viii Contents section ii Understanding the primary dimensions of diversity: race and ethnicity 56 11. Being An Only: A Field Assignment 59 Carol P. Harvey 12. Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom 60 Michelle R. Dunlap 13. Since We Elected an African American President Twice, Is Racism Still an Issue in America? 70 Joyce McNickles 14. Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 83 M. June Allard 15. The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now 98 Carol P. Harvey Integrative Questions for Section II 107 section iii Understanding the primary dimensions of diversity: age, gender, sex Ual orientation, and physical and m ental challenges 108 16. How Old Should You Be to Drive a Bus? Exploring Ageism 110 Sharon P. McKechnie 17. Generational Diversity in the Workplace 111 Diane M. Holtzman, Evonne J. Kruger, and Charles D. Srock 18. Exploring The Gender Gap: What Are the Issues? 120 Carol P. Harvey and Deborah L. Larsen 19. When Women Do Lead: Gender Bias 2013 Style 131 Carol P. Harvey 20. The Paradox of Male Privilege: Toward a Gender Democracy & Democratic Manhood 133 Steven D. Farough 21. Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace 142 Gerald Hunt 22. Is This Sexual Harassment? 154 Carol P. Harvey Contents ix 23. Musical Chairs 156 M. June Allard 24. Professor on Wheels: A Case of Disability and Diversity 158 Mark E. Moore and Caryl L. Martin 25. The Cracker Barrel Restaurants 166 John Howard 26. Cracker Barrel Old Country Stores: Postscript 174 Carol P. Harvey Integrative Questions for Section III 175 section iv Understanding the secondary dimensions of diversity: social class, religion, appearance/ Weight, lang Uage/ comm Unication, and m ilitary service 177 27. Does Social Class Make a Difference? 179 Carol P. Harvey 28. Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 182 Colleen A. Fahy 29. Religion in the U.S. Workplace 196 Kathleen M. Fisher, Jeanne M. McNett, and Pamela D. Sherer 30. Understanding Intercultural Communications in Today’s Global Environment 210 Gina Ruxton and Carol P. Harvey 31. Communicating with a Global Call Center Exercise 219 Carol P. Harvey 32. The Culture of the U.S. Air Force and Its Impact on a Mobile Training Team Case 222 Christopher C. Butts, Elizabeth Sanz, Kizzy M. Parks, and Daniel P. McDonald 33. Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military 228 Joseph R. Bongiovi 34. Choosing the Board: Charting the Course with Competing Priorities 242 M. June Allard x Contents 35. Appearance and Weight: Discrimination in the Workplace 244 M. June Allard 36. Fairfax Metropolitan Hospital: The Candidate 255 M. June Allard Integrative Questions for Section IV 257 section v m anaging diversity in terms of the ethical, legal, m edia, and m arketing iss Ues 259 37. The Ethics of Workplace Diversity 261 Jeanne McNett 38. Ethics and Diversity Cases: Legal Applications in the Workplace 273 M. June Allard 39. How Canada Promotes Workplace Diversity 282 Marc S. Mentzer 40. A Report on the Current Health of the Media 289 M. June Allard 41. Exercises in Media Diversity 299 M. June Allard 42. New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer Markets 302 M. June Allard 43. Points of Law: The Bar Exam 317 M. June Allard 44. Chick-fil-A and the Media 319 Carol P. Harvey Integrative Questions for Section V 323 section vi m anaging organizational change and diversity: cU rrent iss Ues 324 45. What Do Organizations Do to Manage Diversity? Examining Corporate Leadership, Training, Mentoring, Employee Resource Groups, and Social Responsibility Programs 326 Carol P. Harvey 46. Work-Life Balance Issues: Changing When and How the Work Gets Done 338 Carol P. Harvey Contents xi 47. The Six Sigma Case: Promotion at the Western Company 347 Rana Haq 48. Diversity and Inclusion Awards: A Critical Examination 353 M. June Allard 49. One Workplace Bully is One Too Many: The Four Faces of Bullying 369 Andra Gumbus 50. A Case of Harassment, Discrimination, or Bullying? You Decide… 379 Andra Gumbus 51. The Path to Inclusion: The Business Case for Diversity at Ocean Spray 384 Carol P. Harvey Integrative Questions for Section VI 388 section vii capstone experiences for Understanding and m anaging diversity 390 52. Creating a Case to Better Understand and Manage Diversity 392 Carol P. Harvey 53. Creating Diversity Awareness: A Video Project 395 Cary J. LeBlanc 54. Evaluating Diversity Management: Conducting a Diversity Audit Using Rubrics 399 Carol P. Harvey Integrative Questions for Section VII 406 Index 408 This page intentionally left blank xiii P REFACE Much has changed since we started writing diversity textbooks. Today, overt discrimination has become less acceptable. There is more awareness of the impact of multiple social identi – ties. There is more realization now that organizations must change the way they manage their employees to maximize the advantages that diversity can bring to the workplace in a challenging global economy, if they are to benefit from the richness of a diverse and productive workforce. However, as Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) claims and recent lawsuits substantiate, there is still considerable workplace discrimination and harassment. As the workplace becomes more diverse because of demographic shifts, immigration, and global business, there is an increasing need to understand that workers are not all alike and are far less willing to assimilate than in the past. In a highly competitive marketplace, organizations need to manage in ways that promote a feeling of inclusion in order to tap into all the creativity and tal – ent that diversity has the potential to contribute. This is why we write these books. Focus o F The six Th edi Tion We see diversity , the ways we differ that may affect our organizational experiences, as a change process that occurs on three levels: the individual, the social identity group level, and the organiza – tional level. Beginning the study of diversity requires that each of us take an introspective look at our beliefs and our own socialization. While most people will deny that they have any prejudices at all, that is simply not the reality. Although it is often an unconscious process, it is quite natural to tend to favor some people over others. We do feel more at ease with some people and less comfort – able with others. Once we realize that others may experience the world differently, we need to be open to learning about others’ social identities. It is not always easy to understand what a differ – ence race, gender, physical abilities, religion, appearance, and sexual identity may make in other people’s lives. Lastly, we examine and evaluate what organizations are doing or not doing to man – age the needs of today’s diverse workforce. Are they maximizing productivity and minimizing conflict? Are they working toward inclusion by tapping into the potential of their diverse workers? Because of space constraints, focus of this text is primarily on North American diversity. However, we are well aware that global diversity is an important topic. So, we have added a Global Notes feature to incorporate some international perspectives on diversity issues. new in The six Th edi Tion Ever responsive to the constant changes in workplace diversity, the proliferation of online educa – tion, the growth of global business, feedback from our reviewers, and the 2013 revision of AACSB business accreditation standards, we have incorporated many pedagogical and topical changes into this edition. However, we have retained our interdisciplinary approach to diversity with contributions from experts in management, psychology, economics, sociology, law, and business. New content features include: • New cases that illustrate today’s important diversity issues : Six Sigma (work-life balance), Joy’s Dilemma (bullying), Professor on Wheels (physical challenge), Chick-fil-A (sexual xiv Preface orientation, ethics, and law), Ocean Spray (the business case for diversity), the U.S. Air Force in Central America (intercultural communication), and When Women Do Lead (gender harassment). Additional cases are available in the Instructor’s Manual. • Three capstone assignments—complete with grading rubrics : A case writing research project, the production of a diversity video, and the diversity audit assignments provide a broader selection of capstone course assignments. • New material, significant revisions, and updates: In addition to new cases, articles, and exercises we have substantially revised and updated 14 articles and 5 exercises and added many additional Points of Law, Diversity on the Web, Writing Assignment, and Best Practices boxes. New pedagogical features include: • Global Notes —which illustrate diversity issues in an international context. • Rubrics— for evaluating all of the capstone assignments. • Linkages for Active Learning —an integrated approach to the organization of the book that begins each section with an expanded introduction followed by an interactive exer – cise. Laws are placed within the context of their relevant topics. Each section concludes with a major case and integrative questions that synthesize readings and encourage critical thinking. • Did You Know …?— introductory features to capture students’ interest. organiza Tion o F The Tex T This edition is organized into seven main sections. To provide additional linkages for learning, articles are placed with the exercises and cases that illustrate their topics. Building the Foundation for understanding diversity Section I— Provides students with a foundation for the course. The goals here are to illustrate that diversity is still a workplace issue in the twenty-first century by providing students with basic information by challenging them to examine their own beliefs about differences. Primary and secondary diversity Sections II and III —Focus on understanding the primary dimensions of diversity: race, ethnicity, gender, age, physical/mental challenges, and sexual orientation. Section IV —Covers secondary aspects of diversity, such as social class, religion, appear – ance/weight, communication/first language, and the military experience. Managing diversity: ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing issues Section V —Explores contextual elements that impact diversity such as ethics, the laws in the United States and Canada, the media, and marketing opportunities. Managing organizational change and diversity: current issues Section VI —Focuses on what organizations can do to improve the ways that they man – age diversity and covers emerging issues. Topics include diversity leadership, employee Preface xv resource groups, mentoring, flexible work arrangements, training, social responsi bility, diversity awards, marketing opportunities, work-life balance, the flexible workplace, bullying, and the business case for diversity. Section VII —Features three capstone assignments with grading rubrics that provide students with opportunities to synthesize their learning. The associa Tion To advance coLL egia Te schoo Ls oF Business ( aacs B) In accordance with AACSB’s 2013 academic standards that require accredited institutions to demonstrate that diversity is included in their programs in a manner consistent with their individual missions and cultural contexts, our structure and format allow instructors to easily customize the diversity components of their courses according to their individual needs. In keeping with AACSB’s focus on assurance of learning, in this edition we have included learning goals at the beginning of each section of the book, integrative questions at the end of each sec – tion, and goals for individual articles in the Instructor’s Manual, as well as capstone course assignments complete with grading rubrics. Facu LT y resources The materials listed below are available online in a downloadable digital format at http://www. • Instructor’s Manual —This extensive resource features course, article, and case outlines, case teaching notes, pedagogical tips, answers to discussion questions, extra cases, assess – ment materials, and tips for teaching with film. • PowerPoint Slides —These are available at acknow Ledg M en Ts We are most grateful to our contributing authors, whose expertise and writing talent makes this text possible. Special thanks to Martin Mitchell from Ocean Spray, who gave so willingly of his time for numerous interviews, and to Maria Alicata, Jillian Pentergast, Lucia A. Doucette, and Katy Beach from Assumption College for their assistance in preparing this manuscript. Thanks to our reviewers. This page intentionally left blank xvii A BOUT T HE A UTHORS Carol P. Harvey, EdD, is Professor Emerita from Assumption College where she was the former Chair of the Business Studies Department and Director of the MBA program. She received her EdD from the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, her MBA and CAGS from Northeastern University, and an MA in Psychology from Assumption College. Formerly employed as a man – ager at the Xerox Corporation, she is currently teaching leadership and organizational behavior at Suffolk University in Boston, and is teaching Diversity in Organizations online for the University of Southern Maine. Dr. Harvey received the 2011 ALANA faculty award from Assumption College, is the co- recipient of the Roethlisburger award for the best article published in 2002 in the Journal of Management Education from the Organizational Behavior Teaching Society, and received a vol – unteer of the year award for her mentoring of female entrepreneurs from the Center for Women in Enterprise. She can be reached at [email protected] or [email protected] M. June Allard, PhD, is Professor Emerita from Worcester State University where she served as Chair of the Psychology and the Social and Behavioral Science departments. She holds a PhD from Michigan State University in Social Psychology with a specialization in cross-cultural re – search. She is the recipient of nine national fellowships, numerous Distinguished Service and Outstanding Teaching awards, and is listed in numerous national and international directories of scientists and women leaders. Dr. Allard has conducted academic program reviews and evaluations for over 30 years and is a recognized expert in this field. She currently maintains a consulting practice, designing and conducting research and project evaluations. Formerly employed as a senior scientist in the re – search and development industry in Washington, D.C., she has directed a wide range of projects on government contracts in industry as well as in university research institutes. She has been a site visitor for the New England Association of Schools and Colleges for collegiate accreditation and on the doctoral Accreditation Visiting Committee for the American Psychological Association (APA), as well as a member of the APA Departmental Consulting Service. Dr. Allard has lectured on program evaluation in over a dozen different countries ([email protected]). Please feel free to contact us at any time to share ideas and resources for teaching about diversity in the workplace. Always, Carol P. Harvey & M. June Allard This page intentionally left blank 1 Understanding Workplace Diversity: Where Have We Been and Where Are We Going? Carol P. Harvey Suffolk University, Assumption College, Professor Emerita A lthough there is little agreement on the definition, we have chosen to define diversity as the ways in which people differ that may affect their organizational experiences in terms of performance, motivation, communication, and inclusion. Our definition is broad enough to recognize the impact of multiple dimensions of diversity and the ever-changing categories of group memberships that matter to people. To understand where diversity manage – ment is today, it is necessary to examine where it has been. The his Torical con Tex T of Workplace Diversi Ty— The early years (1960s an D 1970s) We have been writing about diversity for almost twenty years and in that timeframe much has changed. Historically, the United States has always had a diverse population due to its heritage of immigration, slavery, and religious freedom. However, in the 1960s, early civil rights legislation (see Points of Law) became a catalyst for workplace change. The initial focus was on “righting the wrongs” experienced by people with visible differences, particularly race and gender. During this period, there was much confusion about how to accomplish this goal, especially in terms of the Executive Orders that required Affirmative Action plans. Because responsibility for diversity often resided in Human Resources departments that had minimal power to initiate change, most 2 Understanding Workplace Diversity diversity training focused on how to avoid lawsuits. This approach often led to hiring unquali – fied workers to fulfill what was interpreted as a “quota” of women and minorities. At times, people were hired or promoted simply because of their race or gender which set them up for failure. Even when qualified women and people of color were selected, they were often expected to behave, dress, and talk like white men. The analogy often used then was that of a “melting pot” where everyone was expected to blend into the organization and minimize their differences. This led to poor morale, job turnover, and even backlash against the very groups the legislation was designed to benefit. The valuing Diversi Ty era—(1980s an D 1990s) In 1987, The Hudson Institute published a landmark study, Workforce 2000: Work and Workers for the Twenty-First Century (Johnson & Packer). This report analyzed the popula – tion trends and projected the growth of nonwhites, women, and older employees in the work – force, and anticipated the expansion of global business. The authors stated that by 2000 the net newcomers to the U.S. workforce would be primarily women and racial minorities. While the need to understand diverse perspectives was increasing, many managers struggled to do it effectively. The reality was that the workplace was becoming more diverse in terms of not just race and gender but also age, ethnicity, people with physical challenges, and so on. Training tended to focus on identifying differences between groups, which were often generalizations that failed to recognize that people hold multiple group identities, some more important to them than others. Diversity theorists responded to these changes. Organizations began to realize that work – force differences could potentially offer business advantages and that differences were far broader G Points of Law Early U.S. Federal Equal Employment Opportunity Laws Equal Pay Act (1963) —Males and females must receive the same salary for jobs that require equal skill, effort and responsibility. Civil Rights Act (1964)— Prohibits discrimination in employment in terms of hiring, pro – motion, firing, etc. on the basis of race, sex, national origin, religion and color. Executive Orders, 10925, 11246, and 11375 (1961 and 1965) —Required organizations that accept federal funds and/or have federal contracts to submit a written Affirmative Action plan. The plans were intended to demonstrate that the organization was making progress in the hiring and promotion of people from groups that had been previously discriminated against in the past. Age Discrimination in Employment Act (1974)— Protects workers over forty years of age from discrimination in terms of hiring, firing, promotion, benefits, training and pay. Understanding Workplace Diversity 3 than just race and gender. In 1991, an article by Cox and Blake explained, but did not validate, six ways that organizations could make diversity a competitive advantage by: • reducing the turnover costs • attracting the best talent from diverse groups • creating a marketing advantage in global business • improving creative thinking by having input from diverse perspectives • improving the quality of business decisions • increasing systems flexibility by developing new policies and procedures and ways of leading. To their credit, the authors also cautioned that moving from a homogeneous to a heterogeneous workplace required significant organizational changes such as support from top management in terms of diversity training, research, and ongoing monitoring to determine the effectiveness of change initiatives. In 1992, R. Roosevelt Thomas called for the death of affirmative action, but urged institutions to adopt management practices and policies that would help all employees be pro – ductive and to reach their full potential. In 1996, Marilyn Loden developed a more inclusive framework that classified the dimensions of diversity into two categories: primary that are more permanent, less change – able, and more central to one’s identity and secondary which are usually less visible, less central to one’s experiences, and more changeable (see Exhibit I-1). She depicted the dimen – sions of diversity as a wheel with primary dimensions as the central core and secondary as the outer ring. This classification broadened people’s ideas about diversity, was more inclu – sive of white men, and created greater awareness that most people have multiple dimensions of diversity. Gardenswartz and Rowe expanded these dimensions to include personality differences as central to one’s identity and organizational differences, such as seniority, functional level, man – agement status, or union membership, as a peripheral outer ring (1995). Primary Dimensions Secondary Dimensions Age Geographic Location Gender Military and Work Experience Race Family Status Mental and Physical Abilities Income Ethnicity Religion Sexual Orientation Education First Language Organizational Role and Level Communication and Work Style Adapted from Loden, M. (1996). Implementing Diversity . New York: McGraw Hill. exhi BiT i-1 Loden’s Dimensions of Diversity 4 Understanding Workplace Diversity During this time, capitalizing on the advantages that diversity could bring to organizations was still a challenge. Being diverse was described using the metaphor of a salad or stew where the “ingredients,” that is, diverse people, each contribute their uniqueness to the whole but do not “melt” or change into one. While this is an improvement over expecting assimilation, it also emphasized differences, and generalized stereotypes, rather than finding similarities between co-workers. Rather than making systemic changes, some organizations interpreted “valuing differ – ences” superficially by having ethnic food days, providing training that involved playing diver – sity games, or assigning diverse employees to jobs without much authority that involved taking care of other diverse employees and/or investigating discrimination claims. Yet, there were some organizations like IBM and Xerox where the leadership believed that diversity could be a com – petitive advantage (see the Pitney Bowes’ case); diversity was taken more seriously and resulted in significant organizational change. Thomas and Ely (1996) developed a model that classified diversity management into three organizational paradigms, or ways of viewing diversity: • Discrimination and fairness as exemplified more in the first era • Access and legitimacy that corresponds to the second era, where differences are empha – sized and valued because they help organizations to understand and market to growing diverse and global markets • Learning and effectiveness where organizations connect diversity and its advantages to the organizational mission and goals which was at the time a novel idea for most companies Toward the end of this period, researchers began to examine what is known as the busi- ness case for diversity , that is, trying to prove mathematically that a diverse workforce could lower costs, provide a competitive advantage in the global marketplace, and improve the quality of creativity and problem solving. If this sounds a bit familiar, it is basically placing a dollar value on the advantages of diversity that Cox and Blake wrote about in their 1991 article. The results of this effort are controversial and mixed. For example, while MIT’s Kochan et al.’s five-year but small sample study could not confirm the business case, the University of Chicago’s 1996–1997 study of over a thousand organizations found that diversity did have a net positive financial impact on the organizations’ bottom line (Herring, 2010). Since so many internal and external factors are constantly interacting, perhaps, a more practical approach to proving that diversity generates a return on its costs is to measure the results of individual programs and policies. Then, evaluate and adjust them as needed. For exam – ple, if a diverse team with native speakers develops a plan for designing, naming, promoting, packaging, and marketing a product for a particular country, how are the sales trending and what are the changes in your market share? Or, how much did offering a part-time option of working two days a week for three months improve your retention of employees who are new parents over last year’s figures? The Thir D era—Diversi Ty Manage M en T an D inclusion in The T W en Ty-firs T cen Tury Today, many managers and organizations realize that diversity can benefit both the individual and the organization but for many reasons, including changes in workforce composition, the acknowledgment of the effects of multiple social identities, and the need Understanding Workplace Diversity 5 to establish an inclusive organizational culture, diversity is much broader in scope and more complicated to manage than initially imagined. To benefit from the personal and organizational advantages of diversity requires support from the corporate level of an organization. The workforce is becoming increasingly diverse especially through immigration (see Allard’s article) and the expansion of global opportunities, particularly in the BRICKS coun – tries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, Korea, and South Africa). Increasingly sophisticated forms of technology have made international communication skills practically a job requirement (see Ruxton’s article). At the same time, the workforce is becoming increasingly female and older as Baby Boomers defer retirement. Loden’s secondary dimensions of diversity have been expanded to include new catego – ries such as political beliefs, spirituality, physical characteristics, and work styles. Family sta – tus has taken on new importance as working parents struggle with workplace balance issues, Muslims experience post 9-11 discrimination, and returning military veterans vie for jobs in a tight economy. Today, most people are no longer defined by a single social identity, or charac – teristic. Assuming that a person is defined by a single set of characteristics is called the error of essentialism . An Asian American man’s work life experience may be affected far more by his being a person with a disability than by his race or gender. In 2002, Miller and Katz authored a book called The Inclusion Breakthrough: Unleashing the Real Power of Diversity, which suggested that organizations must need to “break out of the diversity box” mentality and change their cultures, policies, and structures in order to benefit from the diversity of their employees. Like the third paradigm of Thomas and Ely, Miller and Katz call for linking diversity to organizational goals and mission but went a step further to document the need for a more inclusive approach to diversity. It makes sense that when employees, including white men who still hold most of the leadership positions, feel “included” they will feel freer to offer new ideas, safer to point out mistakes in others’ reason – ing, and be more apt to refer competent colleagues for jobs. All of these can add value to the organization in terms of the advantages of a diverse workforce (see Ocean Spray case). Despite considerable progress, managing diversity is complex and offers new challenges in the twenty-first century. Women can now fight in combat. There is a second-term African American president. Gays and lesbians can marry in many states. However, women and racial minorities still hold very few board seats or corporate-level positions. There is still no U.S. federal legislation that protects LGBT employees, workplace bullying is rampant, the unemployment rate for people with disabilities is double that of the able-bodied, and the Equal Employment Commission (EEOC) is now filing lawsuits against companies that are requiring genetic infor – mation from healthy job applicants discriminated against because of their family’s medical his – tory (Trottman, 2013). After examining the individual and social identity issues, we will frame managing diversity as a change process (see Figure I-1). While external forces such as demographics and the expan – sion of global business opportunities are pushing for change, it will only happen with supportive corporate level leadership through diversity audits, training and input from employee resource groups (ERGs),and so on. The refreezing process results in practices, policies, and programs such as more flexible work arrangements, recognition through awards, and best practices as sup – plier diversity programs. 6 Understanding Workplace Diversity Social Responsibility Best PracticesAwardsFlexible Work REFREEZING Leadership Corporate BoardsDiversity AuditsERGsTraining CHANGE Demographics Global ExpansionLawsMarket OpportunitiesValues UNFREEZING figure i-1 Change Model Cox, T. and Blake, S. (1991). Managing cultural diversity: Implications for organizational com – petitiveness. Academy of Management Executive , 5 (3), 45–56. Gardenswartz, L. and Rowe, A. (1995). Diverse Teams at Work . Irwin: New York. Herring, C. (2010). Does diversity pay? Race, gen – der, and the business case for diversity. American Sociological Review, 74 (2), 208–224. Johnson, W.B. and Packer, A.E. (1987). Workforce 2000: Work and Workers for the Twenty- First Century. Indianapolis, IN: The Hudson Institute. Kochan, T., et al. (Spring 2003). The effects of diver – sity on business performance: The report of the diversity research network. Human Resources Management , 42 (1), 3–21. Loden, M. (1996). Implementing Diversity . New York: McGraw Hill. Miller, F.A. and Katz, J.H. (2002). The Inclusion Breakthrough: Unleashing the Real Power of Diversity. San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers. Thomas, D.A. and Ely, R.J. (1996). Making dif – ferences matter: A new paradigm for man – aging diversity. Harvard Business Review , September–October. Trottman, M. (July 23, 2013). Genetic tests create pitfalls for employers. The Wall Street Journal , B-1 & B-7. Bibliography Understanding Workplace Diversity 7 Diver Sity on the Web To better understand the historical context of diversity today, watch one or more of the following videos. Go to and search by the titles below. The URLs are also listed below. The History of the Civil Rights Movement ( The March on Washington, available on You Tube at ( ube.1.2.0l10.…0.0… The Freedom Riders, available on YouTube at ( Discussion Questions 1. Recently, there has been a growing movement to abolish Affirmative Action. Develop arguments that support both sides of this debate. 2. Interview someone over fifty-five years of age who lived and worked through these eras. Ask them about their experiences with diversity in the 1960s and 1970s. Does their gender, race, ethnicity, and religion appear to affect their answers? What did you learn? 3. What are some of the reasons that diversity management is so complex? Diver Sity on the Web Go to Here, you will find Loden’s updated wheel of primary and secondary dimensions of diversity. Circle the three that you feel are the most important dimensions that define your identity. Write a two-page essay that explains why these dimensions are so important to who you are and support your answer with examples from your life. 8 Section i E ach of the first six sections of this text is organized to facilitate the process of learning about workplace diversity. Sections begin with learning goals and an introduction to the material that follows. Next, we provide an exercise on experiences that will help you to actively participate in the learning process by considering some new perspectives on diversity that are intended to challenge your knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs about differences. Because diversity is an interdisciplinary topic, the essays and cases that follow were written by experts from business, psychology, anthropology, economics, and sociology. These articles are followed by additional opportunities for active learning: discussion questions, Diversity on the Web, and Writing Assignments. To provide linkages, each of these six sections ends with a unifying case and a set of integrative questions that cut across the articles in that section. The seventh section is intended to connect all of the course material together by providing three options for a capstone learning experience. LEarning gO aLS FO r S EC ti On i • To learn the differences between prejudice, stereotypes, and discrimination • To understand the notion of privilege and how it affects one’s life experiences • To motivate the student to examine his or her own perspectives on difference • To explore the relationship between differences and conflict • To explore organizational diversity Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity 9 Often, we begin a diversity course by asking the question: “Who in this room is prejudiced? Raise your hand.” As expected, only a couple of students are willing to join the instructor and admit that they have some prejudices! At the end of the semester, we ask the same question and almost every hand in the room is raised. Why does this always happen? We have been socialized by family, society, and the media to think that prejudice is always negative, so it is easier to deny it. Then, why do most students raise their hands at the end of the semester? Because they now realize that everyone treats some people differently than others. It is very natural to prefer people like ourselves. Think about your friends. While they may be of mixed races and genders, are they all close to your age? Are there any people with a handicap in the group, and so on? Basic to understanding Section I is clarification of some terminology that is often used interchangeably in everyday conversation. Prejudice is a preconceived evaluative attitude based on a person’s social group membership. Prejudices can come from many sources such as our socialization, our peers, our life experiences, and especially the media and it can be positive, negative, and neutral. For example, you find out that you will be getting a new boss next week and she is a middle-aged female. If you find yourself thinking that she is going to be hard to work for, rigid, even bitchy, and so on, before you even get to know her, this is a negative prejudice. Have you ever “prejudged” a professor, positively or negatively, before taking his or her course based on a few comments on a ratings website? Stereotypes are an overgeneralized belief that a category of people are alike. Like preju – dice, stereotypes are learned not innate which means that they too can be unlearned. While the conscious mind often tells us that of course people are unique, the unconscious mind tries to categorize people, unless we make a deliberate effort to think more deeply about them as indi – viduals. For example, if you think, even unconsciously, that Asians are too quiet to be productive in sales jobs, this is a stereotype because you have prejudged or generalized this idea to apply to an entire group of people. Although it may be true of some Asians, it is also true of some Euro- American whites, Hispanics, and African Americans. Individuals need to be judged on their individual merit and qualifications. Stereotypes can be negative as in the example above, but also can be positive or neutral. A student once provided us with the following example of her manager’s positive prejudice. He would only hire Asian women to work in the computer manu – facturing facility “because they have small hands.” Both prejudices and stereotypes are mental processes that we all experience but discrimination is different because it is a behavior or action that occurs when we treat peo – ple differently because of their membership in some group. It builds on our stereotypes and prejudices. So, following through on the previous example, when young men applied for manufacturing work at this company, the manager threw away their applications. They were not even considered. His stereotype, even though it was positive toward Asian women, resulted in discrimination to male applicants. Denying or failing to examine our stereotypes and prejudices to ourselves is more apt to lead to discriminatory actions. While discrimination can be individual as in these examples, it can also occur in organizations. This is important to understand because managers need to identify and change policies and practices that the unintentionally discriminate, that is, structural discrimination, or intentionally discriminate, that is, institutional discrimination (Pincus, 2000). There will be many examples of the problem that organizational discrimination causes throughout the cases in this text. Privilege is an unearned advantage that gives those who have it economic, social, or political power. Privilege is socially constructed, that is, dependent on time and place. For example, in some cultures, older workers are revered for their wisdom but in North America, being younger and attractive gives one privilege in the workplace. Most people with privilege 10 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity don’t even know that they have it and think that everyone experiences the world the same way that they do. However, less-privileged groups are keenly aware of their lack of privilege and power. In North America, being white, male, and able-bodied confers unearned privileges. For example, have you ever heard anyone say, “I just interviewed a qualified white job applicant.” Probably not? However, many of us have heard someone say, “I just interviewed a qualified minority . . . woman . . . or physically challenged applicant.” The articles in Section I open with two opportunities to discover what you know about today’s workplace diversity, Diversity Today: Fact or Fiction and the Diversity! game. Then, I Am . . . , Body Ritual Among the Nacirema , and Increasing Multicultural Understanding: Uncovering Stereotypes provide opportunities for introspection and honest discussion about prejudices and stereotypes. Next, Are You Privileged ? and White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming to See Correspondences Through Work in Women’s Studies explain and provide an opportunity for you to experience the notion of unearned privilege. Since differences can bring out conflict that escalates if ignored, The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict addresses this issue. This section closes by providing an opportunity for students to evaluate organizational diversity at their college, university, or workplace and by introducing the reader to an example of how organizational diversity can be well managed with The Pitney Bowes case. Bibliography Pincus, F.L. (2000). Discrimination comes in many forms: Individual, institutional and structural. Chapter 4, Readings for diversity and social justice: An anthology on racism, sexism, anti- semitism, het – erosexism, classism and abelism . Maurianne Adams et al. (eds.) New York: Routledge. 11 Diversity t oday: Fact or Fiction? Carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita Which of the following statements are fact and which statements are fiction? 1. While increasing the diversity of an organization’s workforce may be a good thing to do, in terms of bringing more creativity into the decision-making process, it cannot be proved that a more diverse workforce can make an organization more profitable. 2. The United States leads the world in offering paid paternity leave to new fathers. 3. Finnigan’s, a Minneapolis based beer producer, donates 100% of its profits to feeding the hungry. 4. In a May, 2013 Gallop annual survey of Values and Beliefs, 47 percent of the respondents said that they believed that people are born with their sexual orientation and thirty-three percent said that they believed one’s sexual orientation was caused by one’s upbringing and/ or environment. 5. The unemployment rate for persons with disabilities, seeking work, is approximately double that of people without disabilities, seeking work. 6. Since the election of the United States first African American President, racial prejudice has decreased. 7. According to the 2010 U.S. Census, Hispanics are the fastest growing race. 8. UNIQLO, Asia’s largest retail and fastest growing clothing chain, which has 1295 locations throughout the world, has a goal of employing at least one physically or mentally challenged employee per store. So far, they have met this goal in 90 percent of their stores. 9. Mentoring can be very important to the careers of diverse employees and the most effective mentoring results from relationships that just develop informally between employees. 10. Bullying occurs more often in the workplace than sexual harassment and most bullies are male. Div E r S ity ! Jeanne M. aurelio Bridgewater State University Christopher Laib University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth Most Americans in the workforce experience people who are very different from themselves on a daily basis. Those differences certainly include temperament and personality, but also culture, gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation, ability, age, and size differences. Much is known about the kinds of differences people possess, yet far too much knowledge is available for any single person to know all about diversity. What is needed is openness to differences, and the understanding that everyone’s behavior is partially influenced by their diversity profiles. In the interest of being able to work with others (and they with us), we must continually strive both to educate ourselves on what is known about how and why people are different, and to keep an open mind. purpose The purpose of the game Diversity! is to provide knowledge about many areas of diversity, plus some information about the U.S. laws regarding these differences. Because the game is played in teams, it will also enable students to get to know one another. hoW To play 1. Choose teams of 4–5 people or more. One team will randomly be chosen to select the first question category and level. 2. All teams will debate their answers internally and one team member will raise a hand or use their assigned team noisemaker when the team is ready. The instructor will call on the first team to respond. If their answer is correct, they will receive the number of points indicated and choose the next question category and level. If their answer is incorrect, the instructor will call upon the second quickest team to respond, and so on. 3. In the event that no team answers the question correctly, the instructor will give the correct response. The team that chose last still has control of the board and should choose the next question. Scores will be recorded and the winning team announced at the end of one or two rounds, depending upon the time available. As the class responds to various questions, make note of those you would like to discuss at the conclusion of the game. 12 Diversity! 13 Questions on the game board cover five levels of difficulty. Here are some practice questions at various levels. (Answers appear below in Figure 1-1.) 1. Level 2: In 1983, this astronaut became the first American woman in space. 2. Level 3: This is the number of languages known to be spoken in the world. 3. Level 4: In cultures that embrace this religion, men may have multiple wives while women must remain monogamous. Discussion Questions After one or two rounds of Diversity! the class should focus upon the following questions intended to stimulate interest and learning. 1. Which of the Diversity! questions would you like to discuss further? 2. What did you learn as a result of this game that you did not know prior to it? 3. In what areas did you notice that you and/or class members were particularly knowledgeable? In what areas did you lack knowledge? 4. What is your reaction to this experience? 5. How do you think this experience ties in with the purpose of your course? Jeanne M. Aurelio, DBA, is a professor of management at Bridgewater State University. She has consulted with numerous corporations and federal agencies on topics including organizational performance, diversity, managerial effectiveness, and performance counseling. Christopher Laib is the assistant director of the University of Massachusetts Dartmouth– Student Activities, Involvement & Leadership Office. He has worked in higher education administration for over fifteen years, presenting training sessions dealing with diversity, ethics, and organization/team development. instructor: To access the DIVERSITY! game, see the online Instructor’s Manual under DIVERSITY! figure 1-1 Answers to Practice Questions 1. Sally Ride 2. 6,800 3. Islam 14 Body r itual a mong the n acirema Horace Miner The anthropologist has become so familiar with the diversity of ways in which different peoples behave in similar situations that he is not apt to be surprised by even the most exotic customs. In fact, if all of the logically possible combinations of behavior have not been found somewhere in the world, he is apt to suspect that they must be present in some yet undescribed tribe. This point has, in fact, been expressed with respect to clan organization by Murdock (1948:71). In this light, the magical beliefs and practices of the Nacirema present such unusual aspects that it seems desirable to describe them as an example of the extremes to which human behavior can go. Professor Linton first brought the ritual of the Nacirema to the attention of anthropolo – gists twenty years ago (1936:326), but the culture of this people is still very poorly understood. They are a North American group living in the territory between the Canadian Cree, the Yaqui and Tarahumare of Mexico, and the Carib and Arawak of the Antilles. Little is known of their origin, although tradition states that they came from the east. According to Nacirema mythol – ogy, their nation was originated by a culture hero, Notgnihsaw, who is otherwise known for two great feats of strength—the throwing of a piece of wampum across the river Pa-To-Mac and the chopping down of a cherry tree in which the Spirit of Truth resided. Nacirema culture is characterized by a highly developed market economy which has evolved in a rich natural habitat. While much of the people’s time is devoted to economic pur – suits, a large part of the fruits of these labors and a considerable portion of the day are spent in ritual activity. The focus of this activity is the human body, the appearance and health of which loom as a dominant concern in the ethos of the people. While such concern is certainly not unusual, its ceremonial aspects and associated philosophy are unique. The fundamental belief underlying the whole system appears to be that the human body is ugly and that its natural tendency is to debility and disease. Incarcerated in such a body, man’s only hope is to avert these characteristics through the use of the powerful influences of ritual and ceremony. Every household has one or more shrines devoted to this purpose. The more powerful individuals in the society have several shrines in their houses and, in fact, the opulence of a house is often referred to in terms of the number of such ritual centers it possesses. Most houses are of wattle and daub construction, but the shrine rooms of the wealthy are walled with stone. Poorer families imitate the rich by applying pottery plaques to their shrine walls. While each family has at least one shrine, the rituals associated with it are not family ceremo – nies but are private and secret. The rites are normally only discussed with children, and then only during the period when they are being initiated into these mysteries. I was able, however, to establish sufficient rapport with the natives to examine these shrines and to have the rituals described to me. *From the American Anthropologist , volume 58, #1, 1956, pp. 18–21. Body Ritual Among the Nacirema 15 The focal point of the shrine is a box or chest, which is built into the wall. In this chest are kept the many charms and magical potions without which no native believes he could live. These preparations are secured from a variety of specialized practitioners. The most pow – erful of these are the medicine men, whose assistance must be rewarded with substantial gifts. However, the medicine men do not provide the curative potions for their clients, but decide what the ingredients should be and then write them down in an ancient and secret language. This writing is understood only by the medicine men and by the herbalists who, for another gift, provide the required charm. The charm is not disposed of after it has served its purpose, but is placed in the charm- box of the household shrine. As these magical materials are specific for certain ills, and the real or imagined maladies of the people are many, the charm-box is usually full to overflowing. The magical packets are so numerous that the people forget what their purposes were and fear to use them again. While the natives are very vague on this point, we can only assume that the idea in retaining all the old magical materials is that their presence in the charm-box, before which the body rituals are conducted, will in some way protect the worshipper. Beneath the charm-box is a small font. Each day every member of the family, in succes – sion, enters the shrine room, bows his head before the charm-box, mingles different sorts of holy waters in the font, and proceeds with a brief ritual of ablution. The holy waters are secured from the Water Temple of the community, where the priests conduct elaborate ceremonies to make the liquid ritually pure. In the hierarchy of magical practitioners, and below the medicine men in prestige, are spe – cialists whose designation is best translated “holy-mouth-men.” The Nacirema have an almost pathological horror of and fascination with the mouth, the condition of which is believed to have a supernatural influence on all social relationships. Were it not for the rituals of the mouth, they believe that their teeth would fall out, their gums bleed, their jaws shrink, their friends desert them, and their lovers reject them. They also believe that a strong relationship exists between oral and moral characteristics. For example, there is a ritual ablution of the mouth for children which is supposed to improve their moral fiber. The daily body ritual performed by everyone includes a mouth-rite. Despite the fact that these people are so punctilious about care of the mouth, this rite involves a practice which strikes the uninitiated stranger as revolting. It was reported to me that the ritual consists of inserting a magic bundle of hog hairs into the mouth, along with certain magical powder, and then moving the bundle in a highly formalized series of gestures. In addition to the private mouth-rite, the people seek out the holy-mouth-man once or twice a year. These practitioners have an impressive set of paraphernalia, consisting of a variety of augers, awls, probes, and prods. The use of these objects in the exorcism of the evils of the mouth involves almost unbelievable ritual torture of the client. The holy-mouth-man opens the client’s mouth and, using the above mentioned tools, enlarges any holes, which may have been created in the teeth. Magical materials are put into these holes. If there are no naturally occurring holes in the teeth, large sections of one or more teeth are gouged out so that the supernatural substance can be applied. In the client’s view, the purpose of the ministrations is to arrest decay and to draw friends. The extremely sacred and traditional character of the rite is evident in the fact that the natives return to the holy-mouth-man, despite the fact that their teeth continue to decay. It is to be hoped that, when a thorough study of the Nacirema is made, there will be careful inquiry into the personality structure of these people. One has but to watch the gleam in the eye of a holy-mouth-man, as he jabs an awl into an exposed nerve, to suspect that a certain amount 16 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity of sadism is involved. If this can be established, a very interesting pattern emerges, for most of the population shows definite masochistic tendencies. It was to these that Professor Linton referred in discussing a distinctive part of the daily body ritual which was performed only by men. This part of the rite involves scraping and lacerating the surface of the face with a sharp instrument. Special women’s rites are performed only four times during each lunar month, but what they lack in frequency is made up for in barbarity. As part of this ceremony, women bake their heads in small ovens for about an hour. The theoretically interesting point is that what seems to be a preponderantly masochistic people have developed sadistic specialists. The medicine men have an imposing temple, or latipso, in every community of any size. The more elaborate ceremonies required to treat very sick patients can only be performed at this temple. These ceremonies involve not only the thaumaturge but a permanent group of vestal maidens who move sedately about the temple chambers in distinctive costume and headdress. The latipso ceremonies are so harsh that it is phenomenal that a fair proportion of the really sick natives who enter the temple ever recover. Small children whose indoctrination is still incomplete have been known to resist attempts to take them to the temple because “that is where you go to die.” Despite this fact, sick adults are not only willing but eager to undergo the protracted ritual purification, if they can afford to do so. No matter how ill the supplicant or how grave the emergency, the guardians of many temples will not admit a client if he cannot give a rich gift to the custodian. Even after one has gained admission and survived the ceremonies, the guardians will not permit the neophyte to leave until he makes still another gift. The supplicant entering the temple is first stripped of all his or her clothes. In everyday life the Nacirema avoids exposure of his body and its natural functions. Bathing and excretory acts are performed only in the secrecy of the household shrine, where they are ritualized as part of the body-rites. Psychological shock results from the fact that body secrecy is suddenly lost upon entry into the latipso. This sort of ceremonial treatment is necessitated by the fact that the excreta are used by a diviner to ascertain the course and nature of the client’s sickness. Female clients, on the other hand, find their naked bodies are subjected to the scrutiny, manipulation, and prodding of the medicine men. Few supplicants in the temple are well enough to do anything but lie on their hard beds. The daily ceremonies, like the rites of the holy-mouth-men, involve discomfort and torture. With ritual precision, the vestals awaken their miserable charges each dawn and roll them about on their beds of pain while performing ablutions, in the formal movements of which the maidens are highly trained. At other times they insert magic wands in the supplicant’s mouth or force him to eat substances which are supposed to be healing. From time to time the medicine men come to their clients and jab magically treated needles into their flesh. The fact that these ceremo – nies may not cure, and may even kill the neophyte, in no way decreases the people’s faith in the medicine men. There remains one other kind of practitioner, known as a “listener.” This witch-doctor has the power to exorcise the devils that lodge in the heads of people who have been bewitched. The Nacirema believe that parents bewitched their own children. Mothers are particularly suspected of putting a curse on children while teaching them the secret body rituals. The counter-magic of the witch-doctor is unusual in its lack of ritual. The patient simply tells the “listener” all his troubles and fears, beginning with the earliest difficulties he can remember. The memory dis – played by the Nacirema in these exorcism sessions is truly remarkable. It is not uncommon for the patient to bemoan the rejection he felt upon being weaned as a babe, and a few individuals even see their troubles going back to the traumatic effects of their own birth. Body Ritual Among the Nacirema 17 In conclusion, mention must be made of certain practices which have their base in native esthetics but which depend upon the pervasive aversion to the natural body and its functions. There are ritual fasts to make fat people thin and ceremonial feasts to make thin people fat. Still  other rites are used to make women’s breasts larger if they are small, and smaller if they are large. General dissatisfaction with breast shape is symbolized in the fact that the ideal form is virtually outside the range of human variation. A few women afflicted with almost inhuman hypermammary development are so idolized that they make a handsome living by simply going from village to village and permitting the natives to stare at them for a fee. Reference has already been made to the fact that excretory functions are ritualized, routin – ized, and relegated to secrecy. Natural reproduction functions are similarly distorted. Intercourse is taboo as a topic and secluded as an act. Efforts are made to avoid pregnancy by the use of magical materials or by limiting intercourse to certain phases of the moon. Conception is actu – ally very infrequent. When pregnant, women dress so as to hide their condition. Parturition takes place in secret, without friends or relatives to assist, and the majority of women do not nurse their infants. Our review of the ritual life of the Nacirema has certainly shown them to be a magic- ridden people. It is hard to understand how they have managed to exist so long under the bur – dens which they have imposed upon themselves. But even such exotic customs as these take on real meaning when they are viewed with the insight provided by Malinowski when he wrote (1948:70). Looking from far and above, from our high places of safety in developed civilization, it is easy to see all the crudity and irrelevance of magic. But without its power and guidance, early man could not have advanced to the higher stages of civilization. Bibliography Linton, Ralph. (1936). The study of man . New York: D. Appleton-Century Co. Malinowski, B. (1948). Magic science and religion . Glencoe, IL: The Free Press. Murdock, G. P. (1948). Social structure . New York: The MacMillan Company. Discussion Questions 1. What general message do you think the author was trying to convey in his description of this culture? 2. What stereotypes could you have about the Nacireman culture and its people if this reading were your only source of information? 3. The many strange and interesting rituals observed by Miner led him to conclude that the Nacirema have a strong underlying belief about the human body. What is this belief ? 18 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity 4. Assume that you are carrying on the work of Miner and study the Nacireman culture as it exists now in the twenty-first century. a. What additional body-related activities could you observe in their culture today? b. Is Miner’s observation about the preoccupation with body and health still valid today? Explain. c. Is Miner’s observation about the underlying belief about the human body still valid today? Explain. 5. Describe, as Miner might have, two or more of the body-related activities you listed for question 4(a). 6. How does Miner’s article relate to modern business in terms of a. outsourcing b. international business negotiations c. marketing to growing ethnic populations? 7. On a scale from 1 to 10 (10 being very important), how would you rate the appearance and body ritu – als observed by Miner and by yourself in terms of their importance a. to personal life? Explain your rating. b. to the business world? Explain your rating. 8. Other facets of this culture also yield many rituals today. There is, for example, WIKI, a ritual that ap – pears to involve belief in magic. Student Naciremans trade information with each other in this ritual. They believe that when they read a WIKI, whatever it says, it is indeed fact. Somehow, WIKIs magi – cally hold all-knowing truths. How might this ritual relate to prejudice and stereotypes? 9. Vast numbers of individual Naciremans also conduct a Ritual of Networking using magic boxes to weave social “webs.” They exchange pictures of themselves and much personal information with strangers on their webs. “Participants” of the Networking ritual seem to constantly check their webs and respond to them. They walk around webbing; they eat with their boxes and check their webs during meals. The magic boxes are always nearby even when Naciremans are in their shrines devoted to health and appearance ceremonies. It is said that some even sleep with their boxes. This appears to be very ego-centered activity. What does this say about how people in this culture relate to each other? 10. Nacireman market economy also has rituals. Among these is the Business-Hiring ritual. In this ritual, business chiefs check the social webs of those desiring to join their tribes before hiring (sometimes even before interviewing) a position-seeker. Business chiefs do not appear to favor position-seekers who have social webs that indicate values and beliefs different from their own. This is not a secret. It is actually a very curious thing: Large numbers of Naciremans insist upon conducting the social web ritual even though they know that business chiefs may very well disapprove. Business chiefs appear to belong to a different group within this society. a. When a “participant” is both employment-seeking and networking at the same time, hiring rituals assume great importance. How might the Ritual of the Social Networking help or hurt a position- seeker? b. How do these clashing rituals reflect the values of the position-seekers and the business chiefs? Body Ritual Among the Nacirema 19 Diver Sity on the Web nacirema extended You are a member of a team of anthropologists studying a large and rather diverse group of people. These people have a primitive information and communication system called “Internet” that will provide you with a first glimpse of their culture. To begin examining this culture, the team decides to scan “Internet” for information on their rituals. 1. Read the “Body Ritual Among the Nacirema” article in this text. 2. Using the websites listed at the bottom of this box as a starting point, investigate (scan) Internet for descriptions of one ritual. Be complete in your investigation, searching for symbolism and note how the ritual relates to a holiday or event. What does the ritual cel – ebrate? Are there special roles in the event? Who participates? 3. Using a style similar to Miner’s, record your perceptions of one of the events from the list that follows. A sample description, “Observation of the Cultural Event Called Halloween,” appears on the next page. 4. Based solely on the information in your report, what kinds of stereotypes of American cul – ture could result from these observations? College Graduation Ceremonies • • • national Political Conventions • Search: “United States presidential nominating convention” click on Wikipedia article • Search: “Political Conventions” click on Wikipedia article Saint Patrick’s Day Parade Mardi Gras Parade thanksgiving Parade easter Parade rose Parade http://www.tournamentofroses.comroseparade.aspx/ Then, click on “Rose Parade.” Adapted from “Nacirema Extended” by M. J. Allard from C. P. Harvey & M. J. Allard: Understanding and Managing Diversity 3rd ed. Prentice Hall, 2005. 11. Participants in the modern Nacireman market economy sometimes create relationships that only ex – ist electronically. They create groups called “Virtual Teams” whose members never meet each other in person. Considering the rituals of Networking, WIKI, and Virtual Teams, what stereotypes might strangers have about Nacireman culture if these three rituals were their only source of information? 20 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity SAMPL e De SC riPtion observation of the Cultural event Called halloween Halloween is a very strange custom. It doesn’t appear to be a holiday; it is more like an event—an event characterized by at least two rituals and many symbols. There seem to be no special roles for males, females, or elders. The chief rituals appear to be the (1) Ritual of the Pumpkins and (2) Ritual of the Begging. ritual of the Pumpkins The pumpkin vegetable, which apparently is eaten at other times of the year, is not eaten at this event. Instead, the people paint strange faces on pumpkins or carve faces on empty pumpkin shells. Lighted candles are placed inside the carved pumpkins. Decorated pumpkins appear in windows facing outdoors or on display outside of homes. ritual of the begging This is a special ritual for children. On Halloween night, children dress up in costumes that fre – quently represent mythical characters—ghosts, witches, monsters, ghouls, cartoon characters. They wear masks to hide their identities. After dark the children go begging from house to house, calling out “trick or treat.” People then open their doors and give candy to the children. Sometimes the children play pranks on the people. Symbols Among the prominent symbols of Halloween are ghosts, skeletons, spiders, witches, black cats, graveyards, and monsters, all of which seem to be very frightening, gory, ugly, or sinister in character. Not only are these symbols displayed in the costumes the children wear, but many houses are adorned with displays of them, particularly witches and ghosts. Sometimes people visit “haunted houses” (eerie houses where frightening creatures lurk in dark corners to scare people). Sometimes, too, people attend social events called Halloween par – ties where they play strange games such as dunking their heads in buckets of water while trying to catch an apple in their teeth. These events are sometimes for adults and sometimes for children. 21 increasing Multicultural Understanding: Uncovering Stereotypes John r. Bowman University of North Carolina at Pembroke ins Truc Tions prior To class 1. Turn to the Uncovering Stereotypes Worksheet: (Worksheet A). 2. Follow your instructor’s directions for completing the blank category boxes that reflect different special populations. 3. Working individually: • Complete the First thought/Judgment column by writing your first thought about or judgment of each category. Refer to the example given on Worksheet A. • Rate each thought/judgment as positive (+), negative (–), or neutral (0) and enter these ratings in the rating column. • Complete the Sources column by indicating the source of your judgment for each c a t e g o r y. i nstructions for Working as a group in Class: • Turn to the Uncovering Stereotypes Group Summary Sheet: (Worksheet B). • Five categories (Family, Media, Experience, Work Experience, Friends) have already been listed on the summary sheet. Add additional categories (derived from your group discussions) to the sheet. • Take a quick count of the number of positive, negative, and neutral thoughts/judgments made by your group for each of the Source Categories and enter totals on the last line. • As a class, discuss which sources lead to positive, which to negative, and which to neutral judgments. • Discuss the implications of having negative or positive stereotypes/judgments from different perspectives; for example, among workers, between managers and workers, and at the corporate level. 22 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity WORKSHEET A: U NCOVERING STEREOTYPES Category First thought/Judgment rating* Sources Working Mother Neglects children,busy, tired Own experience, movies Transgender Male Muslim Female wearing Burqa Bipolar Co-worker Illegal Asian Immigrant Job Applicant with Facial Piercing Gay Female President of the U.S. *(+) = positive (–) = negative (0) = neutral Increasing Multicultural Understanding: Uncovering Stereotypes 23 WORKSHEET B: U NCOVERING STEREOTYPES GROUP SUMMARY SHEET Source Categories Positive (+) thoughts/Judgments negative (–) thoughts/Judgments neutral (0) thoughts/Judgments Family Media Experience Work Experience Friends Other To t a l 24 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity Diver Sity on the Web 1. Take and score the multicultural quiz found on the website below. 2. Think about your score on this quiz and your responses to Bowman’s “Uncovering Stereotypes” exercise. a. What are your primary sources of information about social identity groups that you do not belong to? b. How accurate is your knowledge about these groups? c. How could a lack of correct information contribute to the formation of stereotypes? 25 i a M . . . M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita instructions 1. Think about how you would describe yourself to someone you have never met. On each line below, write a single-word description. I AM a(an) 2. Place a star by the three most important descriptors. a re y ou Privileged? 1 Mark Julien Brock University Micheal t. Stratton University of North Carolina, Asheville Privilege is defined as the advantages accorded to someone by virtue of the social identities pos – sess and the subsequent disadvantages experienced by someone else in the form of oppression (e.g. males/females; whites/non-whites) (McIntosh, 1989). McIntosh (1989) sees privilege as an “invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was ‘meant’ to remain oblivious” (p. 3). For instance, you may have privilege if you are a white male from a wealthy family and you’re hired for an internship at a country club that caters to the same demographic social identity. Furthermore, Adams, Blumenfield, Castaneda, Hackman, Peters, & Zuniga (2010) characterize privilege as allowing people to: Assume a certain level of acceptance, inclusion, and respect in the world, to operate within a relatively wide comfort zone. Privilege increases the odds of having things your own way, of being able to set the agenda in a social situation and determine the rules and standards and how they’re applied . . . And it grants a presumption of su – periority and social permission to act on that presumption without having to worry about being challenged. (p. 19) While McIntosh’s privilege checklist focused only on racial and heterosexual privileges, today we need to consider a more inclusive notion that reflects additional ways that one may be privileged based on other social identity characteristics such physical ability, gender, socio- economic status, etc. Mahoney (1997) notes, “Not seeing the mechanisms that reinforce and maintain privilege is an important component of privilege” (p. 307). Many people who enjoy privilege may not be conscious of their power. This is a troubling phenomenon since self-awareness about our own privileged identity characteristics can help us recognize when others are oppressed and when our actions inadvertently and unintentionally benefit from the inherent advantages. For instance, het – erosexual couples might not understand why expressing affection in public might be uncomfort – able for some individuals. Those who identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender are less likely to feel comfortable engaging in simple acts such as of embracing or holding hands in a social setting that is favorable to heterosexuals. Wildman and Davis (2002) note, “Privilege is not visible to its holder; it is merely there, a part of the world, a way of life, simply the way things are” (p. 89). 1We would like to acknowledge the assistance and support of Lynne Prout of Brock University’s Office of Human Rights and Equity Services who introduced us to the concept of privilege and an early version of the privilege checklist. 26 Are You Privileged? 27 Privi LE gE CHEC kLiSt Directions: Please check “True”, “False”, or “N/A” (for not applicable) for the statements below that best describe your life experiences. Only use the N/A column if you cannot relate to an item at all (such as for # 2 if you have never flown, or #18 if you do not follow a particular religion). Then total your scores for the three columns. Life Experiences true False n/a 1. I can talk freely about my sexual orientation or gender identity to fellow students. 2. If I am selected for additional screening procedures at the airport, I rarely feel it’s because of my appearance. 3. I can kiss my partner farewell at the airport, confident that onlookers will either ignore us or smile understandingly. 4. I can physically access most stores and public buildings. 5. People do not consider my age to be a detriment to getting a job. 6. I can easily find appropriate cards for my partner, to celebrate special occasions like our anniversary. 7. I feel I am not treated differently because of my size. 8. At the bottom of the stairs, I never have to wonder how to get to the next floor. 9. I can be fairly certain my gender will not negatively affect my income. 10. I can make plans with friends confident that I have the money to be able to do so. 11. I can be confident that I will not be harassed in the washroom I choose to use. 12. I can consider getting a visible tattoo without worrying about it affecting my chances for a job. 13. I got a job or internship because of someone I knew. 14. If my partner is seriously ill, I know I will be allowed into the intensive- unit to visit her/him. 15. In my neighborhood, I can walk to my car late at night without worrying about my safety. 16. When out in public, I can be fairly certain I will not be stared at because of appearance. 17. If I experience violence in the street, it will not be because I am holding hands with my partner. 18. If I take time off from work for a religious holiday, I will not be challenged. 19. When I fill out a form, I can usually check off a box that accurately represents my ethnic identity. 20. I rarely hear negative jokes or comments about a group to which I belong. total number of checks: 28 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity Bibliography Adams, M., Blumenfield, W. J., Castaneda, C.,  Hackman, H.W., Peters, M.L. & Zuniga,  X. (2010). Readings for diversity and social justice . New York: Routledge. Amoroso, L.M., Loyd, D.L. & Hoobler, J.M. (2010). The diversity education dilemma: Exposing sta – tus hierarchies without reinforcing them. Journal of Management Education , 34, 795–822. Bergerson, A.A. (2003). Critical race theory and white racism: Is there room for white scholars in fighting racism in education? Qualitative Stud – ies in Education , 16 (1), 51–63. Bozalek, B. & Biersteker, L. (2010). Exploring pow – er and privilege using participatory learning and action techniques. Social Work Education, 29 (5), 551–572. Case, K.A. (2007). Raising white privilege aware – ness and reducing racial prejudice: Assessing diversity course effectiveness. Teaching of Psy – chology , 34 (4), 231–235. Case, K.A. & Stewart, B. (2010). Heterosexual privilege awareness, prejudice, and support of gay marriage among diversity course students. College Teaching , 58, 3–7. Combs, G.M. & Luthans, F. (2007). Diversity train – ing: Analysis of the impact of self- efficacy. Human Resource Development Quarterly , 18 (1), 91–120. DiAngelo, R.J. (2006). My class didn’t trump my race: Using oppression to face privilege. Multicultural Perspectives , 8 (1), 52–56. Mahoney, M. (1997). The social construction of whiteness. In R. Delgado & J. Stefancic (Eds.), Critical white studies: Looking beyond the mirror (pp. 330–333). Philadelphia, PA: Temple Uni – versity Press. McIntosh, P. (July/August 1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Peace and Freedom . Wildman, S. & Davis, A. (2002). Making sys – tems of privilege visible. In P. Rothberg (Ed.), White privilege: Essential readings on the other side of racism (pp. 89–95). New York: Wo r t h . Zinni, D.M., Mathis R.L., & Jackson, J.H. (2011). Human Resources Management . Toronto: Nelson Education. 29 White Privilege and Male Privilege: a Personal a ccount of Coming to See Correspondences t hrough Work in Women’s Studies Peggy Mc intosh Wellesley College Through work to bring materials and perspectives from Women’s Studies into the rest of the curriculum, I have often noticed men’s unwillingness to grant that they are over privileged in the curriculum, even though they may grant that women are disadvantaged. Denials which amount to taboos surround the subject of advantages which men gain from women’s disadvantages. These denials protect male privilege from being fully recognized, acknowledged, lessened, or ended. Thinking through unacknowledged male privilege as a phenomenon with a life of its own, I realized that since hierarchies in our society are interlocking, there was most likely a phenom – enon of white privilege which was similarly denied and protected, but alive and real in its effects. As a white person, I realized I had been taught about racism as something which puts others at a disadvantage, but had been taught not to see one of its corollary aspects, white privilege, which puts me at an advantage. I think whites are carefully taught not to recognize white privilege, as males are taught not to recognize male privilege. So I have begun in an untutored way to ask what it is like to have white privilege. This paper is a partial record of my personal observations, and not a scholarly analysis. It is based on my daily experiences within my particular circumstances. I have come to see white privilege as an invisible package of unearned assets which I can count on cashing in each day, but about which I was “meant” to remain oblivious. White privi – lege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks. Since I have had trouble facing white privilege, and describing its results in my life, I saw parallels here with men’s reluctance to acknowledge male privilege. Only rarely will a man go beyond acknowledging that women are disadvantaged to acknowledging that men have unearned advantage, or that unearned privilege has not been good for men’s development as human beings, or for society’s development, or that privilege systems might ever be challenged and changed. Copyright 1988 by Peggy McIntosh, Working paper #189, Wellesley Center for Women, Wellesley, MA 02481. May not be copied or sent electronically without permission of the author. [email protected] 781-283-2520 30 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity I will review here several types or layers of denial which I see at work protecting, and pre – venting awareness about, entrenched male privilege. Then I will draw parallels, from my own experience, with the denials which veil the facts of white privilege. Finally, I will list 46 ordinary and daily ways in which I experience having white privilege, within my life situation and its particular social and political frameworks. Writing this paper has been difficult, despite warm receptions for the talks on which it is based. 1 For describing white privilege makes one newly accountable. As we in Women’s Studies work to reveal male privilege and ask men to give up some of their power, so one who writes about having white privilege must ask, “Having described it, what will I do to lessen or end it?” The denial of men’s over-privileged state takes many forms in discussions of curriculum- change work. Some claim that men must be central in the curriculum because they have done most of what is important or distinctive in life or in civilization. Some recognize sexism in the curriculum but deny that it makes male students seem unduly important in life. Others agree that certain indi – vidual thinkers are blindly male-oriented but deny that there is any systemic tendency in disciplin – ary frameworks or epistemology to over-empower men as a group. Those men who do grant that male privilege takes institutionalized and embedded forms are still likely to deny that male hege – mony has opened doors for them personally. Virtually all men deny that male over-reward alone can explain men’s centrality in all the inner sanctums of our most powerful institutions. Moreover, those few who will acknowledge that male privilege systems have over-empowered them usually end up doubting that we could dismantle these privilege systems. They may say they will work to improve women’s status, in the society or in the university, but they can’t or won’t support the idea of lessening men’s. In curricular terms, this is the point at which they say that they regret they can – not use any of the interesting new scholarship on women because the syllabus is full. When the talk turns to giving men less cultural room, even the most fair-minded of the men I know will tend to reflect, or fall back on, conservative assumptions about the inevitability of present gender relations and distributions of power, calling on precedent or sociobiology and psychobiology to demon – strate that male domination is natural and follows inevitably from evolutionary pressures. Others resort to arguments from “experience” or religion or social responsibility or wishing and dreaming. After I realized, through faculty development work in Women’s Studies, the extent to which men work from a base of unacknowledged privilege, I understood that much of their oppressiveness was unconscious. Then I remembered the frequent charges from women of color that white women whom they encounter are oppressive. I began to understand why we are justly seen as oppressive, even when we don’t see ourselves that way. At the very least, obliviousness of one’s privileged state can make a person or group irritating to be with. I began to count the ways in which I enjoy unearned skin privilege and have been conditioned into oblivion about its exis – tence, unable to see that it put me “ahead” in any way, or put my people ahead, over-rewarding us and yet also paradoxically damaging us, or that it could or should be changed. My schooling gave me no training in seeing myself as an oppressor, as an unfairly advantaged person, or as a participant in a damaged culture. I was taught to see myself as an individual whose moral state depended on her individual moral will. At school, we were not taught about slavery in any depth; we were not taught to see slaveholders as damaged people. Slaves were seen as the only group at risk of being dehumanized. My schooling followed the pattern which Elizabeth Minnich has pointed out: Whites are taught to think of their lives as morally neutral, normative, and aver – age, and also ideal, so that when we work to benefit others, this is seen as work which will allow “them” to be more like “us.” I think many of us know how obnoxious this attitude can be in men. After frustration with men who would not recognize male privilege, I decided to try to work on myself at least by identifying some of the daily effects of white privilege in my life. It White Privilege and Male Privilege 31 is crude work, at this stage, but I will give here a list of special circumstances and conditions I  experience which I did not earn but which I have been made to feel are mine by birth, by citi – zenship, and by virtue of being a conscientious law-abiding “normal” person of good will. I have chosen those conditions which I think in my case attach somewhat more to skin-color privilege than to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographical location, though of course all these other factors are intricately intertwined. As far as I can see, my Afro-American co-workers, friends, and acquaintances with whom I come into daily or frequent contact in this particular time, place, and line of work cannot count on most of these conditions. 1. I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time. 2. I can avoid spending time with people whom I was trained to mistrust and who have learned to mistrust my kind or me. 3. If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live. 4. I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me. 5. I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be followed or harassed. 6. I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely represented. 7. When I am told about our national heritage or about “civilization,” I am shown that people of my color made it what it is. 8. I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of their race. 9. If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege. 10. I can be pretty sure of having my voice heard in a group in which I am the only member of my race. 11. I can be casual about whether or not to listen to another woman’s voice in a group in which she is the only member of her race. 12. I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods which fit with my cultural traditions, into a hair – dresser’s shop and find someone who can cut my hair. 13. Whether I use checks, credit cards, or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work against the appearance of financial reliability. 14. I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might not like them. 15. I do not have to educate my children to be aware of systemic racism for their own daily physical protection. 16. I can be pretty sure that my children’s teachers and employers will tolerate them if they fit school and workplace norms; my chief worries about them do not concern others’ attitudes toward their race. 17. I can talk with my mouth full and not have people put this down to my color. 18. I can swear, or dress in second-hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race. 19. I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial. 20. I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race. 21. I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group. 22. I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world’s majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion. 32 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity 23. I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider. 24. I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to “the person in charge,” I will be facing a person of my race. 25. If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven’t been singled out because of my race. 26. I can easily buy posters, postcards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys, and children’s magazines featuring people of my race. 27. I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied in, rather than isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered, unheard, held at a distance, or feared. 28. I can be pretty sure that an argument with a colleague of another race is more likely to jeop – ardize her chances for advancement than to jeopardize mine. 29. I can be pretty sure that if I argue for the promotion of a person of another race, or a program centering on race, this is not likely to cost me heavily within my present setting, even if my colleagues disagree with me. 30. If I declare there is a racial issue at hand, or there isn’t a racial issue at hand, my race will lend me more credibility for either position than a person of color will have. 31. I can choose to ignore developments in minority writing and minority activist programs, or disparage them, or learn from them, but in any case, I can find ways to be more or less protected from negative consequences of any of these choices. 32. My culture gives me little fear about ignoring the perspectives and powers of people of other races. 33. I am not made acutely aware that my shape, bearing, or body odor will be taken as a reflec – tion of my race. 34. I can worry about racism without being seen as self-interested or self-seeking. 35. I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having my coworkers on the job suspect that I got it because of my race. 36. If my day, week, or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it has racial overtones. 37. I can be pretty sure of finding people who would be willing to talk with me and advise me about my next steps, professionally. 38. I can think over many options, social, political, imaginative, or professional, without asking whether a person of my race would be accepted or allowed to do what I want to do. 39. I can be late to a meeting without having the lateness reflect on my race. 40. I can choose public accommodation without fearing that people of my race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen. 41. I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not work against me. 42. I can arrange my activities so that I will never have to experience feelings of rejection owing to my race. 43. If I have low credibility as a leader I can be sure that my race is not the problem. 44. I can easily find academic courses and institutions which give attention only to people of my race. 45. I can expect figurative language and imagery in all of the arts to testify to experiences of my race. 46. I can choose blemish cover or bandages in “flesh” color and have them more or less match my skin. White Privilege and Male Privilege 33 I repeatedly forgot each of the realizations on this list until I wrote it down. For me, white privi – lege has turned out to be an elusive and fugitive subject. The pressure to avoid it is great, for in facing it I must give up the myth of meritocracy. If these things are true, this is not such a free country; one’s life is not what one makes it; many doors open for certain people through no vir – tues of their own. These perceptions mean also that my moral condition is not what I had been led to believe. The appearance of being a good citizen rather than a troublemaker comes in large part from having all sorts of doors open automatically because of my color. A further paralysis of nerve comes from literary silence protecting privilege. My clearest memories of finding such analysis are in Lillian Smith’s unparalleled Killers of the Dream and Margaret Andersen’s review of Karen and Mamie Fields’ Lemon Swamp. Smith, for example, wrote about walking toward black children on the street and knowing they would step into the gutter; Andersen contrasted the pleasure which she, as a white child, took on summer driving trips to the south with Karen Fields’ memories of driving in a closed car stocked with all neces – sities lest, in stopping, her black family should suffer “insult, or worse.” Adreinne Rich also recognizes and writes about daily experiences of privilege, but in my observation, white women’s writing in this area is far more often on systemic racism than on our daily lives as light-skinned women. 2 In unpacking this invisible knapsack of white privilege, I have listed conditions of daily experience which I once took for granted, as neutral, normal, and universally available to every – body, just as I once thought of a male-focused curriculum as the neutral or accurate account which can speak for all. Nor did I think any of these perquisites as bad for the holder. I now think that we need a more finely differentiated taxonomy of privilege, for some of these variet – ies are only what one would want for everyone in a just society, and others give license to be ignorant, oblivious, arrogant, and destructive. Before proposing some more finely-tuned catego – rization, I will make some observations about the general effects of these conditions on my life and expectations. In this potpourri of examples, some privileges make me feel at home in the world. Others allow me to escape penalties or dangers which others suffer. Through some, I escape fear, anxi – ety, or a sense of not being welcome or not being real. Some keep me from having to hide, to be in disguise, to feel sick or crazy, to negotiate each transaction from the position of being an out – sider or, within my group, a person who is suspected of having too close links with a dominant culture. Most keep me from having to be angry. I see a pattern running through the matrix of white privilege, a pattern of assumptions which were passed on to me as a white person. There was one main piece of cultural turf; it was my own turf, and I was among those who could control the turf. I could measure up to the cultural standards and take advantage of the many options I saw around me to make what the culture would call a success of my life. My skin color was an asset for any move I was educated to want to make. I could think of myself as “belonging” in major ways, and of making social systems work for me. I could freely disparage, fear, neglect, or be oblivious to anything outside of the dominant cultural forms. Being of the main culture, I could also criticize it fairly freely. My life was reflected back to me frequently enough so that I felt, with regard to my race, if not to my sex, like one of the real people. Whether through the curriculum or in the newspaper, the television, the economic system, or the general look of people in the streets, we received daily signals and indications that my people counted, and that others either didn’t exist or must be trying not very successfully, to be like people of my race. We were given cultural permission not to hear voices of people of other races, or a tepid cultural tolerance for hearing or acting on such voices. I was also raised not to suffer 34 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity seriously from anything which darker-skinned people might say about my group, “protected,” though perhaps I should more accurately say prohibited, through the habits of my economic class and social group, from living in racially mixed groups or being reflective about interactions between people of differing races. In proportion as my racial group was being made confident, comfortable, and oblivious, other groups were likely being made unconfident, uncomfortable, and alienated. Whiteness pro – tected me from many kinds of hostility, distress, and violence, which I was being subtly trained to visit in turn upon people of color. For this reason, the word privilege now seems to me misleading. Its connotations are too positive to fit the conditions and behaviors which “privilege systems” produce. We usually think of privilege as being a favored state, whether earned, or conferred by birth or luck. School gradu – ates are reminded they are privileged and urged to use their (enviable) assets well. The word privilege carries the connotation of being something everyone must want. Yet some of the condi – tions I have described here work to systemically over-empower certain groups. Such privilege simply confers dominance, gives permission to control, because of one’s race or sex. The kind of privilege which gives license to some people to be, at best, thoughtless and, and at worst, murder – ous should not continue to be referred to as a desirable attribute. Such “privilege” may be widely desired without being in any way beneficial to the whole society. Moreover, though “privilege” may confer power, it does not confer moral strength. Those who do not depend on conferred dominance have traits and qualities which may never develop in those who do. Just as Women’s Studies courses indicate that women survive their political circumstances to lead lives which hold the human race together, so “underprivileged” people of color who are the world’s majority have survived their oppression and lived survivor’s lives from which the white global minority can and must learn. In some groups, those dominated have actually become strong through not having all of these unearned advantages, and this gives them a great deal to teach the others. Members of the so-called privileged groups can seem foolish, ridiculous, infantile, or dangerous by contrast. I want, then, to distinguish between earned strength and unearned power conferred sys – temically. Power from unearned privilege can look like strength when it is in fact permission to escape or to dominate. But not all of the privileges on my list are inevitably damaging. Some, like the expectation that neighbors will be decent to you, or that your race will not count against you in court, should be the norm in a just society and should be considered as the entitlement of everyone. Others, like the privilege not to listen to less powerful people, distort the humanity of the holders as well as the ignored groups. Still others, like finding one’s staple foods everywhere, may be a function of being a member of a numerical majority in the population. Others have to do with not having to labor under pervasive negative stereotyping and mythology. We might at least start by distinguishing between positive advantages which we can work to spread, to the point where they are not advantages at all but simply part of the normal civic and social fabric, and negative types of advantage which unless rejected will always reinforce our present hierarchies. For example, the positive “privilege” of belonging, the feeling that one belongs within the human circle, as Native Americans say, fosters development and should not be seen as privilege for a few. It is, let us say, an entitlement which none of us should have to earn; ideally it is an unearned entitlement. At present, since only a few have it, it is an unearned advantage for them. The negative “privilege” which gave me cultural permission not to take darker-skinned others seriously can be seen as arbitrarily conferred dominance and should not be desirable for anyone. This paper results from a process of coming to see that some of the power which I originally saw as attendant on being a human being in the United States consisted White Privilege and Male Privilege 35 in unearned advantage and conferred dominance, as well as other kinds of special circumstance not universally taken for granted. In writing this paper I have also realized that white identity and status (as well as class identity and status) give me considerable power to choose whether to broach this subject and its trouble. I can pretty well decide whether to disappear and avoid and not listen and escape the dislike I may engender in other people through this essay, or interrupt, take over, dominate, preach, direct, criti – cize, or control to some extent what goes on in reaction to it. Being white, I am given considerable power to escape many kinds of danger or penalty as well as to choose which risks I want to take. There is an analogy here, once again, with Women’s Studies. Our male colleagues do not have a great deal to lose in supporting Women’s Studies, but they do decide whether to com – mit themselves to more equitable distributions of power. They will probably feel few penalties whatever choice they make; they do not seem, in any obvious short-term sense, the ones at risk, though they and we are all at risk because of the behaviors which have been rewarded in them. Through Women’s Studies work I have met very few men who are truly distressed about systemic, unearned male advantage and conferred dominance. And so one question for me and others like me is whether we will be like them, or whether we will get truly distressed, even out – raged, about unearned race advantage and conferred dominance and if so, what we will do to lessen them. In any case, we need to do more work in identifying how they actually affect our daily lives. We need more down-to-earth writing by people about these taboo subjects. We need more understanding of the ways in which white “privilege” damages white people, for these are not the same ways in which it damages the victimized. Skewed white psyches are an inseparable part of the picture, though I do not want to confuse the kinds of damage done to the holders of special assets and to those who suffer the deficits. Many, perhaps most, of our white students in the United States think that racism doesn’t affect them because they are not people of color; they do not see “whiteness” as a racial identity. Many men likewise think that Women’s Studies does not bear on their own existences because they are not female; they do not see themselves as hav – ing gendered identities. Insisting on the universal effects of “privilege” systems, then, becomes one of our chief tasks, and being more explicit about the particular effects in particular contexts is another. Men need to join us in this work. In addition, since race and sex are not the only advantaging systems at work, we need to similarly examine the daily experience of having age advantage, or ethnic advantage, or physi – cal ability, or advantage related to nationality, religion, or sexual orientation. Professor Marnie Evans suggested to me that in many ways the list I made also applies directly to heterosexual privilege. This is a still more taboo subject than race privilege: the daily ways in which hetero – sexual privilege makes married persons comfortable or powerful, providing supports, assets, approvals, and rewards to those who live or expect to live in heterosexual pairs. Unpacking that content is still more difficult, owing to the deeper embeddedness of heterosexual advantage and dominance, and stricter taboos surrounding these. But to start such an analysis I would put this observation from my own experience: The fact that I live under the same roof with a man triggers all kinds of societal assumptions about my worth, politics, life, and values, and triggers a host of unearned advantages and powers. After recasting many elements from the original list I would add further observations like these: 1. My children do not have to answer questions about why I live with my partner (my husband). 2. I have no difficulty finding neighborhoods where people approve of our household. 3. My children are given texts and classes which implicitly support our kind of family unit, and do not turn them against my choice of domestic partnership. 36 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity 4. I can travel alone or with my husband without expecting embarrassment or hostility in those who deal with us. 5. Most people I meet will see my marital arrangements as an asset to my life or as a favorable comment on my likability, my competence, or my mental health. 6. I can talk about the social events of a weekend without fearing most listener’s reactions. 7. I will feel welcomed and “normal” in the usual walks of public life, institutional, and social. 8. In many contexts, I am seen as “all right” in daily work on women because I do not live chiefly with women. Difficulties and dangers surrounding the task of finding parallels are many. Since racism, sexism, and heterosexism are not the same, the advantaging associated with them should not be seen as the same. In addition, it is hard to disentangle aspects of unearned advantage which rests more on social class, economic class, race, religion, sex, and ethnic identity than on other fac – tors. Still, all of the oppressions are interlocking, as the Combahee River Collective statement of 1977 continues to remind us eloquently. 3 One factor seems clear about all of the interlocking oppressions. They take both active forms which we can see and embedded forms which as a member of the dominant group one is taught not to see. In my class and place, I did not see myself as racist because I was taught to recognize racism only in individual acts of meanness by members of my group, never in invisible systems conferring unsought racial dominance on my group from birth. Likewise, we are taught to think that sexism or heterosexism is carried on only through individual acts of discrimination, meanness, or cruelty toward women, gays, and lesbians, rather than in invis – ible systems conferring unsought dominance on certain groups. Disapproving of the systems won’t be enough to change them. I was taught to think that racism could end if white indi – viduals changed their attitudes; many men think sexism can be ended by individual changes in daily behavior toward women. But a man’s sex provides advantage for him whether or not he approves of the way in which dominance has been conferred on his group. A “white” skin in the United States opens many doors for whites whether or not we approve of the way domi – nance had been conferred on us. Individual acts can palliate, but cannot end, these problems. To redesign social systems we need first to acknowledge their colossal unseen dimensions. The silences and denials surrounding privilege are the key political tools here. They keep thinking about equality or equity incomplete, protecting unearned advantage and conferred dominance by making these taboo subjects. Most talk by whites about equal opportunity seems to me now to be about equal opportunity to try to get in to a position of dominance while denying that systems of dominance exist. It seems to me that obliviousness about white advantage, like obliviousness about male advantage, is kept strongly inculturated in the United States so as to maintain the myth of meri – tocracy, the myth that democratic choice is equally available to all. Keeping most people unaware that freedom of confident action is there for just a small number of people props up those in power, and serves to keep power in the hands of the same groups that have most of it already. Though systemic change takes many decades, there are pressing questions for me and I imagine for some others like me if we raise our daily consciousness on the perquisites of being light- skinned. What will we do with such knowledge? As we know from watching men, it is an open question whether we will choose to use unearned advantage to weaken hidden systems of advan – tage, and whether we will use any of our arbitrarily-awarded power to try to reconstruct power systems on a broader base. White Privilege and Male Privilege 37 Discussion Questions 1. What does the author mean by the concept of “white privilege”? 2. Reread the author’s list of 46 examples of white privilege. Select five examples that seem the most significant in helping you to understand that white people are privileged. Explain your selections. 3. In addition to white privilege, the author also cites examples of heterosexual privilege. In a simi – lar manner, develop a list of privileges the able-bodied enjoy that the physically challenged do not experience. 4. Most of us have experienced privilege in some form. Describe an example from your experience. 5. How does this article help you to understand the oppression that members of other groups may experience? Diver Sity on the Web Peggy McIntosh writes about the notion of racial, gender, and straight privilege and makes it clear that most people are unaware of their privileges. Watch “The Miniature Earth” video at: What does this short video teach you about your educational and social class privileges? What are the global and future implications of the data presented in the video? Notes 1. This paper was presented at the Virginia Women’s Studies Association Conference in Richmond in April 1986 and the American Educational Research Association Conference in Boston in October 1986, and discussed with two groups of participants in the Dodge Semi – nars for Secondary School Teachers in New York and Boston in the spring of 1987. 2. Anderson, Margaret, “Race and the Social Science Curriculum: A Teaching and Learning Discussion.” Radical Teacher, November, 1984, pp. 17–20; Smith, Lillian, 1949. Killers of the Dream. New York: W.W. Norton. 3. “A Black Feminist Statement.” The Com – bahee River Collective. In Hill, Scott and Smith (eds.) All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men. But Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women’s Studies. The Feminist Press, pp 13–22. 38 t he Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict Carole g. Parker In recent years, diversity in organizations has been an exciting, stimulating, frustrating, and intriguing topic. Some organizations continue to struggle for diversity whereas others have a fully integrated diverse workforce. The challenge to increase and manage diversity continues to be critical to organizational goals, particularly as more organizations, large and small, transact business internationally. Some organizations work to appreciate diversity and value differences, whereas others continue to discount differences and diversity. Smart managers today realize the importance of balance in work groups. Attempts to incorporate differences in age, gender, race, culture, sexual preference, and styles of being in their organizations to capitalize on the incred – ible potential diversity offers are occurring. Managing differences requires energy, commit – ment, tolerance, and finally, appreciation among all parties involved. Differences among people are not inherently good or bad; there is no one “right” way to deal with differences. Learning to manage and ultimately appreciate differences requires learning, emotional growth, and stretch – ing the boundaries of all participants. Although differences can be challenging, they also lead to very important benefits, both to individuals, groups and organizations. hoW Differences are ofTen Manage D What action and factors must be uppermost in selecting the most appropriate approach to addressing differences? Often avoidance or repression is used to manage differences. The avoid – ance of differences often takes the form of associating with individuals of similar backgrounds, experiences, beliefs, and values. This strategy enables an environment of mutual support and predictability. Those who are adverse to risk or challenges are apt to select this strategy. Another avoidance strategy is to separate individuals who create sparks between each other. Although this strategy may reduce tension, it minimizes the opportunity for individuals and the organiza – tion to learn and grow. The repression of differences occurs when an individual or organization refuses to allow disagreements to emerge. Top management often influences the culture by stressing conformity, which naturally affects diversity. Statements by managers such as: “We must work on this project in a professional and collegial manner,” or “By working together cooperatively, we will succeed during these difficult times,” create the boundaries for behavior limited to cooperation, collabo – ration, and loyalty and limit the opportunity for challenging assumptions, testing new ideas, The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict 39 and strategies for success. Repression is quite costly. Resistances develop that have both organi – zational and individual consequences. Blocking strong feelings and repressing differences may result in desensitization and loss of productivity. When individual differences come together, managers exert control to reduce conflict. Both appropriate times and dangers are associated with the use of avoidance and repres – sion in managing differences. Teams or work groups faced with tight deadlines may want to limit the number and type of ideas generated. Avoidance may be an appropriate interim strategy for dealing with differences by enabling an individual to learn more about a person or situation before advancing a stance. The challenge to management is to decide when it is most appropri – ate to use these approaches. The skill level of the manager, rather than an overt choice, may also influence the decision. Avoidance can lead to groupthink, which occurs when everyone in a group agrees with everyone else, even though there are differences among group members. Groupthink is the result of not challenging ideas, opinions, values, or beliefs. Individuals may not believe it is safe (concerns about advancing or retaining one’s job) to challenge, particularly if management does not model this behavior. Still another danger in avoiding differences is overcompatibility. When overcompatibility exists in an organization, it may be due to a strong need for support, reassurance, or security or a need to eliminate perceived threats. In an organization, this can severely hamper the develop – ment of new ideas, productivity, growth, and development. Avoidance and repression of differ – ences are not viable solutions. When differences are present, they must be expressed and worked through. If not, unnecessary conflict will result. posi Tive aspec Ts of Differences • Differences are opportunities. The old adage “Two heads are better than one” has mer – it. When combining multiple perspectives, one gains a richer set of experiences, and the variability of these often leads to a more creative approach than could be achieved independently. • Differences are tests to the strength of a position. One needs to be sure all the perspectives, opinions, and perceptions enhance the final product. A healthy interaction among differences (gender, age, race, culture, etc.) could address the pre – ceding concerns. Two factors influence the treatment of differences: first, the needs, wants and goals of the individual; and second, the value placed on the relationship. People are often moti – vated by the desire to meet their needs and satisfy their wants and desires. The stronger the motivation, the greater the likelihood of addressing differences. Furthermore, when the persons involved are important to each other, or valued, the tendency to manage the difference increases to preserve the relationship. The reverse is likely when there is no value in the relationship. Once these factors are assessed, it becomes necessary to recognize behavior and attitudes that will be helpful in managing the differences. Differences are not problems to be solved; they are dilemmas to be managed. Successful managers of difference reduce their judgments and accept the difference as legitimate. Clear boundaries between self and others, a willingness and interest in being influenced, and an aware – ness of choice with the ability to make choices are also helpful. Using strong language such as ought to, cannot, necessary, impossible, requirement, or mandate will diminish success. Differences are experienced from contact with others who are dissimilar. A range of life experiences and success in interpersonal relationships support the ability to deal with differences. 40 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity Individuals who have travelled nationally and internationally or who have had unusual experiences beyond the normal scope of their daily activities tend to develop an appreciation for differences, even though at the time of initial contact there may have been challenges, fear, and longing for what is familiar. Managing differences is not an individual process; it is interactive among individuals. When only one individual is attempting to deal with the difference, the result is coping behavior. Dealing with differences evokes emotion. A range of emotions for human inter – action that leads to awareness of differences is necessary. These emotions can lead to conflict but conflict is not a prerequisite to managing differences. Differences evoke emotions, ranging from small or minor to large and major. An inverted triangle graphically shows the escalating intensity in each level of emotion as differences are encountered (see Figure 1-2). This model is based on the assumption that difficulties will likely result from contact with differences. The first level involves an awareness of the difference. Here the parties are exploring and learning about each other—what is similar, what is not, what is discomforting; the second level may result. One becomes uncomfortable with boundaries being pushed while values or beliefs are challenged. When the differences appear to be greater than the similarities, annoy – ance occurs. The parties are not able to appreciate how their differences may be beneficial to each other. Irritation, on the next level, may result from continued exploration, possibly through a dialectic process. Tension is heightening as more contact occurs; there is possibly an overlay of fear. The boundaries of self are threatened (What will happen to me if I continue with this encounter?), and frustration leading to open disagreement develops. Anger, often a protective strategy, shifts the emotions to the next level, and hostility erupts while the dispute solidifies. Each party has a firm stance reflecting their position. The final level is conflict or war, where each party works hard to repress, neutralize or destroy the other. Awareness of Differences ESCALATING INTENSITY Conflict/War Hostility Anger Open Disagreement Frustration Heightened Tension Irritation Annoyance Discomfort figure 1-2 the escalation of Differences into Conflict The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict 41 In  Figure  1, we suggest that an individual, group, organization, or society may, depending on the situation, traverse through each of these emotional levels when encountering differences. The process is not necessarily a linear one. Emotions run deep on various issues and could erupt immediately from awareness to hostility or anger or any other step on the triangle. In fact, aware – ness can lead to avoidance, tolerance, or appreciation. Recent history lends itself to application to the triangle. In 1993, terrorists, who had differ – ent values and beliefs than most Americans, bombed the New York City World Trade Center. The explosion caused six deaths, 1,042 injuries, and nearly $600 million in damages. Americans were shocked, and then President Clinton declared that every effort should be taken to bring those responsible to justice. Swift actions lead to the prosecution and conviction of four of seven co-conspirators. Yet, the American public, although outraged and frightened by the experience, only demonstrated minimal awareness that there were dramatic differences between the U.S. foreign policy and those on the receiving end of the policy. Not until seven years later, with the attacks on the World Trade Center, along with the Pentagon, did awareness shift to outrage, anger, hostility, and ultimately conflict/war. During the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001, when thousands of people from many countries met their peril in the attack on the World Trade Center, the United States unified against all who would harm her. In many instances, those who disagreed with the policy to go to war against those responsible for this terrorist act were afraid to speak out. It was considered anti-American to express different opinions about how to handle terrorist activity focused on the United States. Such behavior is an example of groupthink, mentioned earlier in this chapter. The government is particularly susceptible to groupthink where patriotism must be at the highest, yet evidence of dissent tends to make its way to the media, newsprint, or television. Still, individuals may be reluctant to speak candidly against the actions of government policy. Conflict, at the top of the triangle, may result or emerge from differences. There are many definitions of conflict. Listed here are typical examples of definitions: 1. Conflict exists when two or more parties want the same thing or their wants are incompat – ible in some way. 2. Conflict must involve emotionality; it is a disturbing emotion within ourselves and may involve feelings of anger and frustration. 3. The higher the stakes, the greater the conflict; one must care to have conflict. 4. Conflict can be internal: within oneself, a group, or between groups. Conflict involves com – petition of wants and viewpoints. 5. Conflict can be enjoyable. It is important to distinguish conflict from difference. Difference and conflict are both important and necessary ingredients in human interaction and, if valued, can lead to opportu – nity, creativity, and appreciation. Difference is a component of diversity, which is a constant in our environment. Managers and the workforce are grappling with this constant and learning that appreciating or valuing differences opens the door to new and creative ways of addressing organizational challenges. For example, when a group of salaried and union personnel from the automotive industry were invited to identify adjectives they associate with conflict, most of the language was highly charged, emotional, and violent (see Table 1). The autoworkers pointed out that differences can lead to conflict and cited examples including the inability to motivate employees to complete their assigned jobs, poor communication, pressures concerning time, inequity in work assignments, differences of opinions, and methods for getting work done. They further pointed out how important it is for people to listen to each other and pay attention to the 42 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity difference, incorporating the difference in the process of solving a problem or completing a task, not just engaging in conflict because of the difference. It was believed that when a diverse team worked together, there was greater creativity and innovation, a sense of connectedness, more risk taking, less boredom, higher productivity, and greater cooperation. On the other hand, the mismanagement of differences or engaging in conflictual behavior in the organization would most likely lead to higher stress, individual withdrawal, limited learning, less risk taking, overcompatability, interpersonal tension, and decreased communication. The eM oTional connec Tion Emotional intelligence is one key to developing the ability to manage and appreciate differ – ences. Emotional intelligence involves at least five elements: awareness of self, the ability to rec – ognize personal emotions when they are occurring; managing self, which involves awareness of and engaging in emotions that are appropriate to a situation; self-motivation, putting emotional energy into action for a useful person and controlling emotions when necessary; awareness of emotions in others, which involves empathy and demonstrating caring when appropriate; and finally, managing interpersonal relationships, which involves dealing with both self and others in social, professional and personal interactions (Goleman, 1995). Emotional intelligence, then, is the ability to be aware of, name, and manage individual experience of emotions. The triangle in Figure 1 illustrates the escalating intensity of emotions when differences are mismanaged or misunderstood and develop into conflict. Managers must recognize that it is the diversity in styles of interacting and the particular way a person or group makes meaning of their experience that creates the experience of difference. Difference enables choice and opportunity as much as it may create tension and insecurity; this also enables the organization to achieve its objectives. Differences provide opportunities to develop our emotional intelligence. According to Cherniss and Goleman (2001), managers and workers who develop their emotional intelligence may be able to improve Table 1-1 Distinguishing Difference and Conflict Conflict Difference Anger Opinions War Ideas Tension Options Kill Methods Hostility Skills Shouting Race Gender Jobs Age Interpretation Values Environment The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict 43 their effectiveness at work and potential for advancement. In addition, personal relationships will also improve and strengthen when an individual develops emotional intelligence. The family unit is an excellent and readily accessible unit for exploring and experimenting with emotional intelligence. Our home life is often a place where we must manage differences with significant consequences for either harmony or unrest. One answer to understanding the emotional impact of encountering differences at home or in the work environment may come with knowledge of three major transitions occurring in contemporary society. Fritz Capra (1982) suggests that a paradigm shift in the thoughts, perceptions, and values that form a particular view of reality is essential if the world is to survive. This is a pattern or paradigm shift involving mov- ing from certainty to uncertainty, closed to open systems, truth to no truth, and a realization of multiple realities coexisting in a complex society. Recognition and mastery of this paradigm shift may prove to be a motivation for developing the emotional skills necessary for valuing diversity and managing differences. Historically, it has not been acceptable for professionals to exhibit emotions in the workplace; with the introduction of emotional intelligence, there is more acceptance of the whole person and the resulting complexity. When managing diversity or differences, one has at least four options for guiding behavior: avoidance, conflict, tolerance, and apprecia – tion. Avoidance provides an opportunity to learn more about the difference before declaring a stance. In this sense, avoidance as a strategy for managing differences may facilitate new learning and greater opportunity for future interaction of a productive nature. On the other hand, avoidance may be a survival strategy between different status levels within the organiza – tion. Clearly, a manager may tell a subordinate to “sit down and just be quiet.” Under these circumstances, the worker could jeopardize their position with the organization if they chose to noncompliance. Tolerance as a strategy may be influenced by status within the organization. Managers generally have the power and authority to get their viewpoints adopted. Nonmanagers often must compromise or tolerate the views of their managers, even when they feel the freedom to express an opposing viewpoint. Oftentimes, adopting tolerance is necessary because it allows for the expression of differences; however, when there is an imbalance of power, the options for influence are limited. The upside of tolerance is an individual’s opportunity to express a point of view that is active involvement rather than passive participation in an event. Conflict as a strategy may also serve some purpose. Conflict involves direct and active resistance to another and may involve judgments of good, bad, right, or wrong. Often conflict occurs more openly among managers, who have higher status and more latitude than subordinates in resisting a point of view or directives of each other and top management. Finally, appreciation of differences or diversity demonstrates a high degree of personal development and growth at the individual level. The process of appreciation involves a collaborative interaction among various parties with dif – ferences. When differences are appreciated, there are usually organizational norms that support the freedom of expression without fear of reprisal. With the ability to discuss differences openly, using a dialectical process, parties are often able to employ multiple strategies, resulting ulti – mately in appreciation. Appreciation results from applying the skills of emotional intelligence mentioned earlier. Developing healthy ways to acknowledge and respond to diversity (differences) and the emotions evoked increases our ability to not only manage ourselves but also to manage others in workplace and personal settings. Employing a combination of strategies such as conflict, avoid – ance, tolerance, and appreciation may demonstrate the capacity of an individual to manage dif – ferences and value diversity. 44 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity Discussion Questions 1. How can one distinguish difference from conflict? 2. What are some of the dangers of avoiding and repressing differences? 3. Think of an experience that you had in an organization or social setting involving avoidance or re – pression of differences. What was the outcome? How did you feel about the outcome? 4. What are some positive aspects of difference and what roles do emotions play in our ability to manage differences? 5. How can you develop the skills needed to increase your emotional intelligence? Bibliography Cherniss, C., & Goleman, D. (2001). The emotionally intelligent workplace . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Capra, F. (1982). The turning point. New York: Bantam. Goleman, D. (1995). Emotional intelligence. New York: Bantam. Diver Sity on the Web Research the history of a major class-action lawsuit such as Bell South, Texaco, Denny’s, Georgia Power, or Wal-Mart. Develop a timeline of the events that led to these lawsuits. Do the events listed on the timeline indicate escalating conflict as illustrated by Parker’s triangle? What actions or interventions could have been taken to prevent these conflicts from esca – lating into costly lawsuits? Carole G. Parker, PhD, is a retired associate professor of Management from Seaton Hill University. She has served on the staff of the Gestalt Institute of Cleveland. 45 Exploring Diversity in y our Organization Carol P. Harvey Assumption College A good beginning to a course in diversity is to analyze how diversity or lack of diversity could impact an organization with which you are quite familiar. Your instructor can assign either Option A, exploring diversity on a college campus, or Option B, examining an organization where you are or have been recently employed. ins Truc Tions Option a—Exploring Diversity on your College Campus 1. Organizational Leadership. Using the catalog, Web page, or other resources, research your college to determine who has the power to make important decisions in the organization. How diverse is this college in terms of its board of trustees and senior staff such as vice presidents, provosts, deans, and above? 2. Fac u lt y. Using the catalog, Web page, or other resources, research your college’s faculty to determine how diverse they are. Contrast the effects of having a more homogeneous faculty and a more heterogeneous faculty in terms of: (a) your learning experiences, (b) your advising/mentoring experiences, or (c) any other aspects of your college life such as athletics, extracurricular activities, and so on. 3. Student Body. Compare the student body to the organizational leadership and faculty. In  most cases, the students are younger and less educated but are there other obvious differences such as race, gender, or ethnicity? How does the student body compare with the community in which the college is located? (Check If there are major differences, how can these be an advantage or a disadvantage to your college experience? Explain your answer. 46 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity 4. If your college is diverse in terms of leadership, faculty, and/or students, how does diversity contribute to your learning experience and/or personal development? If your college isn’t diverse, how does the lack of diversity impact your learning experience and/or personal development? Option B—Exploring Diversity in your Work Organization 1. Organizational Leadership. Using the organizational chart, Web page, or other resources, research your company to determine who has the power to make important decisions. How diverse is this organization in terms of its board of directors and senior managers such as vice presidents, area managers, and above? (Note: Their criteria for defining diversity may be related to the location and the mission of your company. For example, if you are working in a racially diverse city, you may find more African Americans. If you are working in fashion retail, you may find more women in leadership positions.) 2. Lower-level and/or hourly workers. How does the diversity of the board and management of your organization compare to the composition of the various levels of your organization? What types of issues does this raise? Provide specific examples. 3. Customers. If your organization works with consumers and clients, how do your target markets compare with the management and staff of your organization in terms of diversity? 4. In the future, how could diversity or lack of diversity impact your career and/or the ability of the organization to meet customer/client needs? Exploring Diversity in Your Organization 47 Integrative Questions for Section I 1. What did you learn about workplace diversity from this section that you did not know before you began this course? What are the implications of what you selected for organizations in the future? 2. What did you learn about yourself from this section that you did not know before you began this course ? Why is this important to your future in the workplace? 3. Considering these readings and exercises, what are the obstacles/challenges for (a) individuals and (b) organizations to respond to the need to change to meet the challenge of diversity? 4. Why would some of the “best practices” from the Pitney Bowes case not necessarily work in another organization? Be specific in your answer. 5. Why would some of the “best practices” from the Pitney Bowes case not necessarily work in the organi – zation you used for the “Exploring Diversity . . . ” exercise? Be specific in your answer. 6. What is/are the common theme(s) between the Bowman exercise and the Miner article? 7. Have you ever done volunteer work or taken a community service learning class? If so, how has this helped you to learn about diversity? Provide an example from that experienced-based learning that relates to something from this section of the text. 48 t he Pitney Bowes’ Case: a Legacy of Diversity Management Carol P. Harvey Assumption College On July 2, 2004, Pitney Bowes’ CEO Michael Critelli said, Diversity is a part of our DNA at Pitney Bowes. We view diversity as a competitive imperative that helps drive innovation, deliver customer value, reach new markets and serve businesses of all sizes in over 130 countries worldwide. We also recognize that our future success is closely tied with our ability to attract, develop and retain top talent and our inclusive culture will help us regardless of race, gender or ethnicity. (Critelli, 2001) In April 1942, Pitney Bowes’ CEO Walter Wheeler, said, There has never been any management policy in Pitney Bowes, which would preclude any individual qualified to do a job from obtaining it. Human nature being what it is, however, I have no doubt but what prejudices on the part of individuals already employed may have prevented some applicant from obtaining employment with us. It is the responsibility of the Personnel Department to see that these personal preju – dices do not prevent the employment of qualified people regardless of race, color or religion. (Cahn, 1961, p. 204) As the opening quotations illustrate, Pitney Bowes, the world’s leading provider of integrated mail and document systems and services solutions is an example of a corporation with a long tra – dition of diversity management. Pitney Bowes’ business success is built on a culture that values innovation, change, and growth—and diversity is an integral part of that culture. Managers are held accountable for diversity, recruiters form partnerships with community organizations that help bring the most talented minority interns and workers into the organization, the company has an award-winning diversity supplier program and diversity is incorporated into the strategic planning process. The Pitney Bowes’ Case: A Legacy of Diversity Management 49 early coM pany his Tory To improve the efficiency of the U.S. post office, prevent stamp thefts, and simplify the busi – ness mailing process, Arthur H. Pitney patented the first practical postage meter in the United States in 1901. Although somewhat successful with his invention, the growth of his business, the American Postage Meter Company, was complicated because the post office would not approve its use for first class mail. In the meantime, the Universal Stamping Machine Company, under the leadership of its founder, Walter H. Bowes, was renting stamp-canceling machines to U.S. post offices. Rather than continue to compete with each other, the two men recognized their complementary talents of marketing (Bowes) and technology (Pitney) and merged into the Pitney Bowes Postage Meter Company in 1920. In the same year, Congress and the U.S. Post Office approved the postage meter for first class mail (Critelli, 2000). In the 1920s and 1930s, Pitney Bowes, located in Stamford Ct, benefited from decreased government regulations on metered mail and achieved much of its growth through technologi – cal inventions that solved specific customer mailing problems. Even in these early years, Pitney Bowes was progressive in its treatment of employees. Rather than lay off employees during the depression, the corporation cut wages by 10 percent and eliminated stockholder dividends. Efforts to unionize the employees were unsuccessful due to the company’s generous benefits programs (Pedersen, 2002). a Tra DiTion of Diversi Ty lea Dership: Three ceo s Understanding diversity at Pitney Bowes today requires an historical examination of leadership and organizational culture. In 1937, Walter H. Wheeler Jr., who is credited with the origins of Pitney Bowes diversity initiatives, became company president. Wheeler, the stepson of Bowes, was educated at Worcester Academy “where the headmaster, Daniel Webster Abercrombie, had his own form of democracy where all the boys were treated equally at least in class, in the dining hall, assemblies, student government, etc.” (Frank Callahan, 2007). This school was “one of the earliest schools to accept students regardless of race or nationality . . . It was here that Walter was first introduced to certain principles of democracy that were to have dramatic applications years later” (Cahn, p. 76). To understand how innovative Wheeler’s diversity values and policies were at this time, it is necessary to understand the historical context. In the 1940s there was no national Civil Rights legislation in the United States. It was perfectly legal to refuse to hire, promote or to fire someone because of his/her race, ethnicity, gender, religion, etc. In some parts of the country, Blacks still drank from separate water fountains, rode in the back of the bus and attended separate public schools. Women were relegated to applying only for jobs that were advertised in newspapers as “help wanted female.” These positions consisted mainly of low-paying clerical and retail jobs and for the highly educated women, mostly limited to helping professions like teaching, social work, and nursing. Anti-Semitism was rampant. In fact, Wheeler once resigned from a local yacht club because of their policy to deny membership to Jews. There are many examples of Wheeler’s infusion of his personal values into the corporate culture and management policies of Pitney Bowes. Predating the Civil Rights Act by twenty years, he directed his managers to hire the same percentage of “colored workers” and “Hebrews” as were living in the Stamford area (Cahn, 1961, p. 204). He walked out of a New Orleans hotel when management refused to register a Black Pitney Bowes employee. During World War II, like many U.S. manufacturing plants, Pitney Bowes suspended production of its own products 50 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity to manufacture replacement parts for planes, guns, etc. However, at Wheeler’s direction unlike many U.S. corporations, after the war Pitney Bowes retained the women and racial minorities who had been hired to replace the white male workers deployed overseas. Wheeler also recognized that just hiring diverse workers was not enough. The corporation also had to make an effort to integrate them into the organization. Open communication and honesty have long been a crucial element of the diversity initiatives at Pitney Bowes. In 1946 Pitney Bowes hired its first African American office employee, Gladys Robinson. Although she was selected on the basis of her interviews and aptitude test (i.e., fully qualified), she was also prepared by management for any negative comments that she might receive from co-workers. Management discussed her hiring with the employees in her department before her arrival. This preparation of both employee and co-workers resulted in a friendly welcome from her new co-workers and became a standard procedure for new workers for some time. Mrs. Robinson said that she Detected an attempt on the part of my fellow employees to reassure me that I was wanted. After about six months I noticed the self-consciousness on the part of my fellow employees was beginning to wane. I was merely accepted as another worker and this suited me just fine . . . By now, however, most people have become accustomed to  the fact that Negroes are employed in most every department in the company. (Cahn, 1961, p. 207) When anti-trust legislation threatened Pitney Bowes in the late 1950s, the corporation embarked on a strategy of diversification into copiers, leasing equipment, retail supply chain prod – ucts, etc. However, Chairman Wheeler stated that his company’s dominance in the postage meter industry was not due to anti-competitive business practices but to positive employee relations that resulted in productive workers, lower costs, and innovative products (Pederson, 2002, pp. 296–7). In the late 1980s George Harvey became the CEO at Pitney Bowes and took Wheeler’s value of inclusiveness to the level of a business imperative. He recognized that “those who have previously been denied opportunity are often better performers who are more committed to excellence when they are given a chance” (Critelli, 2001, p. 19). His diversity focus was to see that all employees had the opportunity to advance their careers and become part of the leadership team, not just because it was the right thing to do but also because it would enable the company to remain competitive by recruiting and promoting the most talented workers. According to Sheryl Battles, long-time employee and now Vice-President of Corporate Communication, Harvey once looked out at a room full of managers and said that too many of them looked just like him and that was going to change. When women were hired away from traditional low-paying jobs into the sales force where they could earn commissions and bonuses, they started to outperform the men. Harvey was quoted as saying “if this is what diversity does for business results, I want more diversity” (Battles, interview 6/16/06). Along with the twenty-first century challenges of continued growth in a slow economy, increased competition, and the threat of terrorism through the mail, the current CEO and Chairman, Michael J. Critelli, continues the legacy of diversity leadership. Currently serving his second term as Chairman of the Board of the National Urban League, the country’s largest and oldest African-American organization, Critelli sees three dimensions to diversity management today at Pitney Bowes: becoming the employer of choice for a diversified workforce; understand – ing the challenges of global diversity; and implementing supplier diversity programs that create jobs for women and minority entrepreneurs (Bean, 2003, p. 54). Currently, women comprise 25 percent of the CEO’s direct reports and 40 percent of the sales force. Twenty percent of the companies’ officers and managers are people of color. Worldwide 40 percent of the corporation’s The Pitney Bowes’ Case: A Legacy of Diversity Management 51 33,000 employees are people of color. In 2000 Pitney Bowes purchased $47.5 million dollars worth of goods and services from women and minority-owned businesses (Business Wire, 2001). piTney Bo W es To Day Although this corporation was built on the success of manufacturing, leasing, and repairing postage meter equipment, Pitney Bowes, like all other U.S. manufactures, is facing new chal – lenges. In response to globalization, Pitney Bowes is now doing business in 130 countries and has over 34,000 employees worldwide. International operations account for 17 percent of their total revenue. With the shift from a manufacturing to a service economy, Pitney Bowes has retrained its workers to move from a manufacturing to an assembly model of production. In  addition, the corporation has broadened its mission to focus on “integrated mail and document manage – ment” or “mailstream” services such as package tracking and logistical transportation software. Rather than be threatened by the impact of technology such as the Internet and mobile phones on decreasing volumes of traditional mail, Pitney Bowes considers these as business opportunities. Pitney Bowes provides customized U.S. postage stamps available on and has formed a partnership with eBay to provide web-based postage applications. Based on a system of longitude and latitude, T-Mobile uses Pitney Bowes’ GeoTAX software to apply the correct federal state and municipal taxes to 20 million customer bills each month. In 2005, the company continued to grow through innovative services and acquisitions with nearly 25 percent of Pitney Bowes’ $5.4 billion revenue coming from companies that they acquired since 2001 (Pitney Bowes, 2005). Standard & Poor’s recently rated Pitney Bowes stock, as a “buy” with an expectation that gross margins will soon hit 55 percent (Marcial, 2006). Diversi Ty ini Tia Tives: using a huM an capi Tal approach Considering employees as human capital means that an organization realizes the economic value of its employees and their role in achieving profits, innovation, productivity, and long-term growth. Because being inclusive offers an organization a wider selection of talented people, it is a key element in the implementation of a business strategy based on the human capital approach. However, having diverse employees—i.e., the “numbers”—is not enough. Diverse employees can only become a competitive advantage if an organization capitalizes on the variety of perspectives and viewpoints of its employees in a supportive and cooperative culture (Kochan, et. al, 2003). recrui TM en T At Pitney Bowes, the key human resource functions of selection/recruiting, evaluating performance, training, benefits, etc., reflect the systemic nature of diversity as an organizational value. In order to have access to the best and the brightest diverse employee pool, the corporation uses a multi-level approach that includes advertising in publications targeted to the diverse com – munity, forming external partnerships and alliances with organizations that represent a diverse talent pool, and sponsoring diversity-related events and causes. Some of these partnerships include Inroads (for interns), the National Urban League, the U.S. Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, Women’s Business Enterprise National Council, National Society of Hispanic MBAs, National Black MBA Association, The Association of Latino Professionals in Finance and Accounting, The Connecticut Asian Pacific American Bar Association, Society of Women Engineers, National Society of Black Engineers, etc. Recently, Pitney Bowes’ Literary and Education Fund donated 52 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity $50,000 to the National Action Council for Minorities in Engineering Inc. (NACME) to develop a community college recruitment program that would help prepare African American, Native American, and Latinos for careers in math, engineering, and science (Pitney Bowes, 2006). These relationships give Pitney Bowes a positive image in diverse communities and result in a more diverse but qualified pool of directors and job applicants. Currently, 25 percent of the Board of Directors are female or racial minorities. As of April 19, 2004, Pitney Bowes had a workforce comprised of 26 percent African Americans, 10 percent Latino and 5 percent Asian Americans (Torsone, 2006). evalua Tion of Diversi Ty Manage M en T Diversity management plays a key role in the evaluation process and is included as one of the cri – teria for each business unit president and his/her managers’ performance appraisals. In 1992 the Diversity Task Force (DTF) was established to develop a mission statement and implementation plan for accountability for diversity within the organization. A year later the DTF proposed a diversity strategic planning process that is still in place today. Each business unit develops a strategic plan based on corporate goals. These plans address: communications and training, employee development and work/life balance, business diversity, and community relations. Within each unit there is a Diversity Leadership Council made up of employees who meet frequently to ensure that these goals are met. Achievement of these goals is taken into consid – eration when determining executive compensation (Pitney Bowes, 2006). Susan Johnson, VP of Strategic Talent Management and Diversity Leadership, said that this process turns something “soft and mushy into something measurable” and “the planning process becomes part of the fabric of diversity” (Johnson, 2006). Workplace Benefi Ts Even the benefit program at Pitney Bowes reflects the intersection of sound business practice with a focus on the preventing illness and recognizing that employees are individuals with different needs. Great Expectations is a program available to employees and spouses that provides prenatal care, risk assessment, and monitoring to prevent high-risk pregnancies. Employees with chronic conditions like diabetes or high blood pressure are offered on-site medical care and free prescrip – tions to encourage them to manage their illnesses. Employees who attend healthcare seminars can reduce their out of pocket healthcare costs and premiums. The Choice Time Program allows non- exempt employees to bank time off (flex days, etc.) to use for unplanned absences (Torsone, 2006). recogni Tion for Diversi Ty Although Pitney Bowes has received numerous awards from external organizations and pub – lications for its diversity efforts (see Exhibit 1-1), the corporation also rewards employees who demonstrate excellence in diversity through the annual PRISM award. Any individual employee or team can be nominated for the crystal trophy, cash award, and lunch with the CEO and senior management. Recently, this award was given for a program that employs peo – ple with disabilities in the outsourced mailrooms that Pitney Bowes manages in other compa – nies (Torsone, 2006). In the fall the Sheldon, Connecticut, campus hosts a family day, called a Diversity Festival that is open to all local employees. The event features entertainment, exhibits, and food from a variety of cultures. The Pitney Bowes’ Case: A Legacy of Diversity Management 53 organiza Tional coMM unica Tion At Pitney Bowes, the management/employee communication process also is rooted in a tradi – tion of systemic inclusiveness. In the 1940s Wheeler felt that he should be as accountable to his employees as he was to his shareholders. So, he began a series of Job Holders meetings based on his philosophy that everyone has something valuable to contribute to Pitney Bowes. At these meetings managers explained the state of the business and then answered employees’ questions in a two-way dialogue. Today, since the corporation has expanded and become less centralized to Stamford, Connecticut, these meetings take the form of Town Hall forums. Each of the direct reports to the CEO travels around the country to present an overview of the business and then responds to employee comments and questions in an open forum format. When 9/11 and the anthrax mail crises occurred, Pitney Bowes stayed in constant con – tact with its employees through its voice mail system. The effectiveness of this communication evolved into Power Talk , a weekly voice mail from the Chairman or one of his direct reports that is broadcast over the voice mail system. These brief messages cover topics that impact employees such as postal reform, announcement of company awards, company strategies, etc. This practice ensures that employees hear company news first hand rather than depending on the media or informal networks (Battles, 2006). It is clear that diversity is integrated into the systems and management practices at Pitney Bowes. Because diversity has a long history at the corporation and because there has been con – tinual support at the corporate and Board levels, currently, Pitney Bowes provides an example of a corporation that has used diversity to its competitive advantage. However, as the company continues to grow, particularly by acquisition and global expansion, maintaining diversity as a value will be the challenge of the future. Discussion Questions 1. Given Pitney Bowes’ growth and globalization strategies, analyze the forces for and against maintain – ing an organizational culture that supports diversity as a business imperative. 2. Provide specific examples of ways that Pitney Bowes has aligned diversity goals with a  market-driven approach to meeting customer needs. 3. At Pitney Bowes, diversity in addition to being an ethical imperative is a business imperative. How does diversity create competitive advantages for this corporation? exhi BiT 1-1 r ecent Diversity Awards received by Pitney bowes Business Ethics magazine’s 100 best Corporate Citizen’s List National Society of Hispanic MBA’s Corporate Partner of the year DiversityInc. Ranked #1 on top 10 Companies for Diversity List Fortune magazine’s best Companies for Minorities List Working Woman’s magazine’s top 25 Public Companies for executive Women Hispanic magazine’s top 25 vendor Programs for Latinos 54 Section 1 • Understanding Individual Perspectives of Diversity Bibliography Battles, S. (2006). Interview, June 16. Battles, S. (1999). Pitney Bowes creates guide for Latina business women. Business Wire , November 23. Bean, L. (2003). Pitney Bowes’ CEO Michael Critelli: This change agent understands the value of diversity. DiversityInc . October– November, 50–54. Business Wire Inc. (2001). Pitney Bowes creates web link to expand opportunities for minority and women suppliers: Diversity 2000 partners to launch Pitney Bowes Information. February 15. Cahn, W. (1961). The story of Pitney-Bowes . New York: Harper and Brothers. Callahan, F. (2007) Worcester Academy. e-mail re – ceived July 1, 2007. Critelli, M.J. (2001). Pitney Bowes, Inc. from mail to messaging: the leading provider of informed mail and messaging management. Address to the Newcomen Society. Johnson, S. (2006). Interview, June 14. Kochan, T., Ely, R., Jackson, S., Joshi, A., Jehn, J., Leonard, J., Levine, D., and Thomas, D. (2003). The effects of diversity on business performance: Report of the diversity research network. Human Resource Management, 42 (1), 3–22 . Marcial, G. (2006). For Pitney Bowes, a stamp of approval. Business Week , 3988, June 12. Pedersen, J.P. (ed). (2002). Pitney Bowes. International Directory of Company Histories, St. James Press: Farmington Hills MI., 47, 295–299. Pitney Bowes. (2006). Retrieved from Web site on June 6, 2006. Pitney Bowes. (2005). Annual report. Stamford, CT. Tessler, C. (2004). Fortune magazine ranks Pitney Bowes one of America’s 50 best companies for minorities. Fortune Magazine. July 2, 2004 (11A). Torsonne, J.G. (2006). Pitney Bowes 2006 annual corporate social responsibility report. Retrieved from annualreport on May 3, 2011. Diver Sity on the Web The last sentence of the Pitney Bowes case mentions that the corporation’s commitment to diver – sity could be affected by its growth and global strategies. An additional threat would be hiring a new CEO who does not value diversity as a strategic value. Although the current CEO, Murray Martin, continues the diversity legacy at Pitney Bowes, what has happened in terms of the organi – zation’s efforts to maintain an inclusive and diverse culture during a time of internal and external change? How has Pitney Bowes adapted to becoming more of a global business while maintain – ing diversity as a core value? To answer these questions, go to the website below. Reading this document affirms that diversity and inclusion are still important in the Pitney Bowes’ culture. Evaluate the 2009  report in terms of a. The organization’s efforts to maintain an inclusive and diverse culture during a time of in – ternal and external change and b. Pitney Bowes’ adaptation to becoming more of a global business while maintaining diver – sity as a core value. c. What have they done and why has it worked? The Pitney Bowes’ Case: A Legacy of Diversity Management 55 Integrative Questions for Section I 1. What did you learn about yourself from the exercises, readings, and cases in this section ? How  could this new knowledge help you in the workplace? How could it help you in your personal life? 2. Now that you understand that there are differences between prejudices and stereotypes, what are the major sources of your stereotypes? How could you prevent your (future) children from developing stereotypes? 3. How does the Miner article relate to McIntosh’s notion of unearned privilege? 4. Provide an example from your own experience of how a “difference” has led to a conflict. 5. Thinking about organizational diversity, at this point in the course, what do you think an organization needs to change or do to successfully manage diversity? 56 Section ii Learning goa Ls for section ii • To understand the differences between primary and secondary dimensions of diversity • To be aware of the effects of multiple group memberships and saliency on one’s social identity • To learn from experience what it is like to be different from others in terms of race and ethnicity • To consider the effects of the changing immigration patterns in the United States • To understand how organizations need to adapt their cultures, practices, and policies to meet the needs of today’s workforce • To learn how to communicate effectively with people from other cultures Since we have defined diversity as the ways in which people differ that may affect their organi – zational experiences in terms of performance, motivation, communication, and inclusion, we need to learn more about those differences and what they can mean especially to individuals unlike ourselves. While these differences mean that everyone is a member of numerous social identity groups that make us who we are, and contribute to our notion of self, they also affect our experiences both in the workplace and in our personal lives. Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity 57 One of the simplest and most popular models for organizing the discussion of workplace diversity was developed by Loden (1996). She divided the personal dimensions of diversity into two major categories: Primary dimensions —those social group memberships that are fixed and usually central to one’s self-identity such as race, ethnicity, age, gender, mental and physical abilities, and sexual orientation. secondary dimensions —those characteristics that are usually more changeable, not as visible, and less central to one’s experience such as income, religion, communication style, marital status, appearance, and first language. In Sections II and III, we will explore the primary dimensions and in Section IV, the sec – ondary dimensions. Although this model is a straightforward way to organize social identity group mem – berships, in any discussion of differences, two additional factors—multiple group member – ships and saliency—also need to be considered. Multiple group memberships refers to our belonging to many of these primary and secondary social identity groups, such as being a male (gender), white, (race), Jewish (religion), divorced (family status/parent), and a manager (organizational role). However, saliency refers to the importance of these characteristics to a person which var – ies among individuals. In the example above, if this individual has custody of his children and childcare responsibilities, his status as a parent may be more salient to him than his gender, race, or religion. The late Shirley Chisom, the first Black woman to serve in Congress, was known for saying that her being female was more of a factor in her government experience than being African American ( So, for her, gender was more salient than her race. As a transition, Section II opens with an assignment, Being an Only, that will allow you to experience and reflect upon having visible minority status before you complete additional readings. The next two articles explore the issues of racial and ethnic identities: Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom and Since We Elected an African American President Twice, Is Racism Still an Issue in America? To minimize stereotypes, we have deliberately avoided emphasizing differences between specific cultural groups. Today, so many people have multiple origins, cul – tural influences, and international experiences that we hesitate to apply generalized characteris – tics to individuals who belong to ethnic groups. However, it is important to examine current immigration patterns that are changing the racial and ethnic composition of the U.S. workforce as presented in Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process. The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now case illustrates the consequences of poor leader – ship in an organization that led to an expensive lawsuit but finally managed to turn itself around to respond to the challenges of diversity. Bibliography Women’s history: Shirley Chisom’s quotes. Retrieved from http://womenshistory. Loden, M. (1996). Implementing diversity . Chicago: Business One Irwin. 58 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Diversity on the Web Go to Watch this video Being the Only Black Kid in Class . Then proceed to analyze how these students’ experience may be different or similar to yours. How do you account for these differences? 59 Being an o nly: a f ield a ssignment carol P. Harvey Assumption College Given the demographic changes in today’s workforce, it is important to understand what it feels like to be a visible minority. Sometimes, differential treatment is due to the context of the work – place situation rather than to discrimination. When an organization or a department has one or a few people who are different in terms of some visible social identity group membership, the majority may, often unconsciously, treat them differently. In turn, the minority employees may find that they react differently to their contextual situation than they would if there were more balanced numbers in the work situation. If one is a part of the majority, it may be difficult to recognize the impact of this phenomenon. One of the most effective ways to recreate this learning experience is to watch the award-winning video, “A Tale of O” (Goodmeasure) and to complete the following field assignment. Instruct Ions 1. Watch the film, “Tale of O,” and take meaningful notes about the experiences of the O’s (minority) and X’s (majority). 2. Think creatively about how you could place yourself in a safe, alcohol free field situation where you would be a visible minority, i.e., be an “O.” (Some examples include a female stu – dent going truck shopping at a local automotive dealer, a male student attending a Tupper – ware party, a student standing on a street corner soliciting money as a homeless person and then donating it to a shelter, a young student going to a water aerobics class with senior citizens, an able bodied student shopping in a mall in a wheelchair and others attending religious services of faiths very different from their own, etc.) Submit your idea to your professor for approval. (Note: Some experiences are inappropriate for this assignment. For example, attending an Alcoholics Anonymous meeting, going to a gay bar, or trying to recycle your study abroad semester, or any additional situations that your instructor consid – ers inappropriate will not fulfill the requirements of the assignment. Also, sometimes, you may need to obtain permission from the person in charge of the organization, such as the minister, rabbi, etc.) to attend the activities of an organization. 3. Once your idea is approved, complete the field experience, keeping in mind the material from the video. Do not have a friend accompany you on the field experience. 4. Write a 3–4 page typed report that analyzes your field experience from the perspective of the consequences of being an “O.” How does it feel? How did you act differently in this situ – ation? How did people treat you differently? What did you learn about yourself and others? Try to relate your experiences closely to the information presented in the video. 60 t hriving in a Multicultural c lassroom Michelle r. Dunlap Connecticut College In ItIal challenges Walking into a classroom to learn about multicultural or diversity issues can be like walking into a minefield (Williams, Dunlap, & McCandies, 1999). You may be apprehensive with good reason. Likewise, professors may be anxious and fearful of discussing issues of racism, sexism, cultural differences, and oppression, and they may exhibit their discomfort through verbal and non-verbal communication (or lack of communication) (Ladson-Billings, 1996). Some may argue that there is no obligation to help you feel more emotionally comfortable when dealing cross-culturally or when talking about racism and other forms of oppression—it’s a tough world out there and many people have to deal with cross-cultural discomforts on a daily basis. Some students and teachers do not mind the anxiety and stress that often comes along with talking about these issues, but many still do and for them, this article provides four steps/strategies that may help prepare them for the multicultural learning process. step 1: considering the emotions involved in the Diversity Learning Process Often when we think of participating in a multiculturalism curriculum, we think of it as an intel – lectual endeavor. However, it also is an emotional endeavor, and emotions are often overlooked by participants in the diversity learning process. Students may experience a wide range of emotions and feelings such as anxiety, confusion, anger, relief, validation, and guilt (Davi, Dunlap, & Green, 2007 & 2008; Tatum, 1992; Williams et al., 1999). Overlooking the emotions involved in experiencing a multicultural curricula can make the process even more difficult, or can even hinder the diversity learning process alto – gether. Students often resist multicultural courses because of anxiety, fear, anger, and guilt (Tatum, 1992; Williams et al., 1999). It is healthy for faculty to create a time or space within a multicultural course for grappling with the emotional components of the course so that students will not shut-down and remain silent throughout the semester. Ladson-Billings (1996) strongly urges educators to create a space wherein, and methods by which, all participants can feel emotionally empowered to speak con – cerning their fear, anger, confusion, disagreement, etc. while engaged in a multicultural learning. Not all educators feel empowered enough or are well versed enough with diversity to do that. Nonetheless, that does not decrease the importance or need for students to be prepared. Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom 61 Beverly Tatum (1992) uses a developmental model for understanding the emotional stages that students may be in as they grapple with a multicultural curriculum. She relates stu – dents’ attitudes concerning multicultural and diversity issues and ties these to their beliefs in a meritocracy. She proposes that those who are in early stages of racial identity development have not yet internalized the shared experience or awareness of white privilege, discrimination, prejudice, etc., and the ability of these experiences to impact a person’s status (in spite of how hard-working, smart, etc. one may be). When students brainstorm with one another about the emotions that they associate with discussions of race, gender, oppression, and multiculturalism, the list they produce is a long one with emotions that vary from the very overwhelming and/or negative to the relieving and/or positive (Davi et al., 2007 & 2008; Williams et al., 1999). Thus, being in a situation where issues of oppression, differences, multiculturalism, etc. are going to be the topic of the day may pose a formidable challenge both to the students and facilitators of the multicultural and diversity-learning processes. Given the volatility that can accompany such discussions, students may find it helpful to develop a set of their own collec – tive rules for safe communication in class. When encouraged to do this, students usually begin by sharing their need for respectful communication, confidentiality, etc., but they may also deal with questions of expected political correctness, and use of racial epithets (Williams et al., 1999). Addressing the multicultural learning process as an emotional process in itself can provide some relief for students who may be experiencing a variety of emotions (Davi et al., 2007 & 2008; Ladson-Billings, 1996; Williams et al., 1999). Without understanding the process, students may exclusively attribute any negative emotions to the instructor, their fellow students, the curricu – lum, etc., and not to the emotional process itself. When students have an opportunity to deal with emotions upfront in the classroom, it can help them to attribute some of their discom – fort to the challenging process of communicating with relative strangers about an often difficult, emotion-laden topic. step 2: Becoming familiar with the concept of racial identity Development Racial Identity Development and its stages are concepts that most students find extremely helpful as they enter into a multicultural curriculum. racial identity development is the degree to which a person feels at one with, or connected with, the experiences of a racial group (Helms, 1990b). This connectedness, or lack of connectedness, can impact how students in a mixed-race classroom view their fellow classmates and the curriculum (Tatum, 1992). One of the most widely used resources for helping students prepare for a multicultural curriculum in the last two decades has been Beverly Tatum’s (1992) article, Talking about Race: The Application of Racial Identity Development Theory in the Classroom (currently available at ). In this classic article, Tatum makes a practical application of racial identity theories. She not only addresses diversity as an emotional issue, but also presents two classic racial identity models (Helms, 1990a; Cross, Parham, & Helms, 1991) to help individuals understand how they may respond when confronted with discussions of diversity and multiculturalism by using Cross et al. (1991) model of Black Racial Identity Development and Helms’ (1990a) model of White Racial Identity Development. The work of Helms and Cross et al. proposes that, based on their own experiences, people developmentally progress through various levels or stages of ma – turity with respect to understanding and internalizing the shared exposure to and reality of racism and oppression that has existed in our society. 62 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity As outlined in Dunlap (2013), the Helms (1990a) White Racial Identity model consists of six stages: Contact, Disintegration, Reintegration, Pseudo-Independence, Immersion/Emersion, and Autonomy (see Exhibit 2-2). In contrast, the Cross et al. (1991) Black Racial Identity model consists of five stages: Pre-encounter, Encounter, Immersion/Emersion, Internalization, and Internalization-Commitment (see Exhibit 2-3). A third alternative, the more racially inclusive, the Atkinson, Morten, & Sue (1989). Model, Racial/Cultural Identity (see Exhibit 2-4) consists of five stages: Conformity, Dissonance, Resistance/Emersion, Introspection, and Integrative Awareness. In the Conformity stage, African Americans and other minorities may not question racist practices and policies, may deny that such discriminatory practices exist, or may accept them as the status quo. For those a little more advanced in these stages, i.e., dissonance, they may feel confused and may begin to intellectually eXhIBI t 2-1 Comparison of racial identity Development Models identity Models I. Helms II. Cross et al. III. Atkinson et al. Stages White racial identity black racial identity racial/Cultural identity 1 Contact Pre-encounter Conformity 2 Disintegration Encounter Dissonance 3 Reintegration Immersion/Emersion Resistance-Emersion 4 Pseudo-Independence Internalization Introspection 5 Immersion/Emersion Internalization- Commitment Integrative Awareness 6 Autonomy __________________ _____________________ Definitions of Stages of White Racial Identity Development; Summarized by Richard (1996) Contact “Person is oblivious to own racial characteristics (‘color-blind’) and pretends others have none, is naïve, and shows ‘accidental’ insensitivity.” Disintegration “Person consciously acknowledges own White identity and experiences race-related moral dilemmas from the perspective of an unfairly advantaged group.” Reintegration “Person resolves racial moral dilemmas by trying to reestablish a status quo in which whites are superior and entitled to privilege and Blacks are inferior and entitled to disadvantage.” Pseudo-Independent “Person has an intellectualized awareness of own race and societal racial issues. ‘Intelligent non-Whites’ are the best ones to understand and explain racism.” Immersion/Emersion “Person honestly appraises what it means to be White in this society.” Autonomy “Person adopts a positive, realistic White identity, interacts with others from a humanistic orientation, and fights oppression.” eXhIBI t 2-2 White racial identity Development ( helms) Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom 63 grapple with the systems of oppression that are becoming more obvious to them. Beyond that stage, in dissonance/emersion, African Americans may resist the status quo and begin to immerse them – selves into their own culture and history which is a very energy consuming process. At the more advanced stage of Introspection, minorities may become more introspective as they try to under – stand the complications of the socially constructed systems of racial oppression and the limitations in fighting it. Finally, in the Integrative Awareness stage, they may find themselves choosing their battles more strategically, garnering their resources and alliances and expending their energies care – fully while working to raise awareness among their social spheres (see Exhibit 2-4). Definitions of Stages of Black Racial Identity Development; Summarized by Richard (1996) and Vandiver et al. (2001) Pre-Encounter “Person denigrates black culture, idealizes White culture, and denies personal significance of race or racism.” Encounter “Person questions self and others about racial issues. Stage terminates with a decision to restructure one’s racial identity.” Immersion/ Emersion “Phase 1—Person shows extreme anger, idealizes everything Black, and denigrates and avoids everything White. Phase 2—Person actively redefines self  according to Black and African historical perspectives.” Internalization “Person adopts positive realistic Black identity, interacts with others from a  humanistic orientation, and fights oppression.” Internalization- Commitment “… racial identity development that is based in involvement and activism . . . evidenced in regular involvement in diverse organizations.” eXhIBI t 2-3 b lack racial identity Development (Cross et al.) Definition of Stages of Racial/Cultural Identity Development; Summarized by Merrell (2003) Conformity “Depreciating attitude toward self and others of same minority group: discriminatory attitude toward other minority groups; appreci- ating attitude toward dominant group.” Dissonance “Conflict between appreciating and depreciating attitudes toward self, others of same minority group, other minority groups, and dominant group.” Resistance/Emersion “Appreciating attitude toward self and others of same minority group; conflict between empathetic and culturocentric feelings toward other minority groups; depreciating attitude toward dominant group.” Introspection “Concern with basis of self-appreciation and unequivocal nature of appreciation toward others of same minority group; concern with culture-centric views toward members of other minority groups; con- cern with basis of depreciation of dominant group.” Integrative Awareness “Appreciating attitudes toward self, others of same minority group, and other minority groups; selective appreciation for dominant group.” eXhIBI t 2-4 Minority identity Development Model (Atkinson et al.) 64 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity European Americans in the early stages of racial identity development may assume the systems of racial advantage that they live to be natural or the norm, and therefore may conform to the status quo unconsciously or without much question (see Exhibit 2-2). Likewise, especially if they are experiencing diversity for the first time, they may not understand the sensitivity and pas – sion of students of color concerning these issues (McIntosh, 1989; Tatum, 1992). Once they begin to learn that inequities and oppressions exist, European-Americans may experience intellectual dissonance, which eventually will take them to one of two paths: either they will resist the status quo, or they will further immerse themselves in it. Although either can lead to further introspec – tion and learning, one may be more positive than the other. Tatum then takes Black and White student comments, and fits them into either the Helms or Cross et al. models, so that the students’ feelings, intellectual engagement, etc. can be under – stood within the context of a larger developmental framework and process. Again, this then helps students who read her article to depersonalize some of their own discomfort with a multi – cultural curriculum and put their emotional and intellectual stretching and growth into a larger framework of developmental progression. For example, a white student who asks during a child development course group discussion, “Why are we talking about race and culture in a child development class?” arguably may be in the Contact stage of Helms’ model, wherein he or she has not yet grasped the role that race, culture, ethnicity, gender, and oppression may play, even today, in a person of color’s environment and developmental experiences. When students are aware that racial identity development models and stages exist, such knowledge can help provide a context for comments that they hear one another make during a course—comments about which they may not relate nor understand initially. So, when they hear these kinds of questions and comments, they can try to predict where within the racial identity developmental process their peers may be, and can hear their comments and questions as existing within a dynamic process rather than as an unchanging static state. Based on these models, students can anticipate that a fellow student who is naïve about racism and other forms of oppression is likely at the beginning of a journey of growth that over time, will take him to a different stage of racial identity. Your peers may grow and move beyond the stage(s) by way of class discussions. Familiarity with these models may also assist you when your course instructors appear to be at racial identity development stages different from your own, or that do not match what the curriculum may need or call for. Thus, you should read Tatum’s classic article before starting a multicultural course, and should attempt to consider both your early and current experiences with race and racism. You also should ponder where in the models you find yourself (that is, at which stages would you place yourself and why). This task can challenge you to attempt to both reflect on and to talk about much avoided topics such as racism, sexism, etc., and can allow you to become adequately familiar with the models so that you can use them to understand your own and your peers’ developmental progression(s). step 3: considering an alternate Model that May Be Useful for exploring racial identity Development Some of you may find that you do not easily fit into the currently avail – able models of Racial Identity Development. Some of the models are not applicable to your racial background and experiences. For example, Hispanic students may find the Helms (1990a) and Cross et al. (1991) models do not specifically apply to them. Likewise, students who have been marginalized in ways other than race, e.g., LBGTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and questioning) students, may not find such models applicable to Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom 65 their experiences of oppression. While there are models that have been developed to try to address the diversity of racial identity backgrounds, no general model has been devel – oped that may be able to address all categories of marginalization and oppression, be it racial, gender, sexual orientation, religion, etc. One alternative proposed here involves considering the Helms (1990), Cross et al. (1991), and Atkinson et al. (1989) Racial Identity Development models, and contemplate the possible commonalities or parallels in their progressive stages. For example, they all involve an initial naïvety or lack of experience, then a grappling or dissonance experience, and eventually integra – tion and resolving of new learning or to use other interdisciplinary theories. Considering the Helms, Cross et al. and Atkinson et al. models together, a similar progression can be argued for the path that people may take when trying to come to terms with and acknowledge the role that racism and other forms of oppression still play within our society. To accept that inequities, injustice, prejudice, racism, sexism, heterosexism, xenophobia, etc. still exist within the new mil – lennium may require a cognitive shaking-up or dissonant grappling for those who previously have not been aware of the relevancy of these issues. Another option is to apply the Elizabeth Kubler-Ross Model of Death and Dying (see Exhibit 2-5) in which dying patients come to terms with the shock and trauma of an impend – ing death by progressing through five stages: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. Some students, regardless of their ethnic or racial background naïvely may be in denial concerning racism and the role of racism in people’s lives today. Others may progress to the anger stage where they are now fully aware of these inequities and are upset that such injustice still exists. Yet others may experience a period where they have discovered that injustices can be so eXhIBI t 2-5 s tages of Death and Dying Definitions of Stages of Kubler-Ross (1969/1997) Model of Death and Dying; Summarized by Funeral Guide , South Africa Denial “Shock, disbelief and confusion. ‘This isn’t happening to me.’ A conscious or subconscious refusal to accept the reality of the situation.” Anger “People can be angry at themselves, and/or with others, especially those close to them . . . [and the] grieving person [can] lash out in anger.” Bargaining “Traditionally the bargaining stage . . . can involve attempting to bargain [or cognitively grapple] with whatever God the person believes in. ‘I promise I’ll be a better person if …,’ or ‘Please just let me live until …’ ” Depression “This phase varies from person to person involving sadness, regret, fear, numbness, fatigue, [retreat], etc. It shows that the person has at least begun to accept the reality.” Acceptance “Some emotional detachment and objectivity begins to surface. ‘I’m ready, I don’t want to struggle anymore.’ People dying can enter this stage a long time before the people they leave behind. For those grieving the loss of a loved one, this can be a time where they begin to re-enter a more ‘normal’ social life and are ready to start moving forwards.” Helms (1990a & b) Model of White Racial Identity Development; Tatum (1992) Cross et al. (1991) Black Racial Identity Development; Tatum (1992) Atkinson et al. (1989) Racial/ Cultural Identity Development Kubler-Ross (1969/1997) Model of Death and Dying Proposed common processes as applied to a Multicultural Classroom and/or Curriculum Contact Pre-Encounter Conformity Denial Individuals may assume the systems of advantage to be natu- ral, and may not question them. Also individuals may be un- aware of or confused by opposing views. Thus, some students may be in denial concerning racism and the role of systems of oppression in people’s lives today. Disintegration/ Reintegration Encounter (and also includes Phase 1 or “Immersion” of the next BRI stage as well) Resistance/ Emersion Anger Individuals may become more aware that there are issues of unfairness, disparity, and/or oppression, and may experience upset and angst that such injustice still exists. Pseudo- Independent Immersion/ Emersion Dissonance Bargaining Individuals spend time and cognitive and/or emotional energy analyzing new information and experiences provided in a multicultural curriculum and/or diverse environment. Students may grapple with how to prioritize their concerns, choose their battles, and rally resources and support. Immersion/ Emersion Internalization Introspection Depression An individual may to one extent or another attempt to conserve cognitive and emotional energy by retreating for a time to reflect on what they are learning. Students also may experience a pe – riod of disillusionment and sadness concerning the state of race relations, racism, and other oppressions in our environments. Autonomy Internalization- Commitment Integrative Awareness Acceptance Individuals develop greater maturity, awareness, understand- ing, and ability to critically analyze a multicultural curriculum, choose battles, rally resources, raise issues, engage in activism, and increases skills to negotiate and facilitate positive change. Among the battles selected, individuals may resist and rally more strategically and resourcefully than in earlier stages. eXhIBI t 2-6 Proposed Aligning of stages of Kubler- ross’s Model to explain student’s experiences in Multicultural environments and/or Curriculum 66 Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom 67 prevalent that they find themselves confused or alternatively they may try to fight each one alone and may grapple with how to prioritize their concerns, choose their battles, and rally resources and support (bargaining ). Others may experience a period of sadness and depression concerning the state of race relations, racism, and other oppressions in our environments. Yet others may have reached a point of greater mastery of accepting that not every battle can be fought and won, but that among the battles that they do select, they can resist and rally strategically, resourcefully and hopefully effectively (acceptance ). This alternative model may be helpful to you if you feel that none of the current models apply to your particular experience, or your particular category of social oppression or privilege. step 4: Understanding the concept of White Privilege Both Black and White students, espe – cially in the early stages of racial identity development can benefit from a greater awareness of the concept of white privilege. White privileges are norms or actions that are so com – mon that many do not notice them although they may systematically put or keep European Americans in a position of relative advantage (socially, economically, etc.) in comparison to others in our society (McIntosh, 1989). In McIntosh’s classic work, “White Privilege and Male Privilege …” (in this text), she provides dozens of examples of white privilege that often are unnoticed by European Americans because of the norm or prevalence of such privileges in comparison to the minority experience (e.g., most European Americans are able to go into a store to shop without it being assumed that they may steal, etc.). Other authors also have spoken to such advantage in addressing the related systemic and daily burden experienced by minorities because of the continuing significance of rac – ism and other forms of oppression in our society (e.g., Feagin, 1998 & 2006). McIntosh’s article can be helpful to most students of all backgrounds in that it opens up discussion of systematic and structural hindrances, advantages, etc., and allows those in the early stages of racial identity development to have an opportunity to grapple with these issues. Students who are thinking about and coming to terms with white privilege for the first time may also benefit from additional resources and supports offered through organi – zations such as Teaching Tolerance ( and Understanding Prejudice ( Engaging in these steps may assist you in your emotional preparation for the multicultural curriculum and learning process. Considering the emotions that can be involved, familiarizing oneself with racial identity development and other theories that may be applicable, understand – ing the concept of white privilege, and seeking resources and supports may all assist in your adjusting successfully in a multicultural curriculum and this course. Proactively preparing one – self for the internal challenges that can come with a multicultural curriculum hopefully may help to more effectively facilitate student learning. Discussion Questions 1. What was one of your earliest experiences concerning race? a. Describe the experience, how you felt, and how the experience was handled. b. If you could rewrite that experience, how would you change it and/or how it was handled? 2. Think of three different ages or points in your life, for example, ages 6, 12, and 18. 68 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity a. What racial identity development stage would you say you were in for each of these stages and why? b. What factors can you think of that may have impacted any changes in your racial identity devel – opment stages from one age to another? c. How do you feel that each of these stages could have been better supported by the caregivers, educators, peers, or colleagues around you? 3. If you could rewrite your first experience with race, racism, or oppression, and how it was handled by the adults or others in a position of authority: a. Would you change it? If so, in what ways would you change it? b. How would you better facilitate the learning and/or support among those involved or impacted at the time? 4. What does racial identity development have to do with (emotional) death and dying? 5. Create a list of all of the emotions that you can recall from the moment you began reading on this topic and/or working with the discussion questions. What is the significance of those emotions in terms of your own development and learning about a multicultural curriculum? Writing Assign Ment Read and reflect on Tatum’s 1992 article on racial identity development (see bibliography). 1. Describe in 2–3 pages, your initial reactions to the work of Tatum and her students. 2. Using one of the models provided in this chapter, prepare a statement describing your racial identity development and stage(s) up to this point in your life. 3. Include a description of any key person(s) or event(s) that have been instrumental in your ra- cial identity development thus far. References Atkinson, D.R., Morten, G., & Sue, D.W. (1989). A minority identity development model. In D.R. Atkinson, G. Morten, & D.W. Sue (Eds), Counseling American Minorities (pp. 35–52). Dubuque, IA: William C. Brown. Cross, W.E. Jr., Parham, T.A., & Helms, J.E. (1991). The stages of black racial identity development: Nigrescence Models. In R. Jones (Ed.), Black Psychology (3rd Edition, pp. 319–338). San Francisco: Cobb and Henry. Davi, A., Dunlap, M., & Green, A. (2007). Explor – ing difference in the service-earning classroom: Three teachers write about anger, sexuality, and justice. Reflections: Writing, Service-Learning, and Community Literacy, 6(1), 41–66. Davi, A., Dunlap, M., & Green, A. (2008). Feminist ways of seeing: Preparing students for service-learning. In K. Dugger (Ed.), Handbook on Service Learning in Women’s Studies and the Disciplines (pp. 14–25) . Baltimore, MD: Institute for Teaching and  Research on Women. Dunlap, M. (2013). Cross-cultural community engagement, Elizabeth Kubler-Ross’s model of death and dying, and racial identity develop – ment. In. H. Fitzgerald (Ed.), Going Places . Thriving in a Multicultural Classroom 69 Feagin, J. (1998). The continuing significance of race: Antiblack discrimination in public places. In J. Feagin (Ed.), The New Urban Paradigm: Critical Perspectives on the City. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Feagin, J. (2006). Systemic Racism: A Theory of Oppression. New York: Routledge Press. Funeral Guide South Africa (website). http:// 5-stages-of-grief.html Helms, J.E. (Ed.). (1990a). Black and White Racial Identity: Theory, Research and Practice. We s t – port, CT: Greenwood Press. Helms, J.E. (Ed.). (1990b). Training Manual for Di – agnosing Racial Identity in Social Interactions. Topeka, KS: Content Communications. West – port, CT: Greenwood Press. Kubler-Ross, E. (1969/1997). On Death and Dying . New York: Simon & Schuster/Scribner. Ladson-Billings, G. (1996). Silences as weapons: Challenges of a Black professor teaching White students. Theory into Practice , 35(2), 79–85. McIntosh, P. (1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Peace and Freedom, July/ August. Merrell, K. (2003). Behavioral, Social, and Emo – tional Assessment of Children and Adolescents (pp. 394–396). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Richard, H. (1996). Filmed in Black and White: Teaching the concept of Racial Identity at a pre – dominantly White university. Teaching of  Psy – chology , 23(3), 159–161. Tatum, B. (1992). Talking about race: The application of racial identity development theory in the classroom. Harvard Educational Review, 62(1), 1–24. Vandiver, B., Fhagen-Smith, P., Cokley, K., Cross, W., & Worrel, F. (2001). Cross’s Nigrescence Model: From theory to scale to theory. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 29(3), 174–200. Williams, M., Dunlap, M., & McCandies, T. (1999). Keeping it real: Three Black women  educators discuss how we deal with  student resistance to multicultural inclusion in the curriculum. Transforma – tions: The New Jersey Project Journal for Curriculum Transformation and Scholarship , 10(2), 11–22. Michelle R. Dunlap is a professor at Connecticut College. Most recently, she co-edited African Americans & Community Engagement in Higher Education (2009). s ince We e lected an a frican a merican President t wice, is r acism s till an issue in a merica? Joyce Mc nickles McNickles and Associates In his first victory speech in 2008 Barack Obama said, “If there is anyone out there who doubts that America is a place where anything is possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer” (Mcauliff, 2008). After his re-election as the President of the United States in 2012, he became the first man in more than 50 years to win at least 51 percent of the national popular vote twice (Giroux, 2013). For some, Obama’s two victories were undeniable proof that the United States had become a post-racial society, i.e., a society in which race was no longer significant (Bobo, 2011). They argued that if race still mattered and influenced how Americans think, then White Americans would not have voted for Barack Obama twice. However, the fact that White Americans voted for an African American does not indicate that race is insignificant for all Americans especially for African Americans and other people of color. Polling data for the past 50 years illustrates that Black Americans and White Americans hold different views about the significance of race and racial discrimination (Gallup, 2013). In one recent poll of a random sample of 1,319 adults, 52 percent of Blacks thought that new civil rights laws were needed to reduce discrimination against Blacks, but just 15 percent of Whites thought so. When asked if they thought that Blacks have as good a chance as White people in their communities to get any kind of job for which they are qualified, 78 percent of Whites said yes, but only 39 percent of Blacks answered in the affirmative. Another poll conducted by the American National Election Panel Survey revealed the different perceptions Blacks and Whites have about the prevalence of racial discrimination. When asked how much discrimination currently exists in America, 56.4 percent of Black respondents said there was “a lot,” but only 16% of White respondents said they thought there was “a lot” of discrimination. The majority of White respondents said there was either “some” (44.4%) or “a little” (39.5%) discrimination (Greenling, 2011). To some, it may seem puzzling that so many African Americans think there is a lot of racial discrimination, especially considering the fact that the country has elected an African American for president in the last two elections. 70 Since We Elected an African American President Twice, Is Racism Still an Issue in America? 71 One plausible explanation for this is the racial perception gap (Lawson, 2009) i.e., the difference in perceptions that Whites and people of color have about race relations and racism. Tim Wise, a White anti-racism writer, activist, and national lecturer, argues that the perceptions differ because when Whites and African Americans talk about race and racism they may not be talking about the same thing. Differences in the ways in which Blacks and Whites use and understand this terminology may contribute to the perception gap. According to Wise, most Whites see racism in terms of negative individual and interpersonal behavior such as calling someone a racial slur or making a prejudicial remark based on a stereotype (Wise, 2010). For African Americans it includes much more. Racism, for many people of color, includes policies and practices, intentional and unintentional, in various social institutions which are racially dis – criminatory. Confronting institutionalized racial discrimination in the criminal justice system, the education system, the health care system, and the workplace has the potential for creating far more significant consequences than the personal prejudice of one individual. a Matter of ter MI nology Prejudice and racism are not the same thing. An important distinction must be made between racial prejudice and racism . The classic definition of prejudice as defined by Allport (1954) is a feeling, favorable or unfavorable, toward a person that is not based on actual experience. Prejudice based on race is referred to as racial prejudice (Adams, Bell, & Griffin, 2007). racial prejudice resides within the individual but racism resides within society’s struc – tures and institutions. It is true that individuals make up society’s institutions, and that in order for racism to exist in any institution there has to be some individual racial prejudice. However, racism extends far beyond any individual and his or her personal prejudices. This results when one racial group has the social power to act on racial prejudice and negatively impact the lives of another racial group (Andersen & Taylor, 2012). One example is the illegal practice of steering , i.e., when real estate agents steer African American homebuyers away from listings in White neighborhoods based on a desire to keep the makeup of that neighborhood White (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, 2013). racism can also be seen as a system of advantage based on race. Beverly Tatum (2003) finds this definition of racism useful. It allows us to see that racism, like other forms of oppression, is not only a personal ideology of racial prejudice but also a system involving cultural messages, institu – tional policies and practices, and the beliefs of individuals as well. In the context of the United States, this system clearly operates to the advantage of Whites and to the disadvantage of people of color. (p. 7) Institutions may have policies, practices, and procedures that confer advantages to Whites and disadvantages to African Americans and other people of color. institutional racism is another term that is often used to describe the system of advantage operating within various societal institutions such as the criminal justice system, the education system, the health care system, and the workplace (Alexander, 2012; Kozol, 2012; Shavers et al, 2012). Sociologists who study the structural aspects of racism point out that even if every White person were to lose all of his or her personal prejudices and did not participate in any discriminatory behavior, institutional racism would still continue for some time (Andersen & Taylor, 2012). Institutional racism becomes structured into society at all levels and cannot be attributed to one single individual. For example, much of the standard curriculum in U.S. public schools 72 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity is centered on the contributions and culture of White Americans rather than that of African Americans. This gives White students a psychological advantage because they have many oppor – tunities to see themselves and their racial group reflected in history, literature, the arts, and the sciences (Nieto, 2011). Conversely, this disadvantages African Americans because, aside from Black History Month programs, they rarely see themselves reflected in the curriculum. It is important to note that these policies, practices, and procedures may be unintentional or inten – tional, overt or covert. Diller (2011) described racism as “the manipulation of social institutions to give pref – erences and advantages to whites and at the same time restrict the choices, rights, mobility and access of people of color” (p. 63). Feminist scholar Peggy McIntosh (1990) referred to the advantages Whites receive as “White privilege ” and believes that these privileges are invisible to most Whites. African Americans and other people of color cannot count on having these privileges. Institutionalized racism promotes disparities and inequities between Whites and African Americans. Disparities are any differences among populations that are statistically significant and differ from the reference group by at least 10 percent (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2011). Institutional racism also promotes disparities between Whites and other people of color. Although this article highlights the racial experiences of African Americans, it does not suggest that other people of color such as Latinos, Asians, and Native Americans do not experience racism in the United States. rac Ial D Ispar ItIes an D Inequ ItIes In the Workplace In recent years African Americans have made gains in the workplace, but they are still underrep – resented at the higher levels of management in nearly every professional field. Despite affirmative action initiatives and federal employment laws against racial discrimination, racial dispari – ties continue. In 2011, non-Hispanic Whites held 83 percent of all the management level jobs in both the private and public sector, but they only represented 63.4 percent of the country’s population. Of the Fortune 500 companies’ chief executive officers in 2012, only six were Black (U.S. Department of Labor, 2011; Black History Month Facts and Figures, 2013). fInanc Ial In Dustry There are racial disparities in the financial firms on Wall Street even though more African Americans have been hired over the past decade. Richard Alba, a distinguished professor of sociology at the City University of New York, analyzed census data from a four year period and found that the median earnings for Black men in the financial industry, which include wages, salary, commissions, and bonuses, were 72 percent less than those of White men. Alba suggested that job stratification favoring White men and discrimination may be factors. He found a clear stratification within this group which favored white men, the historically dominant group (Alden, 2011). aD vert IsIng In Dustry African Americans confront racial disparities in the advertising industry. In testimony before the U.S. Equal Opportunity Commission (2012), researchers presented data which showed that when African American college graduates enter the advertising field they earn 20 percent less than White graduates with the same qualifications, and they are half as likely as their White counterparts to be placed in management positions. Racial discrimination in the advertising industry is 40 percent worse than in the national labor market. restaurant In Dustry Racial disparities exist in the restaurant industry. Researchers sent White and Black applicants to apply for jobs at upscale restaurants in New York City. Both groups had equal qualifica – tions, education, and language skills. They found that the employers discussed the positions in greater detail with White applicants than they did with the applicants of color. White applicants were offered better hours and given longer interviews. The employers challenged the résumés of the applicants of color more often than the résumés of White applicants. The data indicated that discrimination occurred in one third of the restaurants included in the study, and people of color were half as likely as Whites to get hired (Bendick, Jr., Rodriguez, & Jayaraman, 2010). hI rIng In a classic study on racial disparities in hiring, Princeton University researchers examined discrimination in hiring young minority males and male ex-offenders in entry-level, low wage jobs (Bonikowski, Pager, & Western, 2009). They sent African American, Latino, and White male applicants to over 1,500 private employers in New York City during a nine-month period. The applicants were given fake résumés indicating equal educational and work experience. In several situations the résumés also indicated an 18-month prison term. The study showed that White males with a criminal record had a slightly better chance of getting a job than an African American male with no criminal record. Young White male high school graduates were twice as likely to receive a positive response (call back or interview) from the employers as equally qualified African American males. afr Ican aM er Ican Wo M en For African American women in the workplace, racial disparities and discrimination are also issues. Research suggests that Black women in leadership roles are judged more critically for their mistakes. In one study, researchers had 228 participants read fake newspaper articles about a corporation’s performance and its senior executive (Rosette & Livingston, 2012). Participants were randomly assigned versions of the article, some in which the leader was Black or White, male or female, successful or unsuccessful. They were then asked to answer questions about the article regarding organizational performance and leader effectiveness. Researchers found that Black women who failed were viewed more critically than White men, White women, and Black men. Black women leaders suffered from double jeopardy , a term used to describe the increased consequences of being Black and female, two socially subordinated identities. Black women were evaluated more negatively than Black men and White women, but only in the context of organi – zational failure. In the context of organizational success, the three groups were evaluated almost the same. However, each group was evaluated less favorably than White men. Research has also suggested that African Americans’ names may subject them to discrimination and implicit bias, thereby creating disparities in hiring (Aura, 2010). In a classic study indicative of implicit bias in the workplace (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004; Since We Elected an African American President Twice, Is Racism Still an Issue in America? 73 74 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Lang  &  Lehman, 2012), researchers from the University of Chicago and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology sent 5,000 fictitious résumés in response to 1,300 help wanted ads in the Boston and Chicago newspapers. They randomly assigned “White-sounding” first names to half the résumés. Names such as Emily, Jill, Kristen, Allison, and Laurie were given to the female applicants; males were given names such as Brett, Todd, Neil, Greg, Brendan, Jay and Brad. The other half of the résumés were assigned “African American sounding” names such as Ebony, Lakisha, Tamika, Keisha, Latoya, and Kenya to female applicants and Jamal, Hakim, Leroy, Tyrone, Darnell, and Jermaine to male applicants. Aside from the differences in names, the résumés reflected the same experience, education, and skills for both groups. The study found that applicants with the “White sounding names” received 50 percent more callbacks for interviews than applicants with “African American sounding names.” The disparities were con – sistent across occupation, industry, and company size. The researchers concluded that African Americans may be screened out of the hiring process in favor of White applicants before they even have a chance to be interviewed. rac Ial D Ispar ItIes an D Inequ ItIes In health care African Americans and other racial minorities tend to receive lower quality health care and have worse outcomes than whites even when they have the same insurance and income. Blacks and other racial minorities are less likely to be given appropriate medication for heart disease or to undergo bypass surgery, are less likely to receive kidney dialysis and kidney transplants than Whites, but they are three times more likely to have lower limb amputations as a result of dia – betes than their White counterparts (Green, 2007; Lefebvre, 2011). In addition, they are more likely to have multiple amputations and more severe amputations but are less likely to have limb-sparing procedures such as angioplasty and lower extremity bypass. In terms of mental health, African Americans are more likely to be diagnosed as psychotic but less likely to be given anti-psychotic medication. They are more likely to be hospitalized invol – untarily and placed in restraints than Whites (Nejtek, 2012; Smedley, Stith, & Nelson, 2003). In one study, researchers analyzed the records of 105,972 prostate cancer patients who had received radical prostatectomies during an eleven-year period. Black patients had more blood transfu – sions, higher complication rates, longer lengths of stay, and higher in-hospital deaths than white patients. The racial outcome differences persisted even when controlling for factors such as year of surgery, age, and insurance status (Barocas, 2012). In another study involving 3,023 patients with invasive lung, breast, prostate, and colon cancers who were treated in 38 outpatient centers across the country, researchers found that African-American patients were twice as likely as whites to be under treated for their pain (Fisch et al., 2012). The researchers suggested that one explanation for the racial disparity could be the providers’ implicit bias which occurs when a person holds negative or positive associations about a particular group that are outside his or her conscious awareness. Studies have docu – mented that even though most health care providers are well-intentioned, implicit bias against African Americans has influenced their medical decisions (Shavers et al., 2012). For example, one prominent study conducted by Johns Hopkins University Medical School investigated the relationship between doctors’ stereotypes about whether people of different racial groups would be compliant with medical advice (Cooper, 2012). The study consisted of 40 primary care doctors and 269 patients who knew each other well and had agreed to have their office visits audiotaped. Eighty percent of the patients were African-Americans. Forty-eight percent of the physicians were white, 30 percent Asian, and 22 percent African-Americans. They tested the physicians’ unconscious implicit bias by having them take two versions of the Implicit Association Test. One test measured general racial bias, and the second measured racial bias in regard to patient compliance with medical advice. The Implicit Association Test is a  computer-based test that measures the degree to which a person associates negative and positive attributes with different racial groups (Greenwald, McGhee, & Swartz, 2008). Looking at facial images, the test taker must quickly react by selecting the positive or negative attribute associated with a particular face. White and Asian physicians held more pro-white attitudes on both tests than African-American physicians, whose scores were generally neutral. Analysis of the audio taped office visits indicated that the physicians who held a negative implicit racial bias towards African Americans were less patient-centered. They dominated the conversations, paid less attention to the patients’ social and emotional needs, and communicated in a less positive tone. The researchers found this bias significant because research indicates that when patients have patient-centered interactions with their doctors they are more likely to follow through with care and have better control over chronic diseases. Physicians’ biases, the researchers argued, may be one explanation for the disparities in health outcomes between Blacks and Whites. rac Ial D Ispar ItIes In eD ucat Ion The1954 U.S. Supreme Court case, Brown v. Board of Education, made racially segregated schools unconstitutional. The argument against segregated schools was that White children and Black children received different and unequal experiences in the public school system, creat – ing disparities in attainment and educational outcomes (Orfield, Kucsera, & Siegel-Hawley, 2012). Despite the desegregation efforts that took place during the 1960s through the 1980s, beginning in the early 1990s schools districts began to re-segregate. Racially segregated schools continue to produce unequal educational opportunities, because in the majority of cases they are segregated by economic class as well. Poverty rates correlate with student achievement and attainment. low-income schools Nationwide, the average black student attends a school where 64 percent of the children are low income, whereas the average white student attends one where the low income students comprise just 37 percent of the school population. The districts with lower poverty rates, as is the case for the average White student, have more resources than higher poverty districts, setting in motion factors that shape educational opportunities (Orfield, Kucsera, & Siegel-Hawley, 2012). This is because schools with high concentrations of minority students have fewer resources which result in inferior access to qualified and experienced teachers, higher turnover rates among staff, larger class sizes, fewer advanced placement courses, poorer infrastructure, and fewer basic educational supplies. All of these factors affect student achievement and outcomes. Analysis of national data by the U.S. Department of Education Office for Civil Rights (2011) showed that schools with concentrated poverty serving the most African American students were nearly twice as likely to employ teachers who were new to the profession. Fifteen percent of the teachers in schools with the highest enrollment of Black students were novice teachers, while just 8 percent of these inexperienced educators were in the schools with the lowest enrollments of Black students. Elementary school teachers in the 20 largest school districts in the country enrolling the most African American students are paid on average $2,251 less per year than their colleagues in other schools in the same district who serve the fewest African American students. Since We Elected an African American President Twice, Is Racism Still an Issue in America? 75 76 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Schools with concentrated poverty and high numbers of Black students offer more reme – dial courses but fewer honors and advanced placement math and science courses. For exam – ple, 82 percent of the schools with the fewest Hispanic and African-American students offer Algebra II, while only 65 percent of the schools serving the most African American and Latino students offer students the same course. racially Integrated schools When African American children do attend more racially integrated schools, the disparities between them and their white counterparts continue, particularly with disciplinary actions. Education Secretary Arne Duncan acknowledged that even within the same school minority students across America face much harsher discipline than non-minorities. In the 20 largest school districts in the country, Black students are more than 3½ times as likely to be suspended or expelled as white students. In one sampling of districts with more than 50,000 students enrolled, African American students represented 24 percent of enrollment but 35 percent of arrests. White students accounted for 31 percent of enrollment and 21 percent of arrests. Over 70 percent of students involved in school-related arrests or referred to law enforcement in this sampling were Black or Latino. rac Ial D Ispar ItIes an D Inequ ItIes In the Just Ice syste M Perhaps in no other institution are there more blatant examples of institutional racism than in law enforcement and the criminal justice system . racial profiling , a practice that tar – gets people as criminal suspects based on their race, ethnicity, religion, or national origin (United States Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice, 2013) is a major concern for African Americans. It has become so common that African Americans call it the crime of “DWB,” short for “Driving While Black .” Numerous studies revealed that Black driv – ers are stopped and have their vehicles searched far more often than White drivers, even though the vast majority of these searches found no evidence of crimes or possession of contraband (Alexander, 2012). Many police departments attempt to justify racial profil – ing by using statistics that point to a higher proportion of crimes committed by African Americans than Whites. In Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for example, police stopped 45,703 city residents during a four month period. Approximately 69 percent of those who were stopped were Black. White drivers accounted for 16 percent of stops and Hispanics made up 14 percent of motorists detained. The remaining stops were for drivers of other races. After being stopped Black drivers were searched twice as often as Whites but the searches did not lead to higher rates of seized weapons, drugs, or stolen property. Black drivers were stopped five times more often than white drivers for no other reason than equipment violations (Poston, 2011). Another type of racial profiling that targets Blacks even when they are not driving is called “stop and frisk.” With the justification of reducing crime in a particular geographical area, police officers stop and frisk people they consider suspicious. These frisks should not be made unless an officer has a reasonable suspicion the person is carrying a dangerous weapon. Data gathered in 2011 from the New York City Police Department’s stop and frisk pro – gram revealed that young Black and Latino males were disproportionately subjected to stops (New  York City American Civil Liberties Union, 2012). Although Black and Latino males between the ages of 14 and 24 were 4.7 percent of the city’s population, they accounted for 41.6  percent of stops. Fifty-five percent of those stopped were frisked but weapons were found in only 1.9 percent of the cases. White New Yorkers were less likely to be frisked but were more often found to be carrying weapons. The data revealed that 90 percent of the young Black and Latino men stopped were innocent of any criminal activity. pol Ice Brutal Ity Contact with the police yields very different outcomes for Blacks and Whites. African Americans frequently experience police brutality , or the use of excessive force by police officers. They are met with the use of force at a rate four times higher than Whites in encounters with the police. Disparities in the criminal justice system continue for African Americans once arrested. They are faced with higher bails and are not as likely as Whites to be given the opportunity to plea bargain (Alexander, 2012). After going to trial, they are found guilty more often than Whites and they are likely to get longer sentences, even when they come from the same economic background and have similar arrest records. The U.S. Sentencing Commission found that Black men’s prison sentences were nearly 20 percent longer than sentences given to white men for similar crimes (Palozzo, 2013). Jury B Ias One study investigated the impact of a jury’s racial composition on trial outcomes. In felony cases over a ten-year period, it was found that conviction rates for Black and White defendants were similar when there was some representation of Blacks on the jury. When Blacks were not represented, Black defendants were far more likely to be convicted. All-White juries voted to convict Black defendants at a 16 percent higher rate than White defendants. This disparity in conviction rates disappeared when the jury pool included at least one Black member (Anwar, Bayer, & Hjalmarsson, 2012). There is no doubt that the racial makeup of a jury is a major fac – tor in the attainment of justice for Black defendants. penalt Ies Racial disparities influence capital punishment cases. Blacks are disproportionately placed on death row compared to Whites. In 2012, Blacks constituted just 13 percent of the total U.S. population, yet made up 43 percent of the prisoners on death row nationally (University of Albany at New York, 2012). Research has shown that when African Americans and Whites commit the same crime against a White victim, the African American offender is more likely to receive the death pen – alty. In the 36-year period from 1976 to 2012, 76 percent of convicts executed had victims who were White, but only 15 percent of those who were executed had Black victims (Fins, 2012). African American youths encounter racial disparities in the criminal justice system. They are serving life sentences without parole at a rate that is ten times higher than White youths, and they are more likely to be sentenced to adult prisons. African American juveniles are serving life without parole sentences for the killing of a White person at nearly twice the rate at which African American juveniles are sentenced for taking a Black person’s life, but White juvenile offenders with Black victims are only about half as likely to get life without parole for killing Blacks (Nellis, 2012). Since We Elected an African American President Twice, Is Racism Still an Issue in America? 77 78 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity par Dons In presidential pardons race is a factor. Presidents rely on the recommendation of the Pardons Office. White criminals seeking presidential pardons over the past decade have had a success rate four times higher than minorities. White and Black pardon applicants who committed similar offenses and had comparable post-conviction records experienced opposite outcomes (Linzer & LaFleur, 2011). Racial disparities persist even when factors such as the type of crime and sen – tence are considered. During the eight years of George W. Bush’s administration, he pardoned 189 people. Only 13 were not White. A Black, first-time drug offender—a Vietnam veteran who got probation in South Carolina for possessing 1.1 grams of crack—was turned down. A White, fourth-time drug offender who did prison time for selling 1,050 grams of methamphetamine was pardoned. All 34 drug offenders who were pardoned by the Bush administration were White. the future For some, the election of Barack Obama as the first African American president ended the social significance of race and racism. The proof offered was that in the national election the majority of White voters supported Obama instead of John McCain, a White senator with an accomplished political career, and Mitt Romney, a White businessman and former governor. How could race and racism hold any significance in light of Obama’s two victories? As discussed in this article, however, race and racism continue to make a significant impact on the vast majority of African Americans and other people of color. Racism continues to plague society through its institutions and continues to create policies, intentional and unintentional, that have led to racial inequities for African Americans. No one could argue that the blatant racism against African Americans has not diminished over time. African Americans and White Americans have made steps toward understanding and accepting each other’s differences. They work side-by-side in many American workplaces and live in racially-mixed neighborhoods. However, much work needs to be done to improve the experiences of African Americans as they enter American institutions. This can begin with Whites acknowledging that institutional racism still exists and that it puts African Americans as a racial group at a disadvantage. Until this acknowledgement happens, it will be very difficult for the two racial groups to have any meaningful dialogue to improve race relations. Discussion Questions 1. According to McNickles, what explains the perception gap that exists between whites and African Americans when it comes to matters of race and racism? 2. What is the difference between racial prejudice and racism? 3. In what societal institutions can institutional racism be found? 4. How do Arab Muslims suffer biases and prejudices similar to African Americans in a post 9/11 America? 5. How does the factual evidence presented in this article lend support to affirmative action programs and policies? 6. What must white people acknowledge for race relations to improve? Writing Assign Ment Research the term racial empathy gap. Write a 1–2 page memo that explains how does this gap con – tribute to the racial disparities experienced by African Americans? Bibliography Adams, M., Bell, L. A., & Griffin, P. (2007). 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(2012). E pluribus … Separation: Deepening  dou – ble segregation for more students. Retrieved from  The  Civil Rights Project website: http:// education/integration-and-diversity/mlk- national/e-pluribus…separation-deepening -double-segregation-for-more-students/orfield _epluribus_revised_omplete_2012.pdf Palazzolo, J. (2013, February 4). Racial gap in men’s sentencing. Wall Street Journal . Retrieved from 87324432004578304463789858002.html Poston, B. (2013, December 3). Racial gap found in traffic stops in Milwaukee. Milwaukee- Wisconsin Journal Sentinel . Retrieved from watchdogreports/racial-gap-found-in-traffic- stops-in-milwaukee-ke1hsip-134977408.html. Rosette, A. S., & Livingston, R. W. (2012). Fail – ure is not an option for Black women: Effects of organizational performance on leaders with single versus dual-subordinate identities. Jour – nal of Experimental Social Psychology, 48 (5), 1162–1167. Shavers, V. L., Fagan, P., Jones, D., Boyington, J., Moten, C., et al. (2012). The state of research on racial/ethnic discrimination in the receipt of health care. American Journal of Public Health, 102 (5), 953–966. Smedley, B. D., Stith, A. Y., & Nelson, A. R. (2003). Unequal treatment: Confronting racial and eth – nic disparities in health care . Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Tatum, B. D. (2003). Why are all the Black kids sitting together in the cafeteria? and other conversations about race . New York: Basic Books. University at Albany, New York. Sourcebook of Criminal Justice Statistics Online. (2012). Prisoners under sentence of death . Retrieved from t6802012.pdf United States Department of Education, Office for Civil Rights. (2012). The Transformed Civil Rights Data Collection. Retrieved from CMOCRTheTransformedCRDCFINAL3- 15-12Accessible-1.pdf United States Department of Health and Human Services, Agency for Health Care Research and Quality. (2011). The 2011 National Healthcare Disparities Report . Retreived from http://www. nhdr11.pdf United States Department of Housing and Urban Development . (2013) . Race/Color Discrimi – nation . Retrieved from https://portalapps. htm United States Department of Justice, National Institute of Justice. (2013). Racial Profiling . Retrieved from legitimacy/racial-profiling.htm United States Department of  Labor.  (2011). Labor force characteristics by race and ethnic – ity. Retrieved from cpsrace2011.pdf United States Equal Opportunity Commission. (2012). Written testimony of Marc Bendick, Jr., Ph.D. Bendick and Egan Economic Consultants, Inc . Retrieved from meetings/7-18-12/ Wise, T. J. (2010). Colorblind: The rise of post-racial politics and the retreat from racial equity . San Francisco: City Lights Books. Diversity on the Web 1. Go to the Harvard Project Implicit site, Click on the dem – onstration tests and then complete one of the race and one of the gender demonstration tests. After completing the test, what are some of your reflections/thoughts and reactions? 2. Watch the Implicit Association video. After viewing, what are some of your reflections/ thoughts and/or reactions? 3. Watch the video clip Day Job about immigrant workers. After viewing, what are some of your reflections/thoughts or reactions, and your knowledge/understanding of this area? Since We Elected an African American President Twice, Is Racism Still an Issue in America? 81 82 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Joyce McNickles, EdD, is the president of McNickles and Associates, a consulting com- pany specializing in leadership development for social justice and diversity. Previously, she was a professor in higher education. Diversity on the Web The author argues that the re-election of Barack Obama suggested to some that race is no longer an issue for whites. The next progression would be to contemplate if race is no longer an issue for African Americans. Go to or conduct a search on the Internet using any of the following words or combination of words: a. African Americans or Blacks b. Employment discrimination c. Disparities d. African American youth e. Justice system f. Racial profiling g. Health h. Racism What are some of the issues that result from being African American or Black? 83 immigration Patterns: t he  t ransition Process M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Did you know…? In the 62 years between 1892 and 1954, twelve million immigrants arrived at  Ellis Island in New York Harbor. You can hear the taped first-person accounts of the voyages and home country experiences of 1,700 of them thru the Ellis Island Oral History Program.Search: Ellis Island Oral History Program. In A World View of Cultural Diversity, Sowell paints a global picture of how the “entire history of the human race, the rise of man from the caves, has been marked by transfers of cultural advances from one group to another and from one civilization to another.” Geographic and the particular skills and orientations of a people are not enough to explain large economic and social differences among nations and civilizations. It is the transfer of their features among cultures that allows people to adopt superior features from other cultures and relinquish less useful features of their own (1991). In today’s world, new avenues of cultural transmission and exchange continue to evolve that transcend the boundaries of geography. Cultural sharing and transfer occur extensively through modern avenues of travel, international trade, and migration. Cultural transfer through print and electronic media is examined in the A Report on the Current Health of the Media article found in this text while the present article examines the transfer occurring through migration and immigration. M Igrat Ion an D IMMI grat Ion study abroad A growing avenue of culture transfer is study abroad particularly when it leads to immigration. Worldwide, nearly three and a half million students studied outside their home countries in 2009, a figure expected to reach more than eight million by 2025 (VOA News, 2009). Competition among countries is keen to attract foreign students. They are valued not only for the international flavor and the dollars they bring to host colleges, but for the skills their talents and training can provide if they choose to remain in the host country. In 2009–10, over 723 thousand foreign students studied in the U.S. Most were Asian with the largest number coming from China, and substantial numbers from India, and South 84 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Korea. In the same year, 270,604 American students studied overseas with over half traveling to Europe, but with increasing numbers to Asia, Africa and South America and with notable increases to Israel and India (Open Doors, 2011). In contrast to study abroad when students return to home countries, migration and immi – gration provide longer term, more sustained cross-national contact. Migration occurs for people of all economic and social levels. The poor and those with restricted opportunities move in search of jobs and better opportunities. Rich and poor alike leave home countries in times of political turmoil. But for whatever reasons they leave one country for another, immigrants bring with them home customs, religions, languages and ways of looking at the world—and so begins the transfer of culture . Government, industry and academic leaders generally seek transfer of knowledge and products by promoting international scientific, educational and cultural exchanges and by crafting immigration laws to facilitate visitation and residency of talented and educated visitors. Certainly the competition among the victorious WWII allies to secure the German rocket scien – tists bears witness to this. The scientists (at least their skills) were so valued that they were eagerly sought even before the war was over and their politics (they were the enemy) were ignored; they were “prizes of war.” In some countries and in some circumstances however, political forces discourage such exchanges. Fearing to admit terrorists or striving to preserve native culture, governments sometimes stem the flow of scientists and students. Past activities or suspected political connections can result in visas that never seem to arrive. In the U.S., educated native-born citizens and businesses alike lobby strongly that the scien – tific and technical expertise and innovativeness that talented foreigners bring are very badly needed and those we have educated should be allowed to stay permanently (Anderson, 2007; Viscarolsaga, 2007). Foreign students in the STEM fields (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) who remain in the host country after completing their training provide a rich source of talent and skill. It is well documented that at least one-fourth of the immigrants who have founded technology and engineering companies in the United States received degrees from U.S. universities. Approximately 40 percent of Fortune 500 companies were founded by immigrants or their children (Case, 2012). Until the 2001 attacks on 9/11, special U.S. waivers and visas aided the highly skilled and educated in immigrating. After 9/11, fear of terrorists and job protectionism fueled a series of changes choking off immigration of the skilled. Congress began sharply restricting the entry of foreign scientists resulting in huge waiting lists of eight years or more for needed IT profession – als from India. Immigration Services eliminated work visas for skilled professionals to sponsor themselves which led to a dramatic decline in start-up companies. In just five years, between Global Notes……………………………….……………Skills Wanted Belgium Foreign students are given residence and work permits after graduation allowing them to seek employment. France A proposed bill promotes “selective immigration” based on skills and talents contributing to the economy. (Branine, 2011) Canada Encourages foreign students by making it easier for them to work while studying and after graduation. (Labi, 2012) Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 85 2005 and 2010, the number of start-ups with more than one employee decreased 25 percent (Case, 2012). Finally, multinational companies were prevented from transferring key employees to the U.S. The result of these policy reversals was a hostile environment, severe skilled labor shortage and a brain drain as each year, 20,000 foreign students, unable to stay in the U.S. after completing their studies, headed elsewhere, primarily to the welcome mats of China and India, predicted to be the Silicon Valleys of the future (Carter, 2011; White, 2012). IMMI grat Ion patterns When U.S. immigration gates were open wide before the attacks of 9/11, immigration flourished. In the decade of the 1990s alone, almost 10 million foreigners came to the U.S. (Borjas, 2000). By 2012, the U.S. population reached 309 million of which nearly 40 million (13 percent) were foreign-born (U.S. Census, 2012). “Foreign born” Americans include three categories of residents: naturalized citizens, legal permanent residents and undocumented immigrants (illegal aliens). naturalized citizens are entitled to nearly all the rights and privileges of native-born citi – zens including voting in local, state and federal elections. They cannot however, become President of the United States. Legal Permanent residents are green card recipients and residents in the naturalization process. They cannot vote in federal elections nor run for federal office. They are counted in the Census and therefore impact the allocation of the House of Representatives seats. Of the approximately 13.1 million, 8.5 million are eligible to naturalize. illegal immigrants have no voting rights, cannot run for federal office and are frequently excluded from local social service benefits. They are not eligible for most federal social programs such as welfare, food stamps, Medicaid, disability protection, and government-provided medical treatment except for emer – gencies and pre-natal care. In theory they are protected by the Bill of Rights, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and federal employment discrimination laws. The federal government frequently violates these rights and courts do not always uphold them. Accounting for an estimated 28 percent of the U.S. foreign-born and four (4) percent of the total U.S. population, they are by law counted in the Census, and therefore impact the way House of Representatives seats are allocated (Rytina, 2012; Johnson & Hill, 2011). The census of 2010 bears witness to the heavy presence of foreign-born workers in the U.S. labor force—a force representing diversity in every way—from skin color, nationality, gender, age, ethnicity and language to culture, religion, sexual orientation, education, socio-economic class, and ability. In terms of skill and education, immigrants range from a top layer comprised 2010 U.s. Foreign born 39,956 million naturalized Citizens Legal Permanent residents illegal immigrants 17.476 million 13.1 million* 11.1 million** *Estimates vary as compiled data are several years behind. **Estimates vary since there are no direct records. Most estimates place this figure at 11 to 12 million. 86 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity of the educated elite to a bottom layer of those with little or no education. They vary greatly too, in economic status. Contrary to popular stereotypes, not all immigrants are poor. Many are wealthy—for example, some 12,000 Chinese technicians work in Silicon Valley computer firms and large numbers of wealthy Iranians reside in Beverly Hills (Clark, 1997). the trans ItIon process acceptance of Immigrants Once through the gates, the process of assimilation of immigrants into the host culture begins— a process that throughout U.S. history has been fraught with hostility, scape-goating, stereo – typing, prejudice and discrimination to the detriment of host and newcomer alike. More than 200  years ago, Benjamin Franklin pronounced judgment on recent arrivals from Germany as “The most stupid in the nation. Few of their children speak English, and through their indiscre – tion or ours, or both, great disorders may one day arise among us” (Masci, 2001). Transition into another culture is a slow process at best. The hostility directed at past immigrant streams is no different for today’s immigrants. Although the “import” of immigrant technology and expertise may be encouraged, the “import” of their cultural baggage, language especially, is frequently not welcomed. New arrivals have been greeted with anti-immigration rallies and headlines such as: “English Language Lost Under the Stampede of Immigration.” Hardly welcoming notes. Virtually all immigrants experience discrimination. Even those who are legally in the long and expensive process of becoming citizens often find themselves treated no better than those undocumented. Some have even been arrested in raids on the illegals. Newcomers are interlopers on an established social scene and when they seek the company of others like themselves, host country prejudices escalate with fears of loss of culture and employment. Hostility erupts with perceived foreign encroachment on native culture and triggers smoldering resentment building into open resistance. Historically, immigrants faced not only discrimination in employment and housing, but endured violence at the hands of hate groups. History repeats itself, for in 2011, more than 1,000 racist hate groups, groups such as the Minutemen, Neo-Nazis, white supremacists and militiamen, were active (Southern Poverty Law Center, 2011). There is no “one size fits all” to characterize the American experience of immigrants. Their experiences are affected by a host of factors, not the least of which is their age upon arrival. Young children “pick up” languages far more easily than adults and progressing through the American educational system hastens assimilation. Older children tend to span their bicultural world by living more in their home-country culture than do their younger brothers and sisters. For working-age adults, experiences differ depending on whether they live and work in home- culture enclaves or in more diverse or main stream settings. Aging arrivals are usually dependent on younger family adults and tend to acculturate the least with many learning very little English. The smoothest transitions are probably made by the educated and skilled elite. They are rec – ognized as important additions to the nation’s social capital, as vital to keeping the country compet – itive in the global marketplace, and they arrive in the U.S. with the added benefit of education and skills gained at someone else’s expense. Often they arrive fluent in English and with jobs waiting. Their value was perhaps best symbolized at President Obama’s inauguration in 2009 when four world-renown U.S. musicians (three immigrant and one native-born) performed as a quar – tet: cellist Yo-Yo Ma (born in Paris of Chinese parents), violinist Itzhak Perlman (born in Tel Aviv, Israel), pianist Gabriella Montero (born in Caracas, Venezuela) and clarinetist Anthony Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 87 McGill (born in Cincinnati, Ohio). Immigrants not only make world-class contributions to the arts, but also to other areas such as sports on professional teams and in the Olympics and to sci – ence as inventors, discoverers and Nobel laureates. Even top layer immigrants do not necessarily find the transition road an easy one. Scientific, artistic, technical or academic acceptance does not mean social acceptance even in high-tech industry and university workplaces where skills are valued. Prosperous immigrants are likely to be envied; poor immigrants are likely to suffer distain. Immigrants, especially those without home country support groups, are often loners. Immigrants not only arrive with prejudices and biases of their home culture which may be based on factors such as social class and prestige, but they adopt the biases and prejudices they find in the U.S. These attitudes transfer to the workplace in attitudes and behaviors toward other groups of workers. Immigrants do not automatically identify with other immigrants, nor do they necessarily “love each other.” They use discrimination and prejudice as native-borns do—to establish feelings of superiority by demeaning others. the undocumented The turmoil over immigration today focuses largely on the huge influx of illegal immigrants (“illegals,” “undocumenteds” or “unauthorized aliens”) at a time of high U.S. unemployment. Drawn by job opportunities, illegal immigrants reached a peak of about 11.6 million in 2008. The U.S. recession, improved opportunities in Mexico, stronger law enforcement and deporta – tion reduced that number by nearly a million just one year later. The exact number of undocu – mented immigrants is unknown since the U.S. Census does not ask citizenship status. Estimates of their numbers in 2012 vary all the way from 7 million to 20 million with most between 10 and 12 million. There is agreement however, that illegal entry is declining every year. Not all illegals sneak in across U.S. borders. Some arrive on work or student visas and simply fail to leave when their visas expire. The voracious demand for labor has filled the work force with unprecedented numbers of undocumented workers—workers who may serve the U.S. economy’s needs, but who are often very badly served by this economy. Antagonism toward illegal immigrants is reflected in the legal system. In 2010 alone states and local communities introduced and passed dozens of bills and laws, the vast majority of which were detrimental to the undocumented. Laws and proposed ordinances targeted employ – ers hiring illegal immigrants, companies doing business with the government, landlords renting to illegals and even taco stands. Some proposed using highway patrol officers as immigration law enforcers. Some made it more difficult for illegals to obtain state identification documents like driver’s licenses while still others barred them from collecting unemployment and other public benefits and some denied them admission to public colleges (Preston, 2007). Points of Law Amid a storm of controversy, in April 2010, Arizona passed a law aimed at identifying, prosecuting, and deporting illegal immigrants. The Supreme Court struck down most major provisions of the law but upheld the requirement that law enforcement officers de- termine the immigration status during lawful stops. (NCSL, 2012) G 88 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Some local discriminatory laws have also been struck down by the courts (the federal government has jurisdiction over immigration) and some have produced ironic results. In Colorado for example, strict documentation requirements led both documented and undocu – mented workers alike to avoid the state thereby resulting in such a severe labor shortage on farms that officials were forced to use prison labor (Guillen, 2007). Not all states and communities seek to exclude illegal immigrants, however. Some states enacted legislation to extend education and health care to immigrant children and some adopted laws to punish immigrant smugglers (Preston, 2007a & b). Some permit non-citizens to apply for state driver’s licenses and several states provide a “driving privilege card” for appli – cants who lack Social Security numbers (Cole, 2006). The city of New Haven, Connecticut openly welcomes immigrants. Police there are prohibited from asking about immigration status and a city program provides illegal aliens with ID cards to help them open bank accounts and use many city services. Some companies have instituted programs such as English language classes, financial-literacy information and networking systems to aid foreign-born workers (Kim, 2006). Treatment of illegal aliens remains shrouded in political controversy. More than a dozen states grant in-state college tuition rates to undocumented students, while several other states ban the practice. Still others allow undocumented students to receive state financial aid (Huffington Post, 2011). Welcoming or rejecting, the reception accorded all immigrants seems to depend in large part on whether they are perceived as assets or liabilities, i.e., as benefiting, or costing the local economy. the Workplace The highly trained are sought by universities and industries. The untrained (both documented and undocumented) are sought by factories, restaurants, agriculture, construction, hospitality and service industries to provide cheap labor. Approximately half of the current undocumented workers work in the informal sector as gardeners, day-laborers, domestic workers, nannies, dishwashers, and other service workers or work in the garment trade and other manufactur – ing industries (Fine, 2004). Seasonal migratory workers cross the southern U.S. border to pick crops while Europeans work in summer resorts. exploitation The undocumented face the most serious problems. In addition to legal difficulties and discrimi – nation, they are often the prey of unscrupulous employers. Laws to protect them are only par – tially effective. Conditions often deteriorate into long hours, low pay, uncompensated workplace injuries, lack of health benefits, failure to be paid, union smashing and evasion of basic rights and labor laws. Undocumented immigrants in particular, are at the mercy of their employers and even when protected by federal employment discrimination laws, most are afraid to stand up for their basic rights for they find themselves blacklisted or fired if they do. Employers contend that illegal workers take jobs that no native citizen will take and argue that they must hire cheap immigrant labor to remain competitive, otherwise they must raise prices, down-size or send work overseas where labor is cheap. Until 2006, the Immigration Reform and Control Act was rarely enforced (Masci, 2001). In May 2006 however, the INS (Immigration and Naturalization Service) sent out 104 fugitive operation teams in sweeping raids aimed to round up “fugitive aliens” for deportation. Families were separated, children were stranded and deportation hearings were slow with the aliens held Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 89 at grossly overcrowded detention centers in conditions that frequently violated federal standards of health and safety. Few immigrants had criminal records and fewer than 20% had previous deportation orders. By mid 2009, close to 370,000 detainees were held in custody (Texas Civil Rights Review, 2009). According to ICE reports, 393,000 illegal immigrants were deported in 2010 alone at a cost of nearly $5 billion (Telegram & Gazette, 2011). The plan was to deport all illegals , at an estimated cost of at least $94 billion (Nizza, 2007). U.S. employers traditionally ignored the legal or illegal status of their workers. That became risky for them in 2008–9, when ICE focus shifted from deporting alien residents to pros – ecuting non-compliant employers. In November 2009, Immigration officials served notice on 1,000 businesses that their paperwork (I-9 forms) would be examined to ensure they were not employing illegals. These “audits” aim to promote a “culture of compliance” among employers. Between January 2009 and October 2010, some 3,200 forms I-9 were audited, 225 compa – nies and individuals were barred from doing business with the U.S. government and approxi – mately $50 million in sanctions levied for violations (KLASKO, 2010). The deportation of tens of thousands of illegal immigrants and the fines levied on those that hire them leave employers with the prospect of laying off thousands of workers—especially in agriculture and low-wage industries—a situation most apt to discriminate against Hispanic workers who are heavily concentrated in these jobs (Preston, 2007). Points of Law It is unlawful to threaten to report, or to report a worker to INS because a worker opposed unlawful discrimination or participated in a proceeding under the anti-discrimination laws . . . If an unauthorized worker is retaliated against, that worker is entitled to damages without regard to his or her work status. (EEOC, 1999) The federal employment discrimination laws protect all employees in this country who work for an employer with 15 or more employees, including those who are not authorized to work. (EEOC, 1999, October 29; NELP, n.d.) G Points of Law The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 makes it illegal to hire illegal aliens and levies fines and even imposes jail time on employers who do so repeatedly. The Employ American Workers Act of February 2009 prohibits financial institutions receiving federal bailout money from hiring foreign workers if they have recently laid off American workers in similar jobs or plan to do so. G 90 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity IM pact: What Do I MMI grants Br Ing anD What Do they cost? Computing the costs and contributions of the foreign-born is complicated. Measurement is not easy and immigrant groups vary considerably in the form of their impact. Estimates have been made about their value, the perspective of the economy as a whole, entrepreneurship, employ – ment/productivity, services and consumer products, taxes, social services, neighborhoods and assimilation. the economy Opinion varies from one extreme to the other on how much immigrants cost or add to the U.S. economy. To some, they are a burden, costing far more in government services than they pay in taxes (Ruhl, 2009). To others they have little or no impact (Hanson, 2009). Still others view them as assets and even as making enormous contributions of billions of dollars to the economy each (Incognito, 2007). Supporters point out that illegal aliens pay taxes and by their cheap labor, reduce the costs of services to consumers and that in some places the local economy is largely supported by the labor of illegal aliens. Ironically, even the U.S. military employs illegal migrant labor (Carlsen, 2007). entrepreneurship The benefit that immigrants bring to the economy increases when the estimated value of the immigrant-based companies is considered. Skilled immigrants and their children founded companies such as Kraft Foods, AT&T, Honeywell, U.S. Steel, DuPont, Genzyme, General Electric, Proctor & Gamble, IBM, Intel and Apple as well as nearly a quarter of all technology startup companies in 2011. A Kaufman Foundation study reports that between 2006 and 2012, immigrants started 45 percent of the innovation and related manufacturing companies and 22 percent of the software industries resulting in the employment of about 560,000 workers and generating about $63 billion in sales (Kaufman, 2012). employment/ productivity Detractors accuse immigrants of causing low wages asserting that hiring of less-skilled work – ers takes jobs from less-skilled natives. Proponents of immigration point to a study released in late 2009 that found that illegal-immigrant workers neither drain jobs or tax dollars. Better education has shrunk the native-born less-skilled workforce, but not the need for these workers, thereby leaving room for immigrants to take these jobs (Hanson, 2009). Skilled native workers therefore can devote all their efforts to jobs that use their skills more effectively when immi – grants provide cheap labor for service jobs (Borjas, 1996). service and consumer products Advocates of immigration report that cities with more immigrants in the work force have higher productivity than the American-born employees and that if immigrants were not work – ing in the lower-wage jobs, the service sector and consumer products would balloon in price (Kim, 2006). Advocates also report that immigrant labor does not automatically lower wage levels. In the trades for example, immigrants have a higher percentage of union membership than U.S.-born workers (Incognito, 2007). Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 91 taxes Immigrants pay billions each year in federal, state and local taxes. It is estimated that half of the undocumented immigrants choose to pay federal income tax using an ITIN, a tax payer IF number for taxing foreign workers (Loller, 2008). Undocumented immigrants often use fake Social Security numbers paying in billions every year. Even though they can’t get any benefits, they still have taxes taken out of their pay checks (Kim, 2006). In 2010 they paid an estimated $11.2 billion in federal, state and local taxes which includes personal income, sales and property taxes (Ewing, 2010). social services Traditionally, immigrants settle in specific areas of the U.S. and while the national economy may benefit from their arrival, it is these local economies that bear the costs of the social and educational services they need. The burdens they place on courts, police, jails, health facili – ties, housing, schools, the administrative problems of dealing with a population of non-English speakers, and the economic dislocations that can be caused by a steady influx of new immigrant workers can be overwhelming to local economies (Suro, 2000). One community of 40,000 resi – dents for example, reported that more than 30 languages are spoken by students in the school system (Worcester Telegram & Gazette, 2007). Pennsylvania estimates that it costs $660 mil – lion per year to educate children of illegal aliens, $50 million for healthcare and 17.5 million to incarcerate undocumented criminals (FAIR, 2009). Health care costs create enormous controversy. It is estimated that half of the undocu – mented immigrants lack health care insurance—and they flood hospital emergency rooms which legally cannot turn them away—thereby costing millions of dollars in services (Jordan, 2009). Severe budget problems in Massachusetts, a state that provides health care insurance to all resi – dents, has forced the reduction in coverage for legal immigrants who have been U.S. residents less than five years and so are not yet citizens (Contreras, 2009). An often overlooked factor in immigration assessment and policy is the age of the immi – grant population. Age figures strongly in projections of productivity and in costs to society (Suro, 2000). The U.S. today has a growing mature immigrant population. The heavy influx of the 1990s means that many of those young immigrants are now at the age when they have fami – lies. Their children (and elderly relatives who may join them) are mostly non-producers who draw heavily upon community services. The situation is not quite the same for the illegal immi – grants however, as they are denied access to social services in most communities. neighborhoods The impact of high concentrations of immigrants in neighborhoods brings both blame and praise. In some cases they are blamed for blighted properties and neighborhoods. Small single- family houses turn into rooming houses with whole families living in each bedroom and more people sleeping on mattresses in the basements. In other communities however, immigrants are praised for revitalizing decaying neighborhoods by creating businesses there and thus generat – ing employment and income. The maturing immigrant population is expected to positively impact the sagging housing as immigrants—legal and illegal—and their native-born children are predicted to provide the bulk of growth in home-buying demand (Jewell, 2007). Neighborhood crime is another area of disagreement. Illegals have been accused of bring – ing drugs, crime and gangs to cities (Rubinkham, 2007). Others however, find that immigrants help to keep crime down and report that the vast majority tend to work very hard to better them – selves (Dale, 2007). Finally, there is the complaint that the population is too large now and more immigrants means more overcrowding, especially in urban areas. 92 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity assimilation An “Us vs Them” mindset gives rise to arguments that immigration should slow down (or cease entirely) to provide time to “Americanize” current immigrants and let schools and governing institutions catch up. Opponents are quick to counter that people who migrate to the U.S. want to be Americans (Masci, 2001). Indeed, many Americans consider that it is the immigrant work ethic and motivation that “makes them cornerstones of America’s economic prosperity” (Masci, 2001). Perhaps the most cogent response to charges that we need to “Americanize” immigrants comes from Barbara Frankel (2006): “Yet the very essence of American culture is its ability to change and grow and build on the heritages of both its established citizens and its newest occupants.” IMMI grat Ion pol Icy general policy U.S. immigration patterns reflect U.S. immigration policy and its changes over time. At times it sought to restrict racial/ethnic groups as with the Asian exclusion laws of the late 19th cen – tury, while at other times encouraging groups such as the Hmong tribesmen from Laos, nurses from the Philippines and farm workers from Mexico. In 1965, racist/nationality preferences were eliminated. Immigration policy currently has three different sets of rules: rules for legal immigration, rules for humanitarian admissions, and rules concerning illegal entry (Friedman & DiTomaso, 1996). The Immigration Act of 1990 currently limits immigration to the U.S. to 700,000 annu – ally. Where once the selection and exclusion of immigrants were based on race, physical features (especially skin color), and culture, now it is a race for the skilled and degreed at one extreme and the unskilled at the other. In 2012, the bipartisan Startup Act 2 reformed the visa system by: 1. eliminating caps by country for employment-based immigration thereby both reducing the waiting time for visas and providing American companies with greater flexibility in obtain – ing talent. 2. placing STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) students with a masters or Ph.D. on a path to a green card. 3. creating an entrepreneur’s visa for legal immigrants in the U.S. to stay if they start a business that employs American workers. (Case, 2012) There is universal agreement that current immigration policy is a patchwork of immigra – tion laws much in need of repair, but as this book goes to press, Congress has yet to accom – plish this. The U.S. immigration policy, however, is quietly shifting under President Obama. The sweeping raids on factories and homes that jailed and deported undocumented aliens have largely been halted and replaced with vastly increased audits of companies suspected of hiring illegals. Among the changes are: • Requirements that federal contractors use E-Verify (a federal on-line employment- verification program) • Illegals seeking asylum from torture or persecution are no longer handcuffed and jailed, but live freely while their applications are being processed. • The focus is on deporting criminal immigrants and those posing a threat to the U.S. Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 93 • Local police checks now concentrate on the immigration status of those who pose a threat to public safety rather than on those with minor violations, such as traffic tickets. (Alden, 2010) the Drea M act The Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act was intended to provide a path to citizenship for young illegal immigrants arriving in this country as children, if they attend college or serve in the military. Efforts to pass the act repeatedly failed in Congress. On June 15, 2012, the President announced the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals policy that halts for two years, the deportation of 1.7 million children under 30 years of age who were brought to the U.S. before age 16. This policy, while allowing them to obtain a work permit, does not provide lawful status or a path to citizenship. Some are reportedly wary of this policy fear – ing it could identify their illegal relatives, but the first two months after its inception on August 15, 2012, saw nearly 180,000 applications (Mohgilyanskaya, 2012). Immigration policy is a volatile and complicated issue socially, politically and legally. The questions of how to deal with the maturing immigrant population and with the huge population of undocumented immigrants already in the U.S. must be added to the basic questions of who and how many to admit. There are those in the United States who would ban all immigration. The practicalities are however, that there are not enough new workers to replace retirements or skilled workers to start new businesses. The second decade of this century began with large numbers of workers unem – ployed because of the recession, many of whom will find that their old jobs no longer exist when the recession ends. The U.S. Department of Labor projects that even though new jobs are not growing as fast as in past, the decade between 2010 and 2020 will see an increase of 20.5 million new jobs but an increase in civilian workers of only 14.3 percent (2012). Baby boomers are delaying retirement, but U.S. companies still face a worker shortage. The U.S. will need an estimated 270,000 new workers every year. It is not just a question of numbers of new workers needed; it is also a question of skill sets needed. Closing the gates is not an option. The options are who and how many to admit. lessons fro M hI story What Might history say about Immigration? Sowell’s eloquent account of cultural transfer would argue that immigration provides an excellent avenue of cultural transmission directly through the diversity of concepts, information, products and technologies it introduces and indirectly through the enrichment of the host country’s social capital by providing skills and knowledge resources for future advances. Former Intel Chairman Andrew S. Grove voices similar thoughts in stating that immigration keeps this country attrac – tive for “without inclusion and diversity of new workers and people, the United States would stop moving forward as a progressive nation” (Kim, 2006). What might history say about the fear that floods of immigrants are overwhelming the U.S. and chipping away at American culture? Other than native Americans, the U.S. is a nation comprised completely of immigrants —something that later generations tend to forget. The global scope of the cultural advances Sowell outlines is vividly demonstrated by how much of American culture has come from others and further exemplifies that cultures existing in isolation do not advance nearly so much as those with doors open to other cultures: . . . many great thinkers of the past . . . [labored] to advance the human race. Their legacies . . . belong to all people—and all people need to claim that legacy, not seal themselves off in a dead-end of tribalism or in an emotional orgy of cultural vanity. 94 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Discussion Questions 1. The ability to communicate in English is important for many jobs and therefore some companies offer ESL (English as a Foreign Language) courses to their non-English-speaking employees. One alternative to requiring company-sponsored ESL instruction is to require that all potential employees meet an English language proficiency standard before they may be hired. Compare and contrast these two alternatives in terms of advantages and disadvantages to the company. 2. Considering the three types of immigration law—legal, humanitarian, and illegal—what kind of immigration policies do you think the United States should pursue in the future? Why? Starting Sources: University of Denver. (2009). Architect for immigration reform: Fitting the pieces of public policy. Site search: 2009 Immigration Report. Denier, G., & Nielsen, N. (2009, April 14). Change to win and AF-CIO unveil unified immigration reform framework. Center for Immigration Studies. (2005). Legal immigration. Web search: CIS 2005 Legal Immigration. News Batch. (2007, July). Immigration policy issues. Web search: July 1, 2007 Immigration Policy Issues News Batch. 3. a. Describe the citizenship application process including the interviews and tests. Starting Source: FindLaw. (n.d.). Typical citizenship examination questions. Fin d L aw. http://immigration.findlaw. com. Click on Citizenship, then on The Citizenship Test. Also Click on Citizenship, then on The Naturalization Process. b. Go to the USCIS site (included below). It contains a series of four multiple-choice items measuring knowledge about U.S. history and law. Do ten sets (40 questions in total) and score yourself. How well did you do? Do you think you would pass the naturalization test which is not multiple choice? Source : U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service. (n.d.). Naturalization Self Test. Search: Naturalization Self Test. 4. Although the military does not allow undocumented aliens to enlist, many have managed to do so. a. Do illegals serve as well in the military as U.S. citizens? b. What happens if illegals die while serving in the military? c. The United States is now deporting illegals who commit serious crimes. Can undocumented military veterans be deported if they commit crimes? Starting Source: Barbassa, J. (2010, October 25). Immigrant vets face deportation for crimes. Worcester Telegram & Gazette , p. A3. Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 95 Bibliography Alden, E. (2010). Obama quietly changes U.S. immigration policy. Revista-amauta. http:// Anderson, C. (2007, July 20–26). A call for congress to act now on high-skills immigration reform. MHT (Mass High Tech ), 26. Borjas, G. (2000). The new economics of immigration. Affluent Americans gain; poor Americans lose. In Tischler, H. (Ed.), Debating points: Race and ethnic relations . Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, pp.17–20. 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What are the principles governing the granting of citizenship? Write a 2–3 page paper that includes the following: a. The two legal principles that govern the granting of citizenship in the United States b. The two general categories of legal immigrants and who they include c. The differences between refugees and immigrants. Can refugees become legal U.S. immigrants? Starting Sources: Center for Immigration Studies (n.d.). Legal immigration. html Immigration Policy Issues (2007, July). News batch. 96 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Incognito, L. (2007, December 21). The human being is illegal. The peoples world newspaper online. Web search: Where’s the humanity in immigrant enforcement? Jewell, M. (2007, July 31). New country, new homes. Worcester Telegram & Gazette, p. D2. Johnson, H., & Hill, L. (2011). Illegal immigration. At Issue. Public policy institute of California. Jordan, M. (2009, August 15). Illegal immigration enters the health-care debate. The Wall Street Journal. Kaufman, Foundation. (2012). Immigrant entre – preneurship has stalled for the first time in de- cades. Kim, W. (2006, April). The rising value of immigra – tion. DiversityInc., pp. 53–56. com Labi, A. (2012, November 12). Immigration debates in several countries heightens scrutiny of inter – national students worldwide. The chronicle of higher education, p. A21. araticle/Immigration Loller, (2008, April 14). Illegal immigrants pay bil- lions in taxes. Houston Chronicle. www.chron. com Search by author and title. Masci, D. (2001). Debate over immigration. The is- sues. In Relations , 11th ed. 2001–2002. Guilford, CT: McGraw-Hill/Dushkin. McFarlane, C. (2007, August 15). Immigrants may hold security key. Worcester Telegram and Gazette, p. B1. MHT. (2007, June 22–29). Immigrants come to study, leave to be entrepreneurs. Mass High Tech, 25 (25) . Moffett, D. (2013, July 15). Unau – thorized immigrants paying plenty in gov – ernment taxes. Institute on Taxation and Economic policy. (ITEP). the_news/2013/07 Mogilyanskaya, A. (2012, October 2). For controversial immigrants, college education is caught up in politics. The chronicle of higher education, p. A13. Monahan, J. (2009, November 18). 131 changes in immigrant report. Worcester Telegram & Gazette. NCSL (2012, June 25). U.S. Supreme Court rules on Arizona’s immigration enforcement laws. National Conference of State Legislators. Immigration Policy Project. Nizza, M. (2007, September 13). Estimate for deporting illegal immigrants: $94 bil – lion. The Lede. http://thelede.blos.nytimes. com/2007. Ortiz, P. (2006, April). Immigration: Ameri – ca’s lifeline. DiversityInc., pp. 24–25. http:// Preston, J. (2007, August 6). Surge in immigration laws around U.S. Retrieved August 8, 2007 from New York Times . Preston, J. (2007, August 8). Toughening stance. New rules aim at illegal employment. Worcester Telegram & Gazette , p. A2. Ruhl, J. (2009, August 2). Illegal immigration is driving our health care problems. Mansfield News Journal . www.mansfieldnewsjoural. com Rytina, N. (2012). Estimates of the legal per – manent resident population in 2011. U.S. department of homeland security. http:// Sowell, T. (1991). A world view of cultural diversity. Society 29(1), pp. 37–44. Springer and Transac – tion Publications. Southern Poverty Law Center. (2011, February 23). U.S. hate groups top 1,000. Suro, R. (2000). Watching America’s door. The im- migration backlash and the new policy debate. In Tischler, H. (Ed) . Debating points: Race and ethnic relations . Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pren – tice Hall, pp. 21–29. Texas Civil Rights Review. (2009, December  4). TRAC: U.S. immigration takes first place for num – bers detained, transferred . http://texascivilright – Viscarolasaga, E. (2007, August 3–9). Stunting growth. Fast-growing companies find it harder to fill key posts. Mass High Tech, pp. 1, 20. Visconti, L., & Peacock, F. (2006, April). Learning from history: The business case for immigration. DiversityInc. Publishers Letter, p. 17. VOA News. (2009, November 18). Number of students studying abroad on rise globally. www. Workplace Fairness. (2007). Undocumented workers. Retrieved March 26, 2007 from www. .php Immigration Patterns: The Transition Process 97 Diversity on the Web The U.S Citizenship and Immigration (USCIS) programs listed below grant special waivers and visas. Research these programs. What are the implications of these special programs for immigra – tion and immigration policy? •    Conrad  30 •    Special  immigrant  visa  category   for Non-Minister religious workers •    Investor  Program  and  EB-5   Regional Center Program Search by program name Diversity on the Web Contributions of U.S. Immigrants . The United States leads the world in Nobel awards. Examine the list of U.S. Nobel winners on the website below. laureates_by_country a. How many and what percentage of the U.S. laureates are foreign-born? b. Select one of the six areas of Nobel awards and access its website. How many and what percent of the U.S. laureates in the subject you selected were foreign-born? Chemistry Literature Physics Economics Peace Physiology and Medicine The list is ordered by year. For each laureate on the list, this site gives the subject of the award and the country of birth if the laureate was foreign-born. Note : At the end of the list are links to the laureates by subject except for Economics. Economics link: 98 t he c oca- c ola c ompany: t hen and n ow carol P. Harvey Assumption College What happened at Coca-Cola illustrates the need for effective corporate diversity leadership. Although Coca-Cola is considered the world’s most recognized brand name, is the world’s #1 producer of sparkling beverages, and sells 1.6 billion drinks a day in over 200 coun – tries (The Coca-Cola Company, 2009), the organization is also known for losing the larg – est racial  discrimination lawsuit in United States history (Ingram et al. v. The Coca-Cola Company ). In less than ten years, with the guidance of an external task force, the corporation has transformed itself in terms of diversity management. Today, Coca Cola’s workforce is 23% African American, 7% Hispanic and 5% Asian and is evenly divided in terms of gender. As of 2009, minorities comprise 34% of the exempt workforce (The Coca-Cola Company, 2009). The corporation is listed as one of FORTUNE magazine’s 2010 Most Admired Companies and has consistently earned a place on DiversityInc.’s Top 50 Companies for Diversity list. When those in corporate leadership learn that diversity can be a competitive advantage in a global environ – ment and provide the support and resources needed, the organizational culture can change from overt racism to one that is considered as a diversity leader. Although Coca-Cola has a long history of external social responsibility in terms of finan – cial contributions to organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the Historic Black Colleges, and the Rainbow Push Coalition, according to Foust (2000b), When it came to its own workforce, the story was quite different . . . . According to allegations filed in the discrimination lawsuit, former CEO Ivestor told a trans – feree stunned by the latent racist culture, at its headquarters that it would take “15 to 20 years before blacks would be fairly represented in the company.” (p. 58) The company’s Southern bottlers taunted and terrorized Coke’s first Black salesman. Privately, legendary Chief Executive, Robert S. The lawsuit was not the first time that racism at Coca- Cola was an issue. Woodruff questioned civil rights legislation in the 1960’s. And if the worst excesses of the past are gone, according to internal Coke documents released as part of a cur – rent lawsuit, even today the median salary for black employees is 44% less than that for whites (Foust, 2000b, p. 58). The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now 99 the soft Dr Ink In Dustry The soft-drink industry has its roots in the United States when physicians in the 1800s began prescribing the bubbling waters discovered in New York as a cure for ailments ranging from arthritis to headaches and including everything in between. Later, the development of artificial carbonated water by laboratory scientists, the addition of flavors like lemon and root beer by pharmacists, and the growing popularity of the local pharmacy’s soda fountain as a social gath – ering spot, led to increased demand for these products. From its humble beginnings, the highly profitable soft-drink industry, which now includes soda tea/coffee, sports and juice drinks, enjoyed a phenomenal growth rate. In 2009 in the U.S. alone soft drink companies grossed over $57 million in sales. One in every four beverages con – sumed in the United States is a soft drink, which amounts to an annual consumption of 600 12oz servings or 150 quarts per person per year (, 2010). Because the consumption of soda has declined while the demand for other bottled bev – erages has increased, the sales rate for soda drinks became stagnant in the United States. To increase profits, soft-drink producers, like The Coca-Cola Company, adopted two strategies: diversification through acquisition of other bottled beverage products like water, fruit juices, tea and sports drinks; and implementation of aggressive international marketing campaigns in countries where there is less potable water and more opportunities. For example, China is already Coca-Cola’s third largest market. Today more than 70% of Coca-Cola’s net revenues are generated from outside of the United States (Coca-Cola, 2010). the coca- cola coM pany The history of the Coca-Cola Corporation, the producer of two of the world’s three most popular carbonated drinks, parallels the industry trends in terms of growth and product lines. Pioneering a sophisticated distribution system of local bottlers who purchase the coke syrup from the corporation and implementing an aggressive growth strategy, Coke is the world’s larg – est producer and distributor of non-alcoholic beverages. In 2009, the corporation generated $31 billion in operating revenues and had a net income of $6.8 billion from its over 400 brands sold in over 200 countries (, 2010). However, the organization had humble beginnings when John S. Pemberton began a pat – ent medicine business in Atlanta, Georgia, in 1886, where he invented such products as liver pills, hair dye, and the beverage known today as Coca-Cola. With caffeine and cocaine in his sugary syrup concentrate, the product was marketed as a cure-all remedy. In 1891 they sold the business and its secret formula for coke syrup for $2300 to Asa Candler. The new owner, a drug – gist, improved the original formula, removed the cocaine, and hired a sales force that blanketed the United States and beyond selling syrup concentrate to local bottlers. During WWII, General Eisenhower requested that Coke be made available to American soldiers serving in North Africa and Europe. So the company set up multiple foreign bottling plants that paved the way for a global business presence after the war. During the 1950s the company expanded rapidly internationally and opened 15 to 20 plants per year. As early as the 1950s Coke recognized the potential of minority markets and included racial minorities in their advertisements (Pendergast, 2000). Although Coca-Cola was primarily a one-product company until the 1960s, it quickly became synonymous with the American way of life with its growing success and in its promo – tional messages. The company’s “advertising never reflected the problems of the world, only a good and happy life” (Derdak, 1988, p. 233). 100 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity For Coke the 1960s were a time of diversification, product development, and increased competition. Because Pepsi began to aggressively challenge Coke for market share, Coke bought Minute Maid and Belmont Springs Water and launched Tab, Sprite, and Fresca, making signifi – cant inroads into the diet soda market. During the 1970s Coca-Cola focused on foreign expan – sion, particularly into China and Russia. As a result, by 1984 Pepsi outsold Coke with a 22.8% market share compared to Coke’s 21.6% (Derdak, 1988, p. 234). Although the introduction of Diet Coke, now the world’s #1 diet beverage, pumped up sales, the introduction of a reformu – lated “New Coke” was a marketing and public relations disaster. “Coke’s great (financial) returns in the 1990s were based on the notion that it could keep increasing earnings at 20% or more per year. It can’t” (Sivy, 2000, p. 42). In 2000 Coca Cola’s stock price had declined from $88 (1998) a share to $50 a share. coca- cola then: corporate culture an D lea Dersh Ip Fueled by phenomenal marketing and financial successes, Coca-Cola was “run by bureaucrats and accountants focused more on getting the most out of what they had . . . than of thinking of new ideas” (New Doug, 1999, p. 55). Described as “insular” and “predominated by the ‘good old’ boys from the University of Georgia” (Foust, 2000a, p. 56), the organization was “a mar – keting machine that created desire for the Coke brand (at whatever price), rather than a sales company that gave consumers what they wanted” (Feldman, 2000, p. 33). In some parts of the world, Coca-Cola was seen as representing American imperialism. This attitude is exemplified by former CEO Roberto Goizueta’s wish that one day Coke should replace tap water. In 1997 when Goizueta suddenly died, the board replaced him with his protégé, M. Douglas Ivestor. Refusing to appoint a chief operating officer, “Ivestor did what accountants do best, he put his head down and carried on with the old way of doing things” (New Doug, 1999, p. 55). Over the next two years, Ivestor, described as “arrogant and insecure” (Morris & Sellers, 2000 p. 15), inherited many problems, including a tainted Coke scare in Europe that resulted in the largest product recall in company history (Europe Shuns, 1999), a decline in earnings for two straight years, which generated the need to steeply increase the price for Coke syrup sales to bottlers in an attempt to bolster profits, and an organizational climate of racial tension. the laW su It In 1999, just when things seemed like they couldn’t get worse for Ivestor, Coca-Cola was served with a lawsuit that accused the company of systemically discriminating against black employ – ees in promotions, evaluations, terminations, and pay. “Publicity surrounding the case trou – bled Coke, whose U.S. customer base is disproportionately made up of African Americans and Latinos” (Mokhiber, 2000, p. 30). Could this lawsuit have been prevented? Earlier when black employees shared their com – plaints with the Rev. Joseph Wheeler, president of the local NAACP, he brought these concerns to Coca-Cola officials. He was told that the company was under no obligation to talk to him because he was not a lawyer. Greg Clark, one of the plaintiffs, said, “that he would never have sued had he felt that his concerns were taken seriously: ‘They ignored me, ignored me, ignored me, to the point where I felt that I had no other recourse’ ” (Harrington, 2000, p. 188). In response to the lawsuit, Ivestor appointed Carl H. Ware, the highest-ranking black executive in the company, as the co-chair of the Diversity Advisory Council along with Senior Vice-President Jack Stahl. Ware, a Harvard graduate, joined the company in 1974 to work in the The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now 101 area of urban and government affairs. As vice-president of the Africa group, Ware focused on “cultivating African governments and bridging cultural hurdles so that the company can do busi – ness, often in partnerships, with local governments” (Holsendolph, 2000). He is credited with influencing Coca-Cola’s decision to divest its South African assets in support of the antiapartheid cause. In 1994, Ware helped to organize Nelson Mandela’s fund-raising tour in the United States which smoothed the way for Coke sales in post-apartheid South Africa (Foust, 2000b, p. 138). Having worked 26 years at the company, Ware was known for his ability to defuse prob – lems before they became full-blown crises. In 1981, Jesse Jackson, critical of Coke’s hiring record and its weak support for black-owned businesses, was set to kick off a “Don’t choke on Coke” boycott. Jackson called it off after Ware helped craft a $50 million program to help support black vendors (Foust, 2000b, p. 138). As the lawsuit wound its way through the court system, the number of plaintiffs increased, and both sides turned up the pressure. What began with four current and ex-employees even – tually became a major class-action suit with approximately 2,000 plaintiffs. The claim was that Coca-Cola had “systematically discriminated against African-Americans by paying them lower salaries, than whites for the same work, passing over them for promotions, and subjecting them to harassment” (Mokhiber, 2000, p. 30), since at least 1995. Coincidentally, 1995 was the same year that Carl Ware presented Ivestor, then Coke’s COO with a report documenting racial dis – parities in pay, performance evaluations, and promotions for black employees. The plaintiffs asked both for monetary damages and a court order that required the company to change some of its employment practices. The lead co-counsel in the case was Cyrus Mehri, a 37-year-old law – yer, who had successfully won the $176 million Texaco racial discrimination lawsuit. Coca-Cola denied the charges of discrimination, claiming that the plaintiffs’ claims had nothing in common but their race. Carl Ware said, “I think we’ve made great strides in devel – oping a gold standard for diversity management” (Foust, 1999, p. 2) and “I myself am a good example, a proof that glass walls do not exist at the Coca-Cola Company” (Holsendolph, 1999, p.  1). However, “the company’s dithering continued even after the suit was filed. For starters, rather than pursue the almost inevitable settlement, Coke first engaged in a vigorous pre-trial defense” (Harrington, 2000, p. 188) and attempted to stop the class-action status of the lawsuit. U.S. District Court Judge Richard Story instructed the company to add a disclaimer to company e-mails to employees about the case that read, “The foregoing represents Coca-Cola’s opinion of the lawsuit. It is unlawful for Coca-Cola to retaliate against employees who choose to participate in this case” (Unger, 1999). The company did not add the statement. In October 1999, while the case was pending, Ivestor effectively demoted Ware, the com – pany’s highest-ranking black executive, by having him report to a fellow senior vice-president. “In response, Ware announced that he would retire at the end of the year. The episode fueled questions about Coke’s commitment to diversity” (Smith, 2000, p. 52). Although Ivestor’s tenure was fraught with financial problems, the demotion of Ware seemed to be one of the catalytic events/public relations problems that moved influential board members to strongly suggest to Ivestor that he was no longer the man to run Coke. On December 5, 1999 reportedly with the intervention of board members Warren Buffett and Herbert Allen, Ivestor submitted his resignation at an emergency meeting called on a Sunday evening. Ivestor’s sudden fall from one of the world’s premier corporate jobs is more than just a tale of bad luck or plans gone wrong. It is a management story full of leadership les – sons. It features colossal arrogance and insecurity. Its main character was blind to his own weaknesses and unwilling to take advice . . . . But the ultimate measure of a CEO 102 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity is how he handles crises, and again and again, in the view of certain directors and the powerful bottling executives, Ivestor was a day late and a dollar short… . He took pride in being a substance-over-style guy but that translated into taking no heed of image and perception issues, which are merely all important to a company like Coke. (Morris and Sellers, 2000, p. 78) The board elected Douglas Daft, a 56-year-old Australian with 30 years experience at Coke, primarily in their Asian and Middle-Eastern markets, as president and CEO. In contrast to his predecessor, Daft was a delegator, who spoke of repositioning the company from three perspec – tives: building brand, thinking and acting locally in global business relations, and being seen as a model citizen. In a speech delivered to the Chief Executive’s Club in Boston, he said, I want the Coca-Cola Company to be one of the most desired employers in the world. I have told our people that we are going to take our company to the head of the class when it comes to the diversity of our workforce and our business. (Daft, 2000, p. 606) He quickly mended fences with Carl Ware by naming him Vice-President for Global Public Affairs, reporting directly to him and adopted two of the suggestions from Ware’s 1995 report: clear support for diversity from the top executives and tying compensation increases to the achievement of diversity goals. As a result, Ware rescinded his retirement plan. In November 2000, as a result of a court-ordered mediation, Coca-Cola settled the law – suit with almost all of the 2,200 plaintiffs for $192.5 million. Approximately 1% of the plaintiffs decided to “opt-out” of the settlement agreement. On June 7, 2002, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Georgia approved the Settlement Agreement in what is formally known as Ingram et al. v. The Coca-Cola Company. The Agreement applied to all non-hourly U.S.-based employees of the company but not to employees of its bottlers. The terms of the Agreement called for back pay to current and former employees, future pay equity adjustments, linkage between senior managers’ compensation and the company’s EEO performance and the creation of an outside seven-member Task Force to provide independent oversight of Coca-Cola’s com – pliance. The Task Force was responsible for preparing annual reports evaluating the implemen – tation of these programs. Cyrus Mehri, head of the plaintiffs’ legal team, summed up his opinion of the case. The biggest problems at Coke were their HR practices. They had almost as many job titles as they did jobs, there was no consistent form of job posting, and promotional practices were not consistently applied. This gave undue discretion to managers and prevented employees from having a fair chance to compete for these positions. Coke had cultivated an image of being extraordinarily progressive and generous in the African-American community. Unfortunately, Coke—like so many companies—got very arrogant and believed their own PR. They valued minorities as consumers, but not as employees. (Wiscombe, 2003, p. 34) When asked to comment on the case, Coca-Cola corporate media relations spokesperson Karyn Dest wrote Clearly, we learned a valuable lesson from the lawsuit. But, in addition to the learn – ing around diversity, another great learning for us was that we had no documented proof when it came to the lawsuit of our efforts. We didn’t measure the growth and development of minorities and women at the company. (personal communication, November 5, 2003) The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now 103 after the laW su It Alexis Herman, a former U.S. Secretary of Labor, chaired the Task Force that issued its first report in September 2002. Since the settlement, Coca-Cola implemented numerous systemic changes in its policies and procedures. (See Exhibit 2-7) with measurable results (see Exhibit 2-8). Although the report was generally positive, the Task Force cited key areas that needed additional work: identifica – tion of employees for senior management positions and improvement in the perceptions of minority employees that their career opportunities are comparable to those of white employees. Currently, “about a third of Coke’s employees are minorities but most top employees are white… . All minori – ties, the report said are over represented in lower-paying support jobs” (Wyatt, 2002, p. 1). The Task Force also chided the corporation for missing an opportunity to diversify the board of directors, which was then composed of nine white men, two white women, and one African-American man. In the spring of 2002, when the board membership was expanded from 12 to 14 members, two white men were selected. “The company’s failure to consult with the task force with respect to the nominations undermined its diversity efforts and suggested a lack of sensitivity to diversity goals” (Bean, 2002b, p. 1). Shortly after the report was published, CEO and Chairman Daft wrote a memo to employ – ees that said, “There is still work to do. Our commitment to diversity is a journey not an end – point. Diversity is not an initiative; it is a fundamental element of our business success” (Day, 2002, p. 3). At the 2002 annual shareholders meeting at Madison Square Garden, some African- American employees protested because they believed that blacks remain underrepresented in the top corporate ranks, get fired more often, and are still paid less than white employees. “Protesters handed out material claiming that 16% of the Coke workforce is black but that blacks have just 1.5% of the top jobs” (White, 2002, E03). In May of the same year, some employees in Texas accused Coca-Cola of repackaging nearly out-of-date soda, marking it down, and then reselling it in minority neighborhoods since 1993. Coca-Cola management denied the allegation. • Established  uniform  processes  for  employee  reviews • Required  that  all job  postings  attract  at least  three  candidates,  one  of whom  must  be a  woman or minority • Implemented  mandatory  diversity  training  for  managers  and  employees • Conducted  human  resources  audits  and  adverse  impact  analyses • Tied  performance  appraisals  and  compensation  for  managers  to their  effectiveness  in perfor – mance management • Implemented  a uniform  compensation  system  based  on  job-related  measures,  including  a  market-based salary structure, a common review date, and additional compensation training for managers • Established  a mentoring  program • Initiated  executive  briefings  for  senior  management  concerning  diversity  strategy • Implemented  a “Solutions”  program  that  included  an ombudsman  and  an hotline  to resolve   employee disputes Based on the First Annual Report of the Task Force (Herman et al., 2002) eXhIBI t 2-7 Programs and Policies implemented by Coca-Cola since the settlement Agreement was Accepted 104 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity On May 24, 2002, The Coca-Cola Company, in a conciliation agreement with the U.S. Department of Labor, agreed to pay $ 8.1 million in back pay to over 2,000 female employees. The agreement followed an audit by the Office of Federal Contract Compliance (OFCCP), which enforces federal rules against discrimination at companies holding government contracts. The audit revealed wage disparities between male and female employees between 1998 and 2000 (Bean, 2002a). In 2003, Coca-Cola extended health benefits to same-sex domestic partners and named the first Hispanic female, Maria Elena Lagomasino, Chief Executive of J. P. Morgan, a private bank, to its board of directors and for the first time, appeared on the DiversityInc list of the Top 50 Companies for Diversity, ranked at #18. E. Neville Isdell, replaced Daft as CEO in 2004. Isdell, who grew up in Northern Ireland, Zambia, and South Africa had experienced discrimination first hand and credited his parents for his values of fairness and justice. He was quick to grasp the extent of across the board employee dissatisfaction and made improving employee engagement a major focus of his tenure. Isdell said, As far as I am concerned, the prime thing that I had to do was restore the overall morale of the company . . . In tandem with the work we did against the it, I put in place a whole review of what became the “Manifesto for Growth.” (Spruell, 2007, p. 29) This document detailed strategic initiatives such as maximizing profit while making Coca- Cola a employer of choice. Knowing that organizational change is a slow process, in 2005 Isdell voluntarily asked the diversity task to continue for an additional 5th year. coca- cola noW : as Inclus Ive as our Bran Ds In terms of diversity, much has changed at The Coca-Cola Company, where diversity now is listed as one their seven core corporate values. In its “As Inclusive as Our Brands” 2009 report Coca- Cola organizes its diversity efforts and assessment of success into a framework addressing four key areas: workplace, marketplace, suppliers and community. In terms of its workforce initiatives, the Global Diversity & Workplace Fairness team monitoring program tracks progress in terms of hiring, workplace demographics, performance management, merit pay, short and long-term incentives and pay equity. Because understanding and meeting the needs of its increasingly diverse global market – place is a driving force behind Coca-Cola’s financial future, the Diversity Business Development Team (DBD), is working with the Multicultural Marketing team to identify and capitalize on product and promotional opportunities in growing multicultural markets especially targeting African American, Hispanic and Asian consumers. Although Coca-Cola has had a Minority and Women Owned Business Enterprises (MWBEs) supplier program for more than thirty years, in 2000, the organization pledged to • Of the  6,864  non-hourly  U.S.  Coke  employees,  30%  are  minorities,  up  4%  since  12/00.  Two   thirds of the minorities are African Americans. • In the  first  6 months  of 2002,  white  men  were  promoted  at the  rate  of 4.7%,  women  at  5%,  and  minorities  at 5.7%;  of the  301  new  hires  29%  were  minorities,  and  55%  were   women. • Minorities  make  up  only  20%  of the  workforce  at the  executive  level  and  are  overrepresent – ed at 47%  among  the  lowest  paid  support  personnel. eXhIBI t 2-8 Key Findings from the First Annual report of the task Force The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now 105 expand its efforts by purchasing $800 million worth of goods and services from MWBEs over the next five years and exceeded its goals over each of those years. In 2009, during a tough economy, the organization spent $459 million through supplier diversity programs. The Coca-Cola Company also participates in a MWBE mentoring program and sponsorships for minority and women business owners to attend executive management programs at large universities. In terms of social responsibility, Coca-Cola’s strategy is to provide support for multicultural consumers through three initiatives: establishing a leadership presence in diverse communities, aligning business and community strategies and a commitment to education (The Coca-Cola Company, 2009). As a result, the corporation contributes to Historically Black Colleges, sponsors Special Olympics and Altanta’s Gay Pride Parade, and over the past 20 years donated over $93 million to scholarships and educational programs (The Coca-Cola Company, 2009). Current CEO, Muhtar Kent, opened Coca-Cola’s 2009 “Inclusive as Our Brand Report” with the following statement: At the Coca-Cola Company, one of our seven core values is diversity, which we define in a simple but powerful way: “As inclusive as our brands.” Our great brand represents moments of refreshment and connection that transcend cultural differences and help tie our diverse world together. As a company we believe we must act accordingly by taking a leadership position in diversity, inclusion and fairness. (p. 3) Discussion Questions 1. The traditional change model consists of three steps: unfreezing, that is, recognizing the need for change because of some event or threat, the actual change actions and refreezing, that is, incorporat – ing new ways of operating, and thinking into the everyday operations of the organization. Apply this model to the situation at the Coca-Cola Company at the point when the lawsuit was served in 1999. 2. How would you describe the leadership styles of four of the CEOs mentioned in this case (Investor, Daft, Isdell, and Kent) in terms of their abilities both to accomplish strategic goals and to manage the people? 3. How does Parker’s triangle, “The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict,” help to explain (a) why so many minority employees joined the class-action lawsuit and (b) how Coca-Cola failed to “manage diversity”? 4. Specifically, how does the Coca-Cola Company today exemplify the business case for diversity? Going forward, what threats could there be to the continuation of Coca-Cola’s progress in terms of diversity management? Writing Assign Ment Research the details of any other major recent employment discrimination case. How is this case similar to or different from the Coca-Cola case? Applying Thomas and Ely’s framework (see intro – duction to this text for Thomas and Ely material) to each of these organizations, what can be learned about managing diversity from applying their model? 106 Section 2 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Race and Ethnicity Bibliography Bean, L. (2002a, September 30). Coca-Cola to pay $8 million to resolve salary discrimination. Retrieved September, 30, 2003, from http:// cfm Bean, L. (2002b, September 30). Coca-Cola re – buked for missed opportunity to diversify board . Retrieved October 20, 2003, from http://www. Cole, Y. (2002, September 12). Baloney meter mea – sures Coca-Cola’s claims of supplier-diversity progress (electronic version). Retrieved Septem – ber 30, 2003, from members/351printcfm Coca-Cola (2010). The Coca-Cola company 2009 annual report. Retrieved October 15, 2010 from Daft, D. (2000). Speech delivered to the Chief Execu – tives Club of Boston, May 3, 2000. Vital Speeches of the Day, 66 (19), 606–609. 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Retrieved on October 1, 2010 from coca- cola Sivy, M. (2000). Why Coke still isn’t it. Mo n e y, 29(2), 42. Smith, V.E. (2000). Things are going better with Coke. Newsweek, 135 (3), 52. Spruell, S.K. (2007). Retrieved on May 2, 2011 from ourcompany/manifesto_for_growthhtml. Unger, H. (1999a, May 12). Plaintiffs in suit against Coca-Cola to meet in court. Knight Rider/Tribune Business News. White, B. (2002, April 12). Black Coca-Cola workers still angry: Despite 2000 legal settlement, pro – testers say little has changed. The Washington Post , p. E03. (2010). Coca-Cola company. Ret rieved October 15, 2010 from www.wikinvest. com/stock/Coca-Cola_Company_(KO). Wiscombe, J. (2003). Corporate America’s scariest opponent. Workforce, 82 (4), 34–40. Wyatt, K. (2002, September 25). Coke’s diver – sity work gets approval . Associated Press News Release. Retrieved October 31, 2003, from http:// The Coca-Cola Company: Then and Now 107 Integrative Questions for Section II 1. In an office where everyone is white except one new Asian worker, what could her co-workers do to make her feel more included? Be sure that your answer is a list of specific behaviors . 2. Select some experience that has at sometime made you an “only” like being the only young person, the only female, the only vegetarian, the only Jew______________________________________________ ______________ (you can fill in the blank here). Describe exactly how this made you feel. What could have others done to make you feel more included? Compare this answer with your answer to Question 1. How are these answers similar or different? How do you account for these differences? 3. What is the relationship between ethnicity and McIntosh’s notion of privilege from Section I? What is the relationship between being an immigrant to the United States and McIntosh’s notion of privilege? 4. Unless you are a Native American, your family has immigrant roots. Analyze the history of your family on both sides as far back as you know or can discover by asking your relatives, if you do not know this information. Try to go back at least three generations or more if necessary. Where did they come from? When did they come to this country? What language did they speak? When and how did they learn English if this was an issue? What types of jobs did they have when they first arrived? How does their experience relate or not relate to the article on immigration? If your family has recently immigrated, do this only for the current generations who are here. 5. Read Thomas Sowell’s A World View of Cultural Diversity, available at html. This author writes about the process of cultural evolution and exchange that has been going on for centuries and the interdependence of cultures on each other for new goods and services. After reading this article, think about the growing significance of the BRICKS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, Korea, and South Africa). According to Sowell, no culture dominates forever. So, what are the future implica – tions for these countries and their cultures? What are the implications for the United States? Diversity on the Web Now that you have read the Coca-Cola case, visit the website below where you will find the task force reports that were part of the legal settlement of the Coca-Cola discrimination case. Within each annual report, you will find an “executive summary” section. Beginning with the 2002 report, read the summaries and develop a timeline that tracks the yearly actions Coca-Cola took to remedy the issues that led to the lawsuit. What were the problems with implementing the new programs and policies here? Go to Type “diversity task force reports” in the search box. Scroll down and select each annual task force report, reading from the earliest to the last one. 108 SECTIOn III Learning goa Ls for section iii • To learn about the four generational age cohorts currently in the workplace • To develop an understanding of the factors that have prevented women from obtaining a proportional share of leadership positions in government and in organizations • To explore the negative aspects of masculinity in our culture • To examine both the progress and the backlash experienced by LGBTs in the workforce • To develop a better understanding of the barriers to employment still faced by people with disabilities. Section III continues to explore the relationships between primary diversity characteristics and how these social identities influence people’s experience in the workplace. We decided to begin with the topic of age because it applies to everyone. At times, young workers experience age discrimination when their ideas are too easily dismissed or they are not treated with respect by older co-workers. Yet, older workers are sometimes stereotyped as being too rigid and not open to change or not being able to grasp the newest forms of technology. Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity: Age, Gender, Sexual Orientation, and Physical and Mental Challenges Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity 109 So, we begin with the exercise, How Old Should You Be to Drive a Bus? Exploring Ageism, that examines perceptions about both the young and the old. This is followed by Generational Diversity in the Workplace, which explains the historical and cultural influences upon the gen- erational cohorts currently in the workplace. When we talk about gender in the workplace it is important to consider men as well as women and lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and transgendered people (LGBTs). Although 2014 marks the fiftieth anniversary of the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, women who benefited from this legislation more than any other social identity group have still not achieved anywhere near parity with men in terms of power, positions, or salaries. The reasons for these disparities are examined in Exploring the Gender Gap: What are the Issues? Men, on the other hand, are considered to be the “privileged” gender but they still struggle with the paradox of what is defined as being masculine in our culture—being physically strong, always in control, unemotional, competitive, and not feminine. Using a sociological approach, these unrealistic expectations of what it means to be a “real” man are investigated in The Paradox of Male Privilege: Toward a Gender Democracy & Democratic Manhood . The case When Women Do Lead: Gender Bias 2013 Style unites these two topics and illustrates the gender-related con- flicts that can occur in the workplace when women do gain power. Today LGBT workers continue to receive mixed messages. While they can be more open about their sexual orientation, and can serve in the military, there is still no U.S. federal law that protects them in the workplace and it is still legal to discriminate against them in many states. These paradoxes are discussed in Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace. In the exercise Is this Sexual Harassment? you will have the opportunity to decide if these situations legally qualify as sexual harassment or not and to develop a plan of action to remedy the conflict between the parties. Although workers with physical and mental challenges are protected in the workplace under the Americans with Disabilities Act, they experience a significantly higher unemployment rate than the able-bodied. We introduce this topic with an exercise, Musical Chairs , in which you will experience the challenge of being disabled. This topic is further explored through the case Professor on Wheels: A Case of Disability and Diversity, which is the true account of the career of a college professor with a disability. Section III concludes with an example of what can happen when management and its orga- nizational culture do not value or support diversity, as in The Cracker Barrel Restaurants case. 110 How o ld s hould You be to Drive a Bus? e xploring a geism sharon P. McKechnie Emmanuel College, Boston Instruct Ions Write down the age you feel is appropriate for each event in the scale below and give a one to two sentence explanation of why you selected that age for that event. How old should you be to . . . . . . 1. …. start formal schooling? 2. …. live alone? 3. …. serve in the armed forces? 4. …. drive a bus? 5. …. fly a commercial plane? 6. …. buy an alcoholic drink in a bar? 7. …. have a baby? 8. …. retire from work? 9. …. manage a department of 50 employees? 10. …. get married? 11. …. vote in state elections? 12. …. start your own business? 13. …. 14. …. Sharon P. McKechnie is an assistant professor at Emmanuel College, Boston. She received her PhD in management from Boston College. 111 g enerational Diversity in the Workplace Diane M. Holtzman The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey evonne J. Kruger The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey charles D. srock The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey For the first time in history, four distinctively diverse generations are employed in our workforce: Veterans, Baby Boomers, Gen Xers, and Millennials and soon to be entering our workforce are the 23+ million individuals in Generation Z (Schroer, 2010). Depending on the years used to define the Generation Z cohort, soon we may have five diverse generations in our workforce (King, 2010). These cohorts frequently collide in today’s workplace, creating environments characterized by individual and generational enmity where attitudes of “Us” versus “Them” and “every man and woman for himself and herself ” surface (Zemke, Raines, & Filipczak, 2000, p. 5). The adversarial atmosphere impedes the energies, productivity, teamwork, and collaborative problem solving required by complex and competitive global markets. To foster organizational environments that are positive and productive, employers must be aware of the strengths and assets that each generation as a group brings to their organizations, and become skilled in dealing with individuals from each generation as subordinates, supervisors and customers. Each generation tends to have different attitudes about work ethics, career development, work/life balance, job expectations, communication styles, training, adaptation to and use of electronic technology, rewards and compensation (Center for Generational Studies, 2006). According to Lancaster and Stillman (2002), Demographers agree about the overall profiles of the distinct cohorts in the workforce, but dis- agree on the years of birth and cohort names. The workplace behaviors associated with this generation are still evolving but it is known that Generation Z individuals have grown up and been influenced by access to the newest com- munication tools such as the internet, cell phones, MP3 players, and IPods. This generation uses . . . different generations of employees won’t become more alike with age. They will carry their “generational personalities” with them throughout their lives. In fact, when hard times hit, the generations are likely to entrench themselves even more deeply into the attitudes and behaviors that have been ingrained in them. (p. 8) 112 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity • The oldest workers, those 44.2 million born between 1922 and 1943 are termed “ veterans,” the “swing generation,” or the “great generation” depending on the social observer. The term “greatest generation” was used by the journalist Tom Brokaw to describe the generation that grew up during the Great Depression and who fought in World War II (Brokaw, 2004). • The baby boomer generation, approximately 77 million people, has been defined both as those born between 1943 and 1960 and those with births spanning the years 1946 through 1964. • The 52.4 million generation Xers have been defined as being both born between 1965 and 1980, as well as between 1960 and 1980. • The Generation Y cohort is termed the Millennials and Generation Nexters. At 77.6 million, they are now the largest generation. Some place their births between 1980 and 2000, others between 1981 and 1999 (Filipczak, 2000; Lancaster & Stillman, 2002; Zemke, Raines). • The generation that follows Gen Y is called “generation Z,” the “digital generation,” “generation 9/11” and the “iGeneration”; and includes those individuals born after 1994 but before 2004 (Generation Z , 2010). Others state that Generation Z includes those born after 2001 (Working with Generation Y and Z , 2010). • Those born within a year or two of the start of a new generation are called “cuspers” because they “stand in the gap between the two sides . . . [and] become naturals at me- diating, translating, and mentoring” (Lancaster & Stillman, 2002, p. 39). technology and is dependent upon it. Although Gen Zers are well connected, it is predicted that they will be weaker in terms of interpersonal skills and experience more unemployment and downsizing and may distrust corporations and have less loyalty to organizations than previous generations (Generation Z , 2010; Generation Y and Z , 2010). As Generation Z individuals begin to enter the workplace, there will be employees from the Swing Generation and the Baby Boom Generation who continue to be in the work force. In an article in Business Week, Coy (2005) found that starting in the mid-1980’s, older Americans chose to keep working which can be attributed to improved physical and mental health, the desire to stay useful and the need for organizations to hold on to experience. Even executives are making career switches rather than retiring because they become bored with retirement and miss a sense of productivity and intellectual challenge (San Jose Business Journal, Report, 2007). Others remain in the workforce longer because they are not financially prepared for retirement (Moore, 2010) especially with the recession that began in 2008. Each generation has unique perspectives and values about work and the work environ – ment. In traditional hierarchical organizations, generations tend to be more segregated as expe – rienced individuals rise to higher positions with experience. In general, older employees tend to be in upper and upper-middle management, middle-aged employees in middle management and occasionally in upper management, and younger employees in lower to more central levels. However, as organizations flatten into more horizontal structures, a “mixing” of generations occurs that profoundly influences organizational processes. As teamwork increases, intergener – ational differences spark interpersonal conflict, creating issues surrounding collaborative prob – lem solving, motivation, communication, training, and supervision. Thus, because of its impact on organization effectiveness, generational diversity must be added to traditional discussions of Generational Diversity in the Workplace 113 diversity in the workplace. The nomenclature and the time frames for the cohorts that follow are those defined by Ron Zemke, Claire Raines, and Bob Filipczak (2000) and Raines (2002). Generat Ions In the Workplace the profile for Veterans: Born between 1922 and 1943 The core values of Veterans include dedication, discipline, sacrifice, hard work, duty before plea- sure, delayed rewards, conformity, consistency and uniformity, a sense of history, and an orien- tation toward the past; respect for authority, adherence to the rules, preference for hierarchy; patience; conservative spending, and a deep sense of personal organizational and national honor. Veterans were influenced by world events that included the 1929 stock market crash, Dust Bowl, and Great Depression in the 1930s; Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency—particularly his opti- mism and the New Deal which brought Social Security and other social programs; the rise of Hitler and fall of Europe; Pearl Harbor and the United States at war; victories in Europe and Japan; and the Korean War. Assets of having Veterans in the workplace include their stability, orientation to detail, thoroughness, loyalty, and consistent hard work. Their liabilities include their difficulty coping with ambiguity and change, reluctance to buck the system, discomfort with conflict and reti – cence to disagree with those in positions of authority. Messages that motivate Veterans include, “Your experience is respected here; it’s valuable to the rest of us to hear what has, and hasn’t, worked in the past.” When communicating with Veterans, employers should use inclusive language, written or face-to-face communication, and more formal language. In their leadership style , Veterans are directive, use command-and-control leadership, and use executive decision-making. They want to take charge, delegate and make the bulk of the decisions themselves (Aldisert, 2002, p. 25; Zemke, Raines, & Filipczak, 2000, pp. 29–32). the profile for Baby Boomers: Born between 1943 and 1960 The core values of Baby Boomers include optimism, team orientation, personal gratification, health and wellness, personal growth, staying young, hard work, and involvement. Boomers were influenced by : the McCarthy hearings in 1954; victories over polio and tubercu – losis; the struggle for Civil Rights from Rosa Parks, through school integration; Martin Luther King, Jr.; the involvement of students in voter registration, bomb shelters, and nuclear power; easily acces – sible birth control; John F. Kennedy’s presidency, including the establishment of the Peace Corps; the Cuban missile crisis; astronauts in space; the assassinations of JFK, Martin Luther King, and Robert Kennedy; the Vietnam War and student protests that culminated in the Kent State University shoot – ings; founding of the National Organization for Women; and the disgrace of Richard M. Nixon. Assets of having Boomers in the workplace include their service orientation, willingness to “go the extra mile,” ability to establish and maintain good working relationships, desire to please, and their team spirit. Liabilities include frequent lack of budget orientation, discomfort with conflict to the point of conflict avoidance, reluctance to disagree with peers for fear of harming working relationships, comfort with process frequently overshadowing the need for goal attain- ment, being overly sensitive to feedback, being judgmental of those who see things differently, and self-centeredness. Messages that motivate Boomers include, “You’re valued here,” “We need you,” “I approve of you,” and “Your contributions are unique and important.” When communicating with Boomers 114 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity employers should use an open, direct style; answer questions thoroughly; avoid controlling, manipulative language; use face-to-face or electronic communication; and convey flexibility. In their leadership style , Boomers are collegial and consensual, but sometimes authoritar- ian. They are passionate and concerned about participation, spirit, humanity in the workplace, and creating a fair and level playing field for all. Because Boomers grew up with conservative parents and worked in their early careers for command-and-control supervisors, they often slip into that style when collegiality fails. Many Boomer managers lack sophisticated communica – tion, motivation, supervision, and delegation skills (Aldisert, 2002, pp. 25–26; Zemke, Raines, & Filipezak, 2000, pp. 63–91). the profile for the Gen Xers: Born between 1960 and 1980 The core values of the Gen Xers include appreciation of diversity, ability to think globally, the balance of work and home, technoliteracy, espousing the idea that work should be fun, having a casual approach to authority, self-reliance and independence, and pragmatism. The Gen Xers were influenced by the following events: the struggle for women’s liberation and gay rights, the Watergate scandal, the energy crisis, personal computers, the Three Mile Island meltdown, disenchantment with nuclear power, successive recessions accompanied by massive lay – offs, the Iran hostages episode, erosion of America’s world dominance and respect, the Challenger disaster, the Exxon Valdez oil spill, AIDS, Operation Desert Storm, and the fall of communism. Assets of having Xers in the workplace include that they are adaptable, technoliterate, independent, not intimidated by authority, voracious learners, financially savvy, multitask ori- ented, experienced team members, and creative. Liabilities include that they are impatient, have poor people skills, are cynical, have low expectations about job security, are less willing to make personal sacrifices at work, and resist being micromanaged. Messages that motive Gen Xers include, “Do it your way,” “We’ve got the newest hardware and software,” and “There are not a lot of rules around here.” When communicating with Gen Xers, employers should use electronic communication as the primary tool, write in short sound bytes, present facts, ask for feedback, share information immediately, use an informal style, and listen. In their leadership styles , Xers are uncomfortable with bureaucratic rules and procedures and traditional chain-of-command systems. They know that sophisticated and demanding cus- tomers expect their needs to be met immediately. The Gen X leader is skilled at supporting and developing a responsive, competent team that can change direction, or projects, quickly. They are egalitarian and not hierarchical in their thinking. In addition, they are adept at accessing information electronically (Aldisert, 2002, p. 26; Zemke, Raines, & Filipczak, 2000, pp. 92–126). the profile for the Millennials: Born between 1980 and 2000 The core values for the Millennials include a sense of civic duty, confidence, optimism, achieve – ment, sociability, morality, collaboration, open-minded, street smarts, an appreciation of diver – sity, respect for community and authority, okay at staying connected to others and the world through communication technology. The Millennials’ sphere of seminal events and trends includes violence such as the ter – rorism of September 11th, the shootings at Columbine, and the Oklahoma City bombing; the increased use of technology; busy lives; the President Clinton and Monica Lewinsky scandal; and years of service learning throughout elementary and secondary school. Assets of having Millennials in the workplace include their optimism, tenacity, heroic spirit, multitasking capabilities, technological know-how, collaborative skills, and their being Generational Diversity in the Workplace 115 goal oriented. Liabilities include their need for supervision, mentoring, and structure, inexpe- rience in handling difficult interpersonal issues, need for constant feedback and praise, distaste for menial work, lack of skills for dealing with difficult people, impatience, and overconfidence. Messages that motivate Millennials include, “You’ll be working with other bright creative people,” “You and your colleagues can help turn this company around,” “Your boss is in his (or her) sixties,” “Your schedule will be flexible.” When communicating with Millennials, employers should use descriptive language and action verbs, not talk down, show respect, use electronic and visual communication to motivate, promote constant feedback, use humor, and be encouraging. In their leadership style , Millennials combine the teamwork ethic of the Boomers with the can-do attitude of the Veterans and the technological savvy of the Xers. Resiliency is one of their strongest traits. They are very comfortable dealing with Boomers. Their learning preferences include teamwork, technology, structure, entertainment and excitement, and experiential activities. (Aldisert, 2002, pp. 27–29; Raines, 2002; Zemke, Raines, & Filipczak, 2000, pp. 127–150; Zust (nd)). apply InG Generat Ional D IV ers Ity kno W le DG e to the Workplace The case that follows presents a situation in which there are generational differences in a work setting. Read the case and answer the discussion questions at the end of it. Keep in mind that general cohort differences are tendencies of a group and not all people in a cohort will behave in the same manner. Managing Diverse Generations in a Retail Setting Julia just graduated from Valley Community College with her associate degree in Business Administration. She is anxious to start her new position as an entry-level manager of the Electronics Department at Everything’s Here Inc., a retailer that offers customers clothing, pharmaceuticals, food, automotive, house wares, electronics, small appliances, toys, etc. Julia, who is 34, has worked for the retail giant as a sales associate and then assistant manager in the clothing department over the last 5 years while attending college part-time and raising her two young children. During each of the past 4 years she has received a store customer service award. She is techno-literate and can multitask. When Julia heard of a job opening for an entry-level manager in the Electronics Department of Everything’s Here Inc., she applied and received the position—she had the associate’s degree, assistant manager experience at the store, and excellent customer service skills. The Electronics Department has a range of products including CDs, mobile phones, laptop computers, video games, MP3 players and flat-screen TVs. The department’s 3 full-time sales associ- ates, Ethel, Larry, and Rick, and six part-time sales associates will report to Julia. The sales associates are responsible for aiding customers in purchase decisions, using the cash register for sales, and taking inventory. Julia relies on the full-time associates to help her meet the sales goals for the department. At Everything’s Here Inc. there are no sales commissions for the employees. Upon taking the position, Harold Lee, the store manager, told Julia that she needs to increase the department’s sales and improve her employees’ customer service skills. He said that he has re- ceived many complaints about the lack of attention given to customers in Electronics. Julia is expected to “turn the sales figures and the customer comments—positive” within the next six months. Ethel, age 70, has worked at Everything’s Here Inc. for 20 years, with 18 of those years in sales in the fabric and crafts department—a department that was closed at Everything’s Here Inc. due to lack of revenue. Over the last two years, Ethel has been transferred from department to department. She has been in the Electronics Department now for one year and limits her work to assisting customers (Continued ) 116 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity with CD and video selections. Many times Ethel is the only sales person on the floor and when asked a question about the other technological equipment in the department, she tells the customers to “come back when the younger people are working—they understand this stuff!” Ethel is pleasant with customers and hard working. She told the upper managers at Everything‘s Here Inc. that she wants to work for a few more years because she receives health benefits that cover the secondary insurance under Medicare for herself and her husband, who is in an Alzheimer’s unit in the local nursing home. Ethel had great difficulty learning the new computer inventory control program that was re- cently installed in the store to check if items are in stock. She has tested the patience of several people, including the last manager, who tried to teach her how to use the program. She does like the personal attention, and tries hard, but has not been successful. At work, when Ethel watched the customer service training videos supplied by corporate training, she fell asleep. She cannot use e-mail to com- municate with Julia from home since she doesn’t have a computer at home and she doesn’t know how use email or instant messaging. When Ethel is at home, she shuts her phone off so her attention is not interrupted when watching television. “After all . . . I can’t watch television and talk on the phone!” Larry, age 20, has been working at Everything’s Here Inc. for two years since graduating from high school. He was told by his parents “get out of the house, get a job and quit playing video games.” On his job application, Larry stated that he was qualified to work in the Electronics Department because he was an avid “gamer” and “an expert at text messages.” Mr. Lee thought that Larry was the ideal employee since “Larry is young and knows about computers.” While at work, Larry gets so caught up in checking his messages and learning to use the newly arrived PDAs and video games, that he ignores customers needing assistance. He perceives that his activities are work related. After all, he must be an expert on the equipment/games in order to sell them. Larry prefers helping young customers because he believes they are more “techno-savvy” and know what they are looking for in terms of games or technology. He doesn’t have a lot of patience with customers, particularly those who need assistance understanding mobile phones and accessories. Larry is often seen using his mobile “smart” phone to send text messages to friends before ringing up a customer’s sales. “This’ll take only a minute” Larry says to the customers, and quickly enters a message before ringing up the sales. He does not see text messaging as intrusive or time consuming—“Heck! It’s just like talking—it’s quicker and less annoying!” Larry only wants to communicate with Julia through text messaging or emails since he is connected to email and social sites “almost 24/7.” He has told her “Don’t use the phone to contact me . . . I’m usually texting . . . that’s the way I like to communicate.” Rick, age 51, took a job as sales associate at Everything’s Here Inc. when the local appliance store where he worked for 20 years closed. He enjoyed working at the appliance store because he was selling kitchen and laundry appliances, TVs and stereos—equipment with which he was familiar. He liked spending time with customers and hearing their stories. In fact, many of his customers frequent- ly return to make other purchases. Although he lacks experience with sophisticated communication technologies, Mr. Lee wanted to give Rick “a chance” in Electronics. Rick knows the basics of work- ing a computer for word processing, emails, and surfing the net. Mr. Lee was heard saying “At Rick’s age, he probably knows how to use technology—after all, everyone has a computer and smart phone today—even me and I’m 60!” Rick does well selling TVs, but not the other equipment in Electronics. He tends to stay near the TVs and does not rotate around the department. When Rick is approached by a customer with a technical question, he goes out of his way to find Julia, Larry, or one of the younger part-time associates. He introduces them to customers as “my young knowledgeable colleagues.” He will go online to find the answer or use the computerized “Frequently Asked Q & A” module developed by Julia for the Electronics Department staff only if no one else is around and the customer needs an answer to make a purchase decision. After completing her first week working the various shifts with the 3 full time employees as- signed to her, Julia realizes that there may be generational issues that are affecting customer service in her department. Generational Diversity in the Workplace 117 An additional intergenerational diversity case on managing generations in a service industry can be found in the Instructor’s Manual. Discussion Questions 1. What are the generational issues Julia faces with each employee? What cultural, historic, or societal issues may influence these generational issues? 2. How do these generational issues affect Julia’s management of the department? 3. What can Julia do to improve customer service within the department? 4. What generalizations are made by upper management about the employees? In your opinion, are they right, or are they wrong? Be specific. 5. Have you faced similar or different exchanges in your retail shopping experience with employees of different generational cohorts? Give details to support your answer. W Ritin G A SS iGnM ent Generational Differences To better understand generational differences, conduct an interview with someone from an age group different from your own. As a minimum, ask the questions below to get a sense of his or her experi- ences. Your instructor may add additional questions, and you may find it necessary to add appro – priate follow-up questions based upon the interviewee’s answers to help you understand how this person’s life experiences as part of a particular generation may have contributed to shaping who he or she is today. From the interview material, (a) write a three-page paper that analyzes how these experiences have impacted that person’s life. The emphasis here should be on learning if your subject had life experiences that may have shaped him or her in some significant ways as Holtzman, Kruger, and Srock suggest in this article; (b) examine how these generational differences could impact workplace communication and understanding. Be careful not to simply list questions and answers. Questions 1. Besides family members, who were your role models when you were growing up? 2. As a child and a teenager, did you have any close friends who were of a different race or reli- gion than you? 3. Describe your first job in terms of salary, benefits, work schedule, and responsibilities. 4. How long did you stay in this position? 5. Approximately how many organizations have you worked (in a full-time capacity) for in your lifetime? (Continued ) 118 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity 6. What historic, political, and/or personal events were most significant during your childhood and young adulthood? 7. How did these make a difference in your life? 8. What inventions affected your life the most? Why? 9. How have health care, education, and the economy changed in your lifetime? 10. Have any of these affected how you have lived your life? 11. How has your gender impacted your life experiences? 12. What year were you born? What is your highest level of education? Bibliography Aldisert, L.M. (2002). Valuing people: How human capital can be your strongest asset. Chicago: Dearborn Trade Publishing. Brokaw, T. (2004). The Greatest Generation . New York: Random House. Center for Generational Studies. (2006). Fre – quently asked questions about generational differences. Retrieved from http://gentrends. com/faq.html Coy, P. (2005, June 27). Old. Smart. Productive. Surprise! Business Week, 78–84. Generation Z. (2010). Retrieved from Babyboomer – http://www.babyboomercaretaker. com/baby-boomer/generation-z/Generation-Z- Behaviour-Change.html King, C.B. (2010). 5 Generations in the work- place. Retrieved from Ezine Articles. http:// Workplace&id=3878298 Lancaster, L.C., & Stillman, D. (2002). When gen – erations collide: Who they are. Why they clash. How to solve the generational puzzle at work. New York: Harper Collins. Moore, R. (2010). For many boomers retire – ment means still working. Retrieved from http://www.plansponsor. com/For_Many_Boomers_Retirement_Means_ Still_Working.aspx Raines, C. (2002). Managing millennials. Retrieved from millenials.htm. Report: Baby boomer execs are making late career switches. (2007, March 29). San Jose Business Journal. Retrieved from http://sanjose.bizjournals. com/sanjose/stories/2007/03/26/daily58.html Schroer, W.J. (2010). Generations X, Y, Z, and others. Retrieved from the social librarian features/generation1.htm Working with generation Y and Z. (2010). Retrieved from Kelly: Smart manager. http:// hr_manager/articles_sept07_generation Zemke, R., Raines, C., & Filipczak, B. (2000). Generations at work: Managing the clash of veterans, boomers, Xers, and nexters in your workplace. New York: AmRickan Management Association. Zust, C.W. (nd). Baby boomer leaders face challenges communicating across generations. Emerging Leader.Com . Retrieved from http:// Generational Diversity in the Workplace 119 Dive RS ity on the Web 1. Go to the website below and read the report by Deloitte Consulting Group: Gen Y-ers Baby Boomers & Technology: Worlds Apart? Technology Usage in the Global Workplace . Search for “Gen Yers, Baby Boomers & Technology.” Answer the following questions: a. What does the article reveal about the use of technology by Baby Boomers in the United States and the Baby Boomer generation in emerging nations? Give examples to support your answer. b. What impact did technological developments and culture have on the use of technology by American Baby Boomers compared to Baby Boomers from emerging nations? c. Read the Recommendations section of the report and apply two concepts presented to the workplace scenario involving the use of technology by the employees at Everything’s Here. 2. Go to the website below and read the article on Mixing and Managing Four Generations of Employees by Greg Hammill (2005). In the article, Hammill presents a chart of Workplace Characteristics for Veterans, Baby Boomers, Generation X, and Generation Y. a. Analyze the information presented in the chart. b. Using the information from the chart, state how Julia should communicate with each member in the Everything’s Here Inc. case. Give details to support your answer. c. Using the information from the chart, state how Julia could motivate each member of her department. Give details to support your answer. Diane M. Holtzman, EdD, is an assistant professor who teaches business studies at The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey. Her areas of specialization include manage- ment skills, public relations, international management, and marketing. Evonne J. Kruger, PhD, is an associate professor at The Richard Stockton College of New Jersey. Her areas of expertise are strategic management, managerial decision making, and community engagement. Charles Dwaine Srock, RN, MBA, ABD, is the critical care educator at Florida Hospi- tal Waterman. He continues to do consulting in management skills and specializes in organizational behavior and organizational development. 120 e xploring the g ender g ap: What are the issues? carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita Deborah L. Larsen UniBank Did you know…? The highly successful investor, Warren Buffett, once attributed his success to the fact that he only had to compete with half (the male half ) of the population. While women have benefited from diversity initiatives, there are still substantial gender gaps in terms of corporate, economic and government leadership. Today, women represent 46.9 percent of the U.S. labor force, (Catalyst, 2013) earn more bachelors, masters and doc – toral degrees than men and can now serve in combat. There are three female justices on the U.S. Supreme Court and three U.S. Secretaries of State have been women. Yet, women earn only seventy-seven cents for every dollar that a man earns and only 17.1 percent of the Fortune 500 corporate board members are female. In 2013, in spite of being 51 percent of the population, women held only 20 percent of the U.S. senate seats and 18 percent of the seats in the House of Representatives. Currently, only six women serve as state governors. So, why do these gaps exist? the Gen Der Gap an D prIVI le Ge Although gender is a socially constructed characteristic consisting of behaviors and attitudes that are considered proper for males and females and its norms and expected behaviors can differ significantly from one culture to another, it serves as a significant way in which society privi – leges its members. Many societies consciously or unconsciously set up cultural and legal barriers to provide unequal access to power, property, and prestige on the basis of sex. Privilege means that some people have an advantage just because they belong to a certain social identity group. Usually, privileges are not earned but are more an “accident of birth” such as being born able- bodied, male, and in most societies, white. Examples of gender privilege are: being able to assume that your gender, engagement ring, or status as a parent or caregiver is not a factor in a hiring or promotional decision. Exploring the Gender Gap: What are the Issues? 121 a hI story of patr Iarchy A society is patriarchal to the degree that it is male-dominated and identifies with what are considered to be male values. In a patriarchal society, the majority of political, economic, legal, religious, educational, and military positions of authority are filled by men. Heads of state, CEOs, corporate board members, religious leaders, senior law partners, generals, members of legislatures at all levels of government, etc. tend to be mostly males under a patri – archal system. When women do achieve these positions, like former Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton or Marissa Meyer, CEO of Google, people tend to think of them as the exceptions. Consequently, male dominance creates power differences between men and women and pro – motes the idea of male superiority. If men occupy more powerful positions, then viewing men as superior is not a stretch. If presidents, generals, legislators, and corporate CEO’s are mostly men with a few women as exceptions to the rule, then men as a group become more identified with leadership and power. clos InG the leGal Gaps History provides some insights into how a society comes to value, i.e., grant privilege, to a more masculine style over a more feminine one. In early U.S. society, the second-class status of women was taken for granted. A husband and wife were legally one person: him. Women could not serve on juries, vote, make legal contracts, or hold property in their own name. Because men tenaciously held onto these privileges and used social institutions to maintain their privileges, basic rights for women came only through a prolonged struggle. In 1848 a group of women led by Elizabeth Cady Stanton used the Declaration of Independence as the framework for writing the “Declaration of Sentiments”. Among the many inequalities it sought to correct were women not being allowed to vote or to enter the professions. Women finally won the right to vote in 1920. In 1963 President Kennedy convened a com- mission on the status of Women, naming Eleanor Roosevelt as its chair. The report documented discrimination against women in virtually every area of American life. That same year, Betty Friedan published The Feminine Mystique , a book that acknowledged the oppression that middle class, educated women experienced because of their limited life options. In 1964, Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act was passed. This legislation prohibited employment discrimination on the basis of sex as well as race, religion, ethnicity, and national origin. With the inclusion of Title IX in the Education Codes of 1972, equal access to higher education, professional schools and high school and college sports teams became the law. The number of female doctors, lawyers, engi – neers, and other professionals grew substantially. Sports participation by women and girls also rose substantially as a result of Title IX. However, the Equal Rights Amendment to the U.S. constitution languished in Congress for almost fifty years, was finally passed in 1972 and sent to the states for ratification. The legisla- tion simply called for total federal and state equality because of one’s sex. When the deadline for ratification came in 1982, the ERA was three states short of the 38 needed to write it into the U.S. Constitution, but it was never passed. While many women today may be hesitant to be labeled as a “feminist” for fear of being criticized, few would give up the personal freedoms and opportunities that women fought hard to win over the last 150 years. 122 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity the Gen Der Gap In Wa Ges an D eM ploy M ent According to the 2010 census 53.6 percent of the U.S. labor force is female (U.S. Department of Labor, 2013), but many factors, including career choices account for the gender gap in pay and career advancement for women. The gap between men’s and women’s wages in the U.S. has not changed much over the past twenty years. In terms of women of color, in 2011, African American women made 69.5 percent of men’s salaries, Asian American women 84.8 percent and Latinas 60.2 percent (National Committee on Pay Equity, 2013). Over the course of a lifetime, this pay gap becomes substantial and eventually even lowers a woman’s Social Security benefits. Many factors including horizontal and vertical employment segregation account for these differences in earnings. Horizontal segregation means that many women still tend to work in fields that have been long considered predominately female and traditionally pay less money such as social services, child care, teaching, retailing, and office administration. As Exhibit 3-1 illustrates, even today too few college educated women prepare for jobs by majoring in the STEM (science, technology, engineering and mathematics) fields which are not only lucrative but have Most Popular College Majors for Women Majors with the highest earnings for Women Majors with the Lowest earnings for Women 1. Business 1. Pharmaceutical Science 1. Psychology 2. Health Professions 2. Information Sciences 2. Early Childhood 3. Social Sciences & History 3. Chemical Engineering 3. Theology 4. Education 4. Computer Science 4. Human Services 5. Psychology 5. Electrical Engineering 5. Social Work Sources : & Georgetown University Center Education and the Workforce on Business (2011) eX hIBI t 3-1 Global Notes…………………………………………………Europe Female Corporate Board Membership: Europe’s “Pink” Quotas • In Norway, legislation passed in 2003 requires that females make up 40 percent of all corporate boards. • In Finland, any company without females on its board must explain why in its annual report (Nobel, 2013). • France is requiring that corporate boards be 20 percent female by 2014 and 40 percent female by 2017 or directors will not be paid their stipends (Lubin, 2012). • In Italy, one-third of board listed companies and state owned enterprise board members must be female by 2015 (Kanter, 2013). • As a result of a shortage of qualified European women to fill legally required board positions, and pressure from the European Union to increase female board membership percentages, 96 American women now hold 136 board seats in 12 European countries (Lubin, 2012). Exploring the Gender Gap: What are the Issues? 123 high future employment demands. Between 2010 and 2011, the number of women in computer- related positions actually dropped 8 percent while men’s employment in this field increased 16 percent and the number [of] female Chief Information Officers declined from 11 percent to 9 percent (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012). Research conducted by Gartner, a high tech think tank, found that technology teams with greater gender diversity exhibited more creativity and better problem solving techniques (Harris, Morello, & Raskino, 2007). Yet, a study commissioned by the National Center for Women in Information & Technology found that 56 percent of women in high-tech leave their organiza- tions at the mid-career level after ten to twenty years experience. The reasons most often given were subtle bias, gender pay gaps, lack of role models or mentors, isolation, and family work-life balance issues (Simard, Henderson, Gilmartin, Schiebinger, & Whitney, 2011). Former Harvard President, Larry Summers once publicly remarked that innate differences between men and women might explain why men tend to dominate science and engineering. The furor that followed his remarks led many colleges to re-examine the standing of women in the sciences and eventually contributed to Mr. Summer’s resignation! In contrast, IBM took a more active and progressive approach and designed a program to encourage women to enter the STEM fields. Best Practices eX.i.t.e (exploring interests in technology and engineering) To encourage young women to prepare for careers in the STEM fields, in 1999 IBM devel- oped the concept of a week-long summer camp where learning about science and technol- ogy is presented in engaging ways to middle school girls. Since its inception, over 10,000 girls have participated and 85 percent of the graduates said that they were interested in pursuing a career in science and or engineering. Today, the camps are held all over the world. There are even special sessions for girls with handicaps. Instruction is hands-on, fun, and collaborative. Executives from IBM as well as other technology companies and local college professors participate and serve as role models. Sources:; In contrast, vertical segregation occurs in the workplace when both genders are working in the same industries, but men are perceived as being more capable, skillful and qualified for the better paying and more upwardly mobile line positions (like sales, branch management, etc.), than women (Charles & Grusky, 2004). Vertical segregation reinforces the idea that women are suited for lower level roles with less responsibility rather than professional and managerial roles within the same occupational category because they possess certain innate characteristics (passivity, nurturance, emotional sensitivity, for example) or because they have less cognitive capability or fewer higher-level skills compared to men. (Reeves, 2010, p. 18) In 2012 the American Association of University Women conducted a study of 15,000 col- lege graduates. This research revealed that even one year after graduation, women were already 124 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity making only 82 percent of their male classmates’ salaries, even though the women earned higher college grades. Comparing male and female graduates in the same occupations, finds that gaps still exist. Women in teaching earned 89 percent of male salaries, in business 86 percent, and in sales 77 percent. These differences are attributed to discrimination and women’s inabilities to confidently negotiate better starting salaries (Corbett & Hill). Even in a traditionally female occupation, like nursing, males often earn higher salaries and receive more promotions. The 2010 census revealed that males account for only 10 percent of the total number of full-time registered nurses in the United States. Yet, the average salaries of males were still 9 percent higher than female full-time nurses within the same specializations and 16  percent higher overall. Further analysis of the data revealed that male nurses made some interesting career choices that may somewhat account for these gaps. They tended to be in the highest paying specializations, like anesthesiology, worked more night shifts, and were more apt to obtain doctoral degrees that led to promotions (Casselman, 2013). the Gen Der Gap an D lea Dersh Ip Economists at Stanford University and the University of Chicago estimate that between 1960 and 2008 much of U.S. productivity growth could be attributed to removing the legal barriers that prevented women from achieving their workforce potential (Wessel, 2013). Yet, in 2013, only 17  percent of Fortune 500 CEOs were female. Some research concludes that male and female leadership styles do differ somewhat and that males tend more towards a transactional , i.e., goal- directed leadership style in contrast to women’s tendencies towards a more transformational , i.e., relationship-oriented, consensus-building leadership style. However, a 15 year study of gender differences in management concluded that “female managers are no more inclusive or democratic than men when making workplace decisions” (Williamson, 2013, p. 1). Clearly, there are many individual exceptions to these generalizations and “there is little evidence to suggest that one sex or the other is more effective leading” (Powell, 2010, p.142). Traditionally, women’s inability to advance into higher level positions is described as “ hitting a glass ceiling ”, i.e., having a career progression that goes only so far, usually to mid-level management positions and then stops. While there are personal and organizational factors that do limit women’s careers, and some exceptional women do make considerable progress, it is usu – ally a more complicated process than it is for men. Eagly and Carli (2007) describe this type of career trajectory more as a labyrinth , or indirect uneven path that requires women to develop a leadership style that integrates assertiveness with nurturing for career progression. It is an unfortunate fact of life that women often do not have parity with men in the workplace or in the highest ranks of power. Certainly, there are a few outliers, who are able to break through the barriers, but there are still too many places and circum – stances where crucial decisions are made and women are absent. (Gutherie, 2012, p. 1) In spite of all the progress that women have made, there is still a very real perception by many that women are not as effective as leaders as men. Consequently, women still face consid- erable prejudice in business and politics. When women’s leadership styles differ from men’s, it contributes to a perception that women are less qualified when in fact they may be equally or even more qualified. In her best-selling book, Lean In: Women, Work, and the Will to Lead , Sheryl Sandberg, COO of Facebook, argues that the absence of women in economic and political leadership occurs because many women are not assertive enough and willing to take career risks. For example, Exploring the Gender Gap: What are the Issues? 125 Global Notes………………………………………………………………….Asia Women in Asian Businesses • In China, 74 percent of the female population is in the workforce. In contrast, only one-third of Indian women work outside of the home. • Publically traded Asian corporations with no female board members averaged a 15 percent return on equity for 2007–2009 while those with the highest proportion of female board members, aver – aged a 22 percent return on equity. • Women hold a third of the senior management jobs in Southeast Asia. This compares with 24 percent in Europe and 18 percent in North America. (Chu & Ramstad, 2012). men will apply for jobs for which they are minimally qualified, while women often will only have the confidence to risk applying when they are 100 percent qualified. In addition, in a patriarchal society, males are expected to be ambitious and assertive and are rewarded for demonstrating these qualities while women often are criticized and/or not supported when they behave in the same manner. She compares these gender differences to running a marathon. Men and women arrive at the starting line equally trained and fit. You could argue, based on educational attainment, that the women are more trained and fit but at least equal. Think of a career like a marathon: long, grueling, ultimately rewarding. What voices do the men hear from the beginning? ‘You’ve got this. Keep going. Great race ahead of you.’ What do the women hear from day one out of college? ‘You sure you want to run? Marathon’s really long. You’re probably not going to want to finish. (B. Sandburg, p. 100) Conversational style differences between genders can also reinforce a perception of men as being stronger leaders. Many men have a tendency to talk in a more assertive conversational style that includes tendencies to interrupt, question in an interrogating manner, and be more direct in their speech patterns. In contrast, more women tend to favor a communication pattern where they speak in shorter bursts, ask questions instead of making more positive statements, are more indirect, etc. (Tannen, 1990). From studies describing gender differences in leadership styles, a number of challenges emerge. If women don’t promote themselves, they can be considered as too passive. If women do highlight their achievements, they can be perceived as aggressive and selfish, particularly by other women. tIM e Gap Only 20 percent of the U.S. households with children now have a working father and stay at home mother. Yet, women are still responsible for more of the household and childcare tasks than men. A high-level career often implies frequent travel, job relocations, and the 60+ hour work week, all of which complicate personal and family relationships, and imply that there is support at home to provide child care, cook, clean, and do laundry. According to the (2012) U.S. Labor Department’s Time Use Survey, married men in households with children spent 16 minutes a day on housework while women spent 52 minutes. In the 2010 Women Matter— Women at the Top of Corporations: Making it Happen report issued by McKinsey & Company, 126 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity 57 percent of the female respondents cited balancing work and domestic responsibilities as the number one barrier to their getting to the top levels of management. In the U.S., it is estimated that approximately half of the women who have achieved cor- porate-level positions do not have children. Interestingly, when men have a family it implies sta- bility while for women it is too often considered by their employers to be more of a distraction. The demands of ambitious careers, the lack of balance within male-female obligations at home, and the stereotypes that still persist may take a personal toll on women’s decision whether they will pursue an ambitious career. This choice is a difficult one and may involve giving up some things that are more important to a woman. For professional women, it’s unusual not to step off the career fast track at least once. With family demands, many women feel they have little choice but to give up their demanding careers. In order to avoid the waste of educated talent, business leaders and the federal government need to establish new policies to support working parents and assist in improved work-life balance. Best Practices McKinsey & Co. the global consulting firm, noticed that they were losing a significant number of highly-qualified new mothers just about the time that these women were eli- gible for partnership status. In an attempt to stop this talent drain, Mc Kinsey adopted innovative policies and practices to retain these employees. For example, they • Established a Mother’s Network to coach and support new mothers. • Initiated a “phase back” program that offers reduced work hours following a mater- nity leave. • Published a “Laptops and Lullabies” guide with tips for balancing work-life responsibilities. Fathers are not forgotten at McKinsey & Company either. Their paternity leave policies also earned the organization a place on Working Mother magazine’s list of the “10 Best Companies for Paternity Leave” (Adapted from the Mentor InG Gap Having a mentor who can guide and coach an employee to grow and develop has long been associ – ated with achieving career success. However, a 2010 Catalyst study of 4100 1996–2007 MBA gradu – ates from elite universities, found that there were gender differences in the types of mentoring that males and females received. While many women receive career advice and guidance from a men – tor, men are more apt to be actively “sponsored” by their mentors, also mostly male, more senior in rank, and willing to actively use their own social capital to further their mentee’s careers. Although women need to cultivate their social capital by networking more with colleagues and finding mentors/sponsors, who can help them achieve success, it is a more complex pro – cess than it is for men. Besides the potential of sexual harassment, there are far fewer females in higher positions to be mentors than there are in mid-career positions that need mentors. In addi- tion, 2011 survey of 1,000 working women by the American Management Association revealed that 95% of the respondents said that they had been undermined by another woman at work Exploring the Gender Gap: What are the Issues? 127 (Drexler, 2013). This behavior is referred to as the “Queen Bee Syndrome” which essentially means that women who have achieved positions of power in male-dominated environments may fear competition from other women and actively work to undermine them. While white women at least gain some benefit from the unearned privilege of being white, women of color have to deal with the additional difficulties of finding mentors interested in working with them and the intersection of racism and sexism. Latinas often do better than Latino men in the workforce but few are found on corporate boards or on the executive level (Floyd, 2003). Asian American women who exhibit the influences of Confucian values, such as humility and harmony, often do not fit the American business expectation of assertiveness and self-promotion (Eagly & Karu, 2001). African American women are too different from white women to benefit from their shared gender status and too different from Black men to benefit from their shared race. Hence, women of color who strive for leadership positions are different from those who are also different—white women and African American men. (Sanchez- Hucles & Davis, 2010, p. 174 ) conclus Ion The percentage of high-powered women in the world remains diminutive compared to their male counterparts and it is not improving as fast as most people imagine. Power requires influence in the global marketplace as well as economic and cultural clout. In its annual power rankings, Forbes magazine compares individuals based on global visibility and economic impact as well as the size of the economic area over which they have influence. Only one woman, Angela Merkel, Chancellor of Germany, is listed in the top ten on the 2012 list. Two years ago there were two women in the top ten. There can be no denying that women have made progress over the last twenty-five years. Women now sit on the Supreme Court, run for president and fight in combat. Overt sexual behavior in the workplace is less tolerated and a small percentage of women have successfully entered corporate management. Concern exists however, that the publicity around these suc – cesses leads to an illusion that issues around inequality based on gender no longer exist. While blatant cases of gender discrimination are becoming less prevalent, there is nothing to gain and a lot to lose, by keeping so many women, particularly women of color, out of positions of author- ity. While the causes are complicated, the statistics make it clear that women still have a long way to go to narrow the gaps in leadership and power. That doesn’t mean that gender inequity has vanished. It has just gone underground and become more subtle. Most organizations have been created by and for men and are based on masculine values. Even though educated women entered the workforce by the thousands in the last twenty years and added great value, the definition of what makes an effective leader is still associated more with male behaviors such as toughness, aggressiveness, and decisiveness and less with what are considered as the more female characteristics of teamwork and relationship building. Perhaps, part of the challenge is in convincing others in management to mentor women and to appreciate the positive elements of their different styles. The challenge society faces is that gender discrimination has existed for thousands of years. One of the greatest obstacles to change is that dominant groups hardly ever see the issues of the subordinate groups as theirs. Diversity is the engine that drives originality and creativeness and gender is part of that diversity. To be effective in today’s global marketplace, business organiza- tions must fully utilize their talent pool and commit to advancing all groups of employees. 128 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity Discussion Questions 1. Make a case for and a case against passing legislation that requires a quota for women on corporate boards. 2. If women face difficulty in climbing the corporate ladder in part due to a lack of mentors for women, a. What could women themselves do to improve this situation? b. What role can organizations play to facilitate mentoring relationships? 3. This article states that women as a group tend to have a more collaborative style of management and more indirect communication styles. What are the advantages and disadvantages of these styles for women in today’s global business environment? 4. What can happen when a woman who uses a more “masculine style” of communication has a man – ager of either gender who has a more “feminine” style? 5. If there were only one woman at the corporate level of an organization, how could her status as an “only” affect her interactions with her male co-workers? What additional challenges might she face? W Ritin G A SS iGnM ent Go to and search for “Things Never to Say to Women Executives.” After reading this article, write a one-page memo that explains how these statements undermine women as leaders in organizations. Bibliography Barsh, J. (April, 2013). Facebook’s Sheryl Sand- berg:  “No one can have it all.” McKin – sey  Quarterly , Retrieved from https://www. Sandberg_No_one_can_have_it_all_3079. Brainard, J. (2010). Undergraduate diversity: More minorities, more women. The Chronicle of Higher Education , September 24, p. B24. 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The positive economics of “Leaning In.” The Wall Street Journal , p. A4. Williamson, A. (2012). Some facts about women in business. Retrieved from http://www. About-Women-in-Business/3912. Dive RS ity on the Web Because of the issues facing women in organizations today, many women are choosing to start their own businesses. In 1972, women owned less than 5 percent of all U.S. businesses. Today, there are 10.1 million female-owned businesses that employ 13 million people and generate $1.9 trillion in sales. Visit the website of the Center for Women & Enterprise ( Why was this organization founded and what do they do that relates to some of the issues explained in this article? Go to and watch the video about female executives. Play all four segments. What additional insights on the gender gap do these interviews reveal? How do these factors and the ones discussed in this article affect your career being a woman if you are female, or as a man if you are male? Go to and search for Women Matter: Making the Breakthrough (2012). This report details the status of women in many countries. Compare and contrast the facts found in this report with the situation for U.S. women. What common issues do they all face? What is dif- ferent internationally from women’s career opportunities within the United States? Deborah L. Larsen is a senior vice president and senior lending officer at UniBank for Savings. 131 When Women do Lead: g ender Bias 2013 s tyle carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita What challenges do women who make it through the glass ceiling face today and are these worth the price they pay to get there? While it is easy to assume that previous generations of women have broken down the barriers, and that females are now accepted as equals judged only on their competence, the experiences of Dr. Barbara McManus illustrates that gender bias and sexism are alive and well for women in leadership positions. Dr. McManus had an Ivy League education, was a highly published author, held a full professorship at a major university, and after twenty years of service became the chief of anesthe- sia in 2000 at a world-class teaching hospital in a major U.S. city. Widowed at a young age, she also raised three children alone. Her achievements defied the statistics for women in medicine. According to the Association of American Medical Colleges, the number of female physicians is steadily increasing with 30.4% of physicians now being female. However, women tend to choose specialties like pediatrics (58%), and obstetrics and gynecology (48%) and are rarer in specialties like surgery (9.9%) and anesthesiology (22%) with very few female physicians serving in leader- ship roles heading major clinical departments like Dr. McManus (2010). In 2001 Dr. Thomas Crowley was appointed as Chief of Surgery and Dr. Mc Manus’ prob- lems began. Crowley was an excellent surgeon but had a reputation for being sexist, fond of mak- ing derogatory comments about female doctors’ abilities and was known to be uncomfortable working with strong women. He said that he preferred to hire residents and male doctors who were light skinned, made comments about the breasts of foreign women and said that he felt that women should not be surgeons. When a female surgeon was on maternity leave, Dr. Crowley took away her secretarial support and operating room locker, and then refused to reinstate these when she returned. Dr. McManus experienced comparable sexist treatment. Dr. Crowley slammed doors in her face, ignored her in staff meetings and even replied to male colleagues instead of to her when she spoke. When she was on a sabbatical leave in 2007, Crowley attempted to have Dr. McManus fired and when that failed, he tried to demote her. Although Dr. McManus repeatedly complained to the CEO of the hospital, Daniel Harris, about this sexist behavior and the differences between the way that Dr. Crowley treated male and female physicians, Harris dismissed her complaints, telling her that she had “created a culture of whining” and told her that “Tom couldn’t help himself.” Since the CEO is unwilling to support her, Dr. McManus needs to decide what she will do next. 132 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity Discussion Questions 1. Why is it important for highly qualified women like Dr. McManus to achieve leadership positions in medicine? 2. Once in a position of leadership, especially in a field that is dominated by males, should women over – look sexist behaviors or should they complain to higher management? Why or why not? 3. List three options that Dr. McManus could consider at this point. What are the pros and cons of each option? 4. What does this case suggest about how women can help themselves? 5. Evaluate the way that the CEO handled Dr. McManus’ complaints. Bibliography Kowalczyk, L. (2013). Female surgeons note gains, subtle gender bias. The Boston Globe , February 25, 1 & 9. 133 t he Paradox of Male Privilege: t oward a g ender Democracy & Democratic Manhood steven D. farough Assumption College How could it be that men continue to have such economic success in an era where women now outnumber men in college and have substantial achievements in the business world? How could it be that despite their continued success, men wind up with a shorter life span and a higher rate of depression than women? In short, it is the paradox of male privilege. Men maintain their advantages in an era where women appear to be outpacing men, but men ultimately lose from a system that has allowed them to win unparalleled wealth, power, and prestige. Of course, para- doxes are confusing. They leave people baffled at the appearance of two seemingly irreconcilable trends. In the absence of an explanation, paradoxes often polarize us into one camp or the other, creating a dynamic where people angrily talk past one another with no hope of resolution: “Men are privileged! Men are victims, too!” However, when one can understand the underlying logic of this paradox it can lead to not only greater insight but to new ways of living our lives as men and women. It is the goal of this article to highlight the paradox of male privilege and offer men (and women) a different way to approach gender, work, and identity in the 21st century. Despite the advantages men generally possess, it is in their best interests to give them up. Being caught between advantage and disadvantage often leaves men unsure what to think. Although less pervasive, there still is an expectation that men should be the primary breadwin- ners for their families and climb up the occupational ladder. On the other hand, women continue to succeed in high-powered jobs that challenge the belief that men should be the primary income earner. For some men, it might feel like the tables have finally tipped in favor of women. During the Great Recession, men were at first hit harder than women, where from 2007 to 2009 men lost almost 75% of the total number of jobs (Cauchon, 2009). In fact, at one point the front page of USA Today read, “Women Gain in Historic Job Shift.” This trend has motivated intellectual Reihan Salam (2009) to call the economic downturn a “he-cession,” and make the bold proclamation that we are now going through an epochal shift in gender relations where men will no longer dominate the US economy in the 21st century. As Salam (2009) points out, the greatest areas of job loss in the recession lie in finance and home construction, two occupations where men have been dominant. However, it goes deeper than that, according to Salam: characteristics like risk and overconfidence were keys to driving the success and massive failure of Wall Street and the housing bubble—and these attributes 134 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity are strongly embedded into the identity of masculinity. Risk and overconfidence have sent the economy into the worst recession since the Great Depression. Many of us now look back at the brazen use of sub-prime mortgages and seemingly endless leveraging by brokers and financiers with contempt and bewilderment. Have the implicit macho ethics of risk and overconfidence left men in the dust of wild, laissez-faire capitalism as our economy continues to trend toward a more feminized service economy and a more careful, regulated system? For some like Salam, the answer is yes. As many of us know, women are just as capable as men of taking risks and being overcon- fident, but such practices are so strongly associated with masculinity that they create a palpable feel that these are things only men do. If both men and women can engage in such behaviors, then why are these behaviors so strongly linked to men in the work world? The answer to this question lies in how gender impacts our occupational structure. Do MI nant Mascul InIty Although in every culture there is a variety of ways one can be a man, some forms of manhood are perceived as more legitimate or “real” than others. Sociologists who study masculinity would argue that culturally legitimate forms of masculinity should be seen as dominant masculinity, a gender identity that allows those men who abide by its behaviors to have greater access to power and wealth. In the United States, dominant masculinity is defined by its ability to excel at com – petition and risk, be self-assured, withhold emotions, possess physical strength, have control over the situations men inhabit, be the breadwinners of families, and not act feminine or be gay (Connell, 1995; Kimmel, 2006; Messner, 1997). Embedded in all of these characteristics lies the expectation that in the US, masculinity needs to be consistently proven, which, according to sociologist Michael Kimmel (2006) is rooted in the competitive, capitalist ethos and frontier mentality of the nation in the 18th and 19th centuries. Whether in the emerging industrial economy or on the frontier, manhood was deemed successful in the US when men could master tough terrain and accumulate wealth. Anything less than that left men grasping for this mascu – line ideal. Of course, the idealization of American masculinity in this nascent country was only for white men. African American men were either enslaved or oppressed through Jim Crow segregation; Native American men were killed or concentrated into reservations; and Mexican American and Asian American men were segregated into menial labor. What is particularly striking is how the history of a competitive, frontier-based masculinity plays out even today. Indeed, it correlates strongly with some of the key strategies for success in American enterprise today: competition, risk, confidence, and withholding of emotions are all practices that many in the business world expect of their employees. The outcome of this wide- spread use of masculinity results in the gendering of work, where the key jobs and strategies for success are deeply linked to manhood (Hochshield, 2003; Pierce, 1995; U.S. Department of Labor, 2006). For instance, to achieve financial and professional success, lawyers are expected to be intimidating and aggressive (Pierce, 1995). Bill collectors are expected to deflate the status of truant clients through intimidation (Hochschild, 2003). Car salesmen are supposed to use their wits to get customers to purchase an automobile for more than it is really worth. Stockbrokers’ confident and assertive sales pitches are designed to hide the reality of substantial risk to clients and are imbued with a culture of dominant masculinity. This dominant form of masculinity has provided untold wealth, power, and prestige for men as a group, and it is clearly woven into their identities. Men prove their masculinity by acting competitively and forcefully in the business world, just as they did on the frontier and in industry. The Paradox of Male Privilege: Toward a Gender Democracy & Democratic Manhood 135 In defining masculinity so strongly with work, this cultural norm also did something else: it created an environment that is hostile to women entering the workplace, as masculinity in the US is defined in strict opposition to femininity. The growth of the industrial economy and the development of the frontier organized the ideal family structure in a new way. Prior to industrialization, the US economy was largely agricultural, where both men and women were involved in economic production. As industrialization emerged, economic production left the family farm for the factory, and masculinity followed. Men were expected to work outside the home while women were expected to work within it (Coontz, 1992). The net result is a cultural definition of manhood that links it to work, and views women’s progress in the work world as an attack against masculinity itself. The ideological rationale is simple: women entering a space so strongly associated with masculinity threatens manhood itself. Although the anti-women attitude is changing and many individual men are not threatened by the progress made by women, this ideology of dominant American manhood creates a situation where men continue to receive both economic and psychological advantages. Dominant masculinity may be a ste – reotype, but it is a very powerful one that has perpetuated the history of American manhood. Despite some who have called the emerging era one where women will have greater power than men, there are three key structural issues that continue to benefit men in the Great Recession and into the forseeable future: workplace segregation, continued discrimination against women, and the structure of the American family. prIVI le Ges of Do MI nant Mascul InIty The success of women in education and the economy has not prevented men—particularly white men—from maintaining disproportionate access to power and resources. Men continue to earn more than women, whether they have a high school degree or graduate degree (U.S. Department of Labor, 2007). Men are also overrepresented in the decision-making processes of business and government. Men constitute over 75 percent of chief executives, 70 percent of surgeons, and 73 percent of computer and math occupations (US Department of Labor, 2006). The same holds true with elected officials. In 2008, 84 percent of Congress and Senate were men and almost 77 percent of state legislatures were men (Center for American Women and Politics, 2008). The data clearly demonstrate that men continue to be disproportionately represented in key positions of power. As for the “he-cession,” men are faring far better than women during the recovery (Kochhar, 2012). Still, these data tell us nothing about why men are overrepre – sented in high-ranking positions. Upon closer examination of these generalized patterns, the data unequivocally demon – strate that men, particularly white men, possess a whole set of advantages when compared with equally qualified white women and people of color. Research shows that people envision success- ful mangers as men (Willemsen, 2002). Men experience greater upward mobility than women (Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995). Men have greater access to and control over networks for employment, and they also have better access to mentoring relationships (Lorber, 1994). Federal government data on employment discrimination note that white men are the least likely to expe- rience discrimination in the workplace (Reskin, 1998). In higher education, where it is noted that women now earn the majority of bachelor’s degrees, men continue to earn more after graduation in part because of this continued discrimination. The inequality in earnings of men and women also has to do with the structure of the American family and sex segregation in the workplace (Cohen, 2004; Cohen & Huffman, 2004; Rhode, 1997). Although changing, men’s family roles continue to place men in positions as the 136 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity primary income earners, whereas women continue to be forced into work that is more compat- ible with family life (Cohen, 2004; Rhode, 1997). This gender role assignment contributes to the gender segregation of the workforce. As seen above, men constitute the overwhelming majority of CEOs and physicians, as well as engineers (U.S. Department of Labor, 2006). In more “family friendly” occupations like elementary school teachers, nurses, and secretaries, women constitute over 80 percent of those employed (U.S. Department of Labor, 2006). Men are clustered into high status jobs and women into lower status occupations. Women have made significant inroads into the work world, but they still run into the glass ceiling. This results in greater difficulty in gaining access to higher paying jobs dominated by men (Glass Ceiling Commission, 1995). In male-dominated occupations, women experi – ence sexual harassment (Andersen, 2006). Also, it is more difficult for women to move up into higher positions due to an alienating “male culture,” because of a lack of network contacts, and/ or fewer mentoring relationships (Lorber, 1994; Pierce, 1995). Women can face the “mommy track” as well, which is the practice of not hiring or promoting women during their childbear- ing years (Lorber, 1994; Stone, 2006). Even in women dominated occupations such as teaching, social work, and library sciences, men are often pushed up into better paying administrative jobs (Williams, 2004). In addition to the glass ceiling problem, women continue to be the primary caregiv – ers of children, making it more difficult for women to move up the occupational ladder than men (Stone, 2006). Even with passage of the 1993 Family and Medical Leave Act, legislation designed to allow workers to take unpaid time away from their jobs, only full-time employees working for organizations with more than 50 employees are covered. Ironically, more men are capable of taking advantage of this legislation because they are more often in full-time posi – tions. Still, only between one and seven percent of eligible men take advantage of the legisla – tion (Rhode, 1997). Some might argue that men and women freely choose family roles and occupations. However, the choices men and women make are the result of gender inequality, not a cause. Discriminatory practices and structural constraints limit women’s chances for upward mobil – ity and occupational choice. As one prominent philosopher said, “[People] make history, but they do not make it just as they please” (Marx, 1999/1882: 42). Such data also fly in the face of Affirmative Action critics who claim white men are the “new minority” and experience “reverse discrimination.” Even though there is variation in terms of race, class, and sexuality, when it comes to access to power and resources, white men continue to do very well when compared to women. They are not the “new minority” and experiences of reverse discrimination are extraor- dinarily rare, although highly publicized (Reskin, 1998). Men have lost big in the Great Recession, but the economic downturn has yet to alter the gendered patterns of the economy and family structure. In a world where masculinity is so strongly associated with work and so opposed to femininity, one should not assume that men would want to give up these advantages. This is not because all men are power hungry; it is because masculine identity is so strongly connected to work and so opposed to femininity. Although the machismo of dominant masculinity clearly has its shortcomings, dominant mas – culinity is something familiar to men and has provided many a sense of connection to some – thing larger than themselves. To break up the paradox that surrounds American manhood there needs to be both a case made for why men should step away from something that feels like a fundamental part of their identity and a viable alternative that will still allow them to have a sense of self worth. Without an alternative, men who are asked to leave behind dominant mas – culinity will likely balk. The Paradox of Male Privilege: Toward a Gender Democracy & Democratic Manhood 137 neGat IV e consequences of Do MI nant Mascul InIty Given the privileges of masculinity already mentioned, some men might ask themselves why on earth they would want to give up such a wide range of advantages. These structural benefits are no doubt seductive to many men. Accompanying these advantages comes a range of negative consequences for men who invest in dominant masculinity. Public health data clearly show some of the problems. The aver- age life span for men is 71.3 years, but for women it is 78.3 years (Sabo, 2004). Men are more likely to develop heart disease, have accidents, and be victims of violent crime and homicide than women (Sabo, 2004). There are multiple reasons for these differences, but one key factor is the investment in dominant masculinity. Men who buy into it must engage in elaborate techniques of withholding their feelings and engage in behavior that puts them at greater physical risk (Sabo, 2004). To be a “man” is to deny physical pain, which can result in a failure to notify doctors of potentially life-threatening ailments. If one desires to be a “real man,” one should be prepared for an early death. Men who withhold their feelings suffer psychologically. They experience higher rates of depression and suicide than women. They also have more emotionally shallow relationships with families and friends—and they run the risk of watching their children grow up from a distance (Sabo, 2004). Men who cannot fit into dominant masculinity also suffer. Often denied access to living wages or control over their environment, working class men, men of color, and gay men often cannot fit fully into dominant masculinity, leaving them subject to critiques of their self-worth. Dominant masculinity works as the underlying rationale for men bullying other men who do not conform to this norm. This harassment leaves significant numbers of men marginalized from and scarred by dominant masculinity, which is often white, middle class, and straight. Dominant masculinity makes it more difficult to have a variety of legitimate mascu – linities in our society. Because dominant masculinity is defined as being superior to femininity (Connell,  1995), men who invest in it suffer from being unable to have more egalitarian and emotionally open relationships with women. It also can result in creating discriminatory work environments. Dominant masculinity can even undermine democracy. Because men receive unearned advantages for being men in the workplace and in political life, it is more difficult for equally qualified women and people of color to be rewarded for their hard work. Clearly, dominant masculinity has negative consequences, leaving men with shorter lives, higher rates of physical ailments, less emotionally fulfilling experiences, and contributes to the undermining of democratic principles. Greater access to power and resources may seem attractive, but when compared with the negative consequences, dominant masculinity becomes more problematic and less desirable. toW ar D De M ocrat Ic Manhoo D Although it might be intellectually rational for men to give up their privileges, it may not feel right on an emotional level. Dominant masculinity is not just an abstract concept and its privileges are not merely vague, structural advantages; masculinity is also personal because it gives many men a sense of self-worth and connects them to something larger than themselves. It provides men with a moral bearing and a sense of purpose. Without an alternative to domi – nant masculinity, calls for change will continue to be met with resistance. However, the cultur – ally viable options to dominant masculinity that exist in our culture lie somewhere in between nonexistent and clichés. Casual analysis of the alternatives in American culture often leaves 138 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity many men uncomfortable with what they see. Images of “sensitive New Age guys,” “metro – sexuals,” and “girly men” are peppered across the mass media landscape. These images likely evoke the idea of silly men who are overly concerned with their appearance and themselves in general. Think of the 1990s men’s movements such as Robert Bly’s mythopoetic men or the Promise Keepers. In this these groups, men headed to all-male retreats in the deep woods and filled football stadiums where they bonded, searched for some primal inner male essence, evoked essentialist gender differences, cried, and professed their commitment to becoming better men who are different from women (Messner, 1997). However, these groups were either too focused on finding some inner male essence or taking back “their” families in the context of patriarchal marriage. The combination of self-absorption and exclusive male bonding did little to realign men in a more democratic trajectory with women (Messner, 1997). The move was inward and left the critique of male privilege largely unchallenged. The great turn inward also left these alternative masculinities ripe for critique and comedy. What is more, these images of men likely make many people think of men who are overly emotional, undesirable, self-absorbed, and effete. Whereas men were once too macho, they are now seen as too sensitive and self-involved. Although being in touch with feelings can be psy- chologically healthy, it does little to address the structural inequities that exist between men and women. It also does little to address some of the good parts of dominant masculinity, such as a public commitment to service and sacrifice. The alternative forms of manhood sent men inward to address their feelings instead of also maintaining some kind of useful connection to the public sphere. Alternative manhood also did little to create an egalitarian space with women and men marginalized by dominant masculinity. These outcomes are why criticisms against new men drew from an unlikely partnership between macho men and feminists. From a macho point of view, men like these “new men” are wimps, and from the point of view of feminism, these “new men” are reacting negatively to the gains of women. Where do men go to find a gender identity if all that appears is polar opposites? I believe that a good starting point lies in what Michael Kimmel (2006) calls democratic manhood. The perspective of democratic manhood envisions “men who are secure enough in their convictions to recognize a mistake, courageous enough to be compassionate, fiercely egalitarian, power – ful enough to empower others, strong enough to acknowledge that real strength comes from holding others up rather than pushing them down and that real freedom is not to be found in the loneliness of the log cabin but in the daily compromises of life in a community” (Kimmel, 2006:255). Although seemingly utopian, Kimmel’s democratic manhood imagines a new type of manhood for the 21st century, where men are emotionally connected to others and draws from of the belief in equality from the American nation state. Democratic manhood addresses both the psychology and structural privileges of men. Democratic manhood envisions men who are emotionally engaged and yet strong, who are self reliant but still connected to the community, and who see women as equal partners in the struggle to make the American dream of a more perfect union a reality. In this milieu, masculinity is something men have, but it is not defined in strict opposition to femininity and being gay. Nor does masculinity have to be constantly proven. Under democratic manhood, men are men, period. In democratic manhood, men are partners who work with women to make the world a better place; that work means being flexible about the roles and tasks men and women take in the world of work and family. In a sense, democratic manhood asks men to be more secure about being men. From this perspective, manhood is recentered from rigid gender roles to a more flexible definition, but a definition that clearly focuses itself in the public sphere and as working with others. The Paradox of Male Privilege: Toward a Gender Democracy & Democratic Manhood 139 This more flexible and democratic form of manhood will also help to resolve this paradoxi- cal anxiety that some men feel in our gender order. Men who feel threatened by women’s success in the labor market see women’s success as a threat to their manhood. From this perspective, men are hard-wired to be the breadwinners. However, when men look upon gender relations over the past forty years, they see clear gains by women. In the back of men’s heads, they might privately wonder how women can be so successful in the work world when it is supposed to only be for men. And this female success comes while there are clearly still notable disadvantages for women moving up the occupational ladder. If men believe that they are genetically suited for the business world, then they will be unable to resolve the contradictory reality that men are privi- leged as a group and yet women are gaining fast. Men will be unable to overcome the reality that the privileges of masculinity come at the expense of a fuller human experience. Democratic manhood breaks through this impasse by realizing that masculinity, and for that matter gender, is largely a social construction, a humanly-created cultural norm that is changeable. Manhood changes along with history and varies across cultures. If masculinity is not a fixed, immutable thing, but something that is changeable, it can then be altered for the greater good. But what would Kimmel’s (2006) democratic manhood look like in the real world of gender relations? Democratic manhood’s foundation would be centered around egalitarian- ism and empowerment. The locus of manliness can move from aggression and control to aggres- sively working toward equality in the American nation-state. This locus shift means focusing on strategies and social policy designed to eliminate the glass ceiling, concentrating on how unequal family obligations lead to gender inequality, and recognizing that occupations are unfairly sex segregated. Democratic manhood is outwardly public in its orientation, but it correlates well with traditional masculine virtues like strength, responsibility and taking care of one’s family. Instead of following the logic of strict gender differences and the belief that men are more suited for work than women, democratic manhood asks men to envision being strong, independent providers through the rubric of egalitarianism. When going to work, men who embody democratic manhood would see women as col – leagues who have the potential to make the workplace better. Men would not look at women as impediments to other men who want to provide for their family. Men would see women as partners who are working not just for maximizing profits but to create a better work climate where people get promoted for merit. Because manhood is not defined in strict opposition to anything feminine, democratic manhood would also free up men to feel comfortable with employment that allows men to be with their families more and even put family-centered goals above career goals. This is where democratic manhood takes egalitarianism into the family and friendships. Despite all the bluster about men being self-reliant under dominant masculinity, these self-reli- ant men rely heavily on women to take care of them. In marriage, men have and continue to rely on their wives to cook, clean, take care of their children, and massage their egos. This reliance on women allows men to go out into the workforce unencumbered by the significant challenges that are required to take care of a family. In turn, the overreliance on women to take care of families makes it more challenging for women to move up the occupational ladder. The egalitarian aspect of democratic manhood frees up men to take care of themselves and their families while still bringing home a paycheck. If men embrace the idea that families should be equal partnerships, it will free up both men and women to pursue their desired employment, lessen the stereotyping of working-women being a liability due to child-care commitments, and allow both men and women to share in both the joys and challenges of family life. The virtue of self-reliance is merely expanded from the domain of work to include being self-reliant enough to take care of a house- hold and children without a “honey-to-do list.” 140 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity Clearly, the case for democratic manhood sketched out here only scratches the surface. Some might say that this seems too utopian. Indeed, democratic manhood is utopian—but it is precisely utopian dreams that mobilize people from what haunts them in the here and now to acting on what could be. Moreover, the move toward democratic manhood is already happening; more men are wary of the traditional breadwinner role because they know it keeps them away from their families, and fathers today are far more involved with their children and family life than in the past (Coltrane, 1996; Gersen, 2002). In order for there to be true equality in the work- force between men and women there needs to be a transformation of the relationship between work and family life, and this means that men must work against a social system that has ben- efitted them for so long. Men do not have to become effete wusses or “sensitive New Age guys.” They do not need to give up sports or hanging out with the guys. But men do not have to define themselves in opposition to women either. They need to become real men who take pride in that longstanding American Dream that we were all created equal. Democratic manhood holds that promise. What kind of man do you want to be? What kind of man do you want to see? Bibliography Andersen, M. (2006). Thinking about women: Sociological perspectives on sex and gender. 7th edition. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Cauchon, D. (2009). “Women gain in historic job shift.” USA Today . September 3, p. 1A Center for American Women and Politics. 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Men’s lives . 6th edition. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. 142 s orting t hrough Lesbian, g ay, Bisexual, and t ransgender issues in the a merican Workplace gerald Hunt Ryerson University, Toronto, Canada Did you know? . . . The LGBT population is larger than the number of Asian Americans (3.6%) and greater than the number of Jewish people living in the United States (3%). Intro Duct Ion In May 2012, President Obama made headlines around the world when he declared his sup – port for same-sex marriage. This announcement followed on the heels of several pro-gay ini – tiatives that occurred during his first term as President. In September 2011, Obama signed into law a repeal of the infamous “don’t ask, don’t tell”—a policy that had prevented lesbians and gays from serving openly in the military since December 1993. After that, in December 2011, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, in a speech to the United Nations in Geneva, made the words “gay rights are human rights” a cornerstone of her remarks. Some pundits believed the Obama administration’s support for gay and lesbian rights would have a negative impact on his 2012 bid for a second term as President. However, this did not seem to be the case. Obama’s Republican opponent, Mitt Romney, came out strongly against gay marriage, so there was a clear choice for voters who felt strongly about this issue, but Obama won the election. Adding to the sense that Americans had turned a corner toward a more positive framework for gays and lesbian rights, four gay-related, state-level 2012 referenda, were all decided in favor of enhanced rights. These included voter endorsement of same-sex marriage in Maryland and Washington, and Maine. A referendum in Minnesota sought a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage, but was defeated. The shifts during the Obama administration are part of a larger shift in the legal envi – ronment and public opinion over the past few years. Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) characters have become a common and accepted part of mainstream television pro – grams and Hollywood films. More and more Americans consider discrimination against this group in the same league as discrimination against any other minority. Same-sex marriage is possible in an increasing number of states. More and more organizations fully embrace issues related to sexual and gender diversity, and have removed as many discriminatory policies and procedures as possible. Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace 143 But, there is a big but. The day after Obama announced his support for gay marriage, North Carolina passed an amendment defining marriage as between a man and a woman, sig – naling the fact that a number of states would continue to ban legalizing same-sex relationships. Many institutions continue to discriminate openly, and many individuals continue to hold extremely negative or hateful attitudes towards the LGBT minority population. Throughout much of the country there remains anti-gay bias in law, housing, and the media. Some churches and media personalities are very vocal in their opposition, declaring homosexuals to be “sick” and “perverse,” and not worthy of support of any kind. Among other organiza – tions, the American Boy Scouts still legally exclude gay men from being leaders in their midst, even while the Girl Scouts have no such ban. Unfortunately, in some situations, the level of discrimination and hate can escalate to bashing and even murder. To the casual observer, it is confusing. Are LGBT minorities equal to other Americans? Are organizations legally and/ or morally required to accommodate sexual and gender identity diversity? Is it still okay to despise this minority group? This article examines the contradictory responses and mixed messages surrounding lesbians, gays, bisexuals, and the transgendered, especially as this relates to the workplace by looking at the demographics of the LGBT population, and highlighting the demands this minority group makes for fair and equal treatment. It then considers the social, legal and political changes that have taken place, followed by an assessment of organizational response to this minority. lGB t: Who are they an D What Do they Want? Lesbian and gay people are sexually and emotionally attracted to people of the same sex. Bisexuals are attracted to both sexes, but may function primarily as homosexual or hetero – sexual at different points in their lives. transgenderism is an umbrella term referring to a person who does not conform to traditional gender norms. It includes those who are inter- sexed (a person whose biological sex does not conform to either male or female), people who live substantial portions of their lives as other than their birth sex, and people who refuse to conform to rigid understandings of gender boundaries. This minority often challenges gen – der roles related to dress codes, use of cosmetics, and “normal” gender appropriate behavior. Some people in this group feel so deeply drawn to the gender opposite to their birth sex that they undergo surgical procedures to change their status. Transgender issues are often grouped under the term “gender identity ” and “gender expression .” LGBT people come from all racial, religious, class, and ethnic backgrounds. As a group, LGBT people can be thought of as “sexual minorities.” Some people who identify as LGBT use the term “queer,” which constitutes an appropriation of what historically has been a derogatory term. It would be inappropriate for those outside of the LGBT identity structure to use the term queer. Estimates of the LGBT population vary. In the late 1940s, in his pioneering work on human sexuality, Kinsey (1948) found upwards of 10 percent of the American population to be engaged in homosexual activity. Recent studies report 5–6 percent of the population to be predomi – nately homosexual, identifying exclusively as gay or lesbian. That figure could rise to as high as 13–15  percent when bisexuals and transgendered people are included (Bagley and Tremblay 1998). A recent source estimates there are over 8 million people in the American workforce who identify as LGBT (Pizer, et al. 2012). These figures mean that the LGBT population is larger than the number of Asian Americans (estimated at 3.6 percent) and greater than the number of Jewish people living in the United States (estimated at 3 percent). 144 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity Unlike many minority groups however, LGBT people are not always readily visible. Many have chosen to remain invisible, especially at work, because they fear the negative consequences that might result from revealing their sexual identity. As the murder of Matthew Sheppard illus – trated, being openly and visibly gay can still cost your life. Matthew was an openly gay 21-year-old student at the University of Wyoming who was savagely murdered to make the point that homosex – uals deserve to die. Throughout history there are many examples of organizations such as Cracker Barrel harassing and dismissing employees when they learned, or just suspected (see Cracker Barrel case in this text), that they were homosexual. In recent years, more and more LGBT people have come-out (exposed their sexuality). They have done this in order to declare their right to be who they are publically, and to fight for equal rights. They find living in the closet too demeaning a price to pay for “protection” from discrimination. As a result, equality for LGBT people is now an issue of concern and an impor- tant rallying point for all people (straight and gay) who are concerned about equity in society generally and at work in particular. Spokespersons for this group offer a clear message: the gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender community is discriminated against and treated inequitably at work. Change is demanded in human resources policies and practices concerned with recruiting, hiring, promotion, discipline, and benefits. Activists call for organizational leaders to foster and promote an environment that is positive and supportive of all human difference and diversity. These demands closely parallel those made by women and Afro-Americans, and reflect the fact that the LGBT movement has caught up with other human rights movements. All of these groups come together in desiring equal treatment, not special or exceptional treatment, and they want the social and institutional barriers that prevent them from gaining full equality eradicated. The overwhelming difference between sexual minorities and other minority groups is that for some people sexual diversity is more controversial. Homosexuality and gender nonconfor- mity make some people extremely uncomfortable and even angry. Some conservative thinkers portray LGBTs as immoral and degenerate (see Chick-Fil-A case in this text). For others, homo- sexuality is a “private” issue and should not be exposed in the public domain, even though het- erosexuality is never reduced to being merely a bedroom activity. Guided by Christian teachings, some quote from the Bible to defend their views (Leviticus 18:22 states that homosexuality is an abomination). These people fail to note that Leviticus 10:10 also indicates that eating shellfish is an abomination and that Exodus 35:2 clearly states that a neighbor who insists on working on the Sabbath should be put to death. The polarization around homosexuality has created work situations characterized by a lack of consensus regarding the merit of appeals for equal treatment and justice being made by the LGBT community. This has resulted in a range of organizational responses. Some organizations have made extensive efforts to ensure that policies and benefits are equal for everyone and value their LGBT employees equally with other workers (IBM is a good example). In other settings, there has been little if any accommodation, such as MobileExxon. A few employers go so far as to dismiss these minorities if their identity becomes known, such as the Boy Scouts of America. soc Ial, leGal an D econo MI c De Velop M ents In spite of controversies and differing perspectives, more and more LGBT people are open about their identities and vocal about their desire for change. This, when combined with a changing social, legal, and economic environment, has convinced more and more Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace 145 organizations to rethink and overhaul policies and practices in order to be inclusive of their LGBT employees. social forces Public opinion polls show a steadily increasing tolerance toward homosexuals in general, and their workplace rights in particular. Wilcox and Wolpert (2000), in a summary of polling data from throughout the 1990s, found attitudes moving in a positive direction since 1992. Research conducted by Yang (1999) found that by 1998 a majority of Americans supported the idea of gays and lesbians having equality in employment (84%), housing (81%), inheritance rights (62%), social security benefits (57%), and in the military (66%). Since then, public opinion has shifted steadily toward increased acceptance. A May 2006 Gallup poll found that 89% of Americans believed gays and lesbians should have equal rights in job opportunities (reported in Bowman and Foster, 2006). Gallup also reported in 2009 that 76% of Americans thought homosexuals should be allowed in the armed forces, and 62% believed they should be hired as high school teachers (Gallup, 2013). Indicative of more and more positive attitudes, a 2011 Gallop poll indicated that 53% of Americans support the equal right to marry for same-sex couples (Gallop 2013). Public opinion data also point to a large generational divide, with younger people tending to be much more favorable toward gay rights than are older Americans. In other words, while there may not be widespread public involvement in the fight for LGBT rights, and some people continue to be extremely vocal in their opposition, there is no basis for believing that the major- ity of citizens in the United States support either overt or covert discrimination in the workplace on the basis of sexual orientation. legal change The increased visibility of LGBT people, combined with more assertive demands for equal rights, has generated considerable legal action. In recent years, federal, state, and municipal legislators debated changes in legislation that affect LGBT minorities in almost every aspect of their lives, including violence and harassment, employment and housing discrimination, adop – tion and child care, domestic partner benefits, and the freedom to marry. In some jurisdictions, the legal changes are wide-spread; in others there has been little or no change; and in others, progressive change has subsequently been overturned. At one time, all states had laws regulating and criminalizing consensual sexual activity between adults of the same sex. The beginning of 2003 found “sodomy” laws still on the books in 13 states. However, in a landmark case in June of that year, the Supreme Court struck down the sodomy law in Texas, effectively eliminating discriminatory sodomy laws throughout the country. In December 1999, Vermont made history by becoming the first American jurisdiction to formalize same-sex, civil unions. As a result, for the first time in American history, lesbians and gays who entered civil unions automatically became eligible to receive the same protections and benefits that Vermont provided to heterosexual, married couples. Since then, a growing list of states offer same-sex couples the possibility of civil unions, and a few have marriage equality. As of January 2013, nine states and the District of Columbia, issue marriage licenses to same- sex couples (Connecticut, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Washington, and Vermont). 146 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity economic forces The LGBT community represents an important market segment and a group with considerable clout if it decides to boycott a product, service, or organization. Badgett (2001) argues that gays and lesbians are not as affluent as many believe, and on average earn no more than hetero – sexuals. However, this is a group (especially gay men) that is less likely to have children, prob – ably making discretionary income levels higher than average, and spending with more political sensitivity than most others. Buford (2000) points out that advertising for these so called “gay dollars” in the media generally and the “gay media” in particular, is big business. Like Badgett, he argues that what matters about this group from a marketing point of view, is not affluence, but slightly higher discretionary income, combined with more free time and desire to patronize and support LGBT-positive companies. Activists can also affect the bottom line of anti-LGBT corporations in a variety of ways. They wage proxy contests against homophobic companies, urge public institutions to buy the shares of companies that prohibit antigay discrimination and to sell the shares of companies that do not. Cracker Barrel restaurants, for example, had been dismissing work – ers they believed to be gay or lesbian. Subsequent boycotts of Cracker Barrel throughout the 1990s (see case in this text), provide an indication that activists have a direct impact on company policy, but not always on profits. Cracker Barrel added sexual orientation to its written nondiscrimination policy in 2002. Another example is Coors Beer. In the early 1980s, the Coors organization went so far as to require lie detector tests to screen out pro – spective employees identified as gay or lesbian. This prompted countrywide boycotts, leading to a significant reduction in the company’s market share. Since then, Coors has taken steps to position itself as a more LGBT-positive company, amongst other things by sponsoring Gay Pride events. Points of Law Many U.S. state governments and many of the federal levels have now passed bills to  include sexual orientation as a protected class, particularly in employment and housing. As of January 2013, there were twenty-one states, along with the District of Columbia, that prohibited discrimination based on sexual orientation (California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, and Wisconsin). Of this group, sixteen states and the District of Columbia also prohibit discrimination based on gender identity (California, Colorado, Connecticut, Hawaii, Massachusetts, Nevada, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Minnesota, New Jersey, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington). In addition, many cities in locations without state-wide protections, cities such as Atlanta, Dallas, Tampa and Houston, prohibit employment discrimination based on sexual orientation (HRC, 2013). G Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace 147 orGan Izat Ional responses More and more organizations are responding positively to the concerns about discrimina – tion raised by the LGBT community. State and local governments, colleges, and universities were among the first organizations to institute nondiscrimination policies and offer benefit packages that included same-sex partners. In 1998, President Clinton signed an executive order banning discrimination based on sexual orientation throughout the federal civil ser – vice. Even though most of the federal government does not yet offer same-sex benefits, all cabinet-level departments and 24 independent agencies have non-discrimination policies. If the Employment Non-Discrimination Act currently before Congress moves forward, it will provide further protections against discrimination in the workplace based on sexual orienta – tion and gender identity. Another bill currently before Congress, The Domestic Partnership Benefits and Obligations Act, would open the door to equal family benefit packages to all fed – eral civilian employees, regardless of sexual orientation. Increasing numbers of public and private organizations have adopted anti- discrimina – tion policies and instituted domestic partner benefit packages inclusive of same-sex partners. According to one survey, fewer than 24 employers offered same-sex domestic partner ben – efits at the beginning of the 1990s, but this number rose to nearly 10,000 by the year 2007, and has grown steadily (HRC, 2013). One of the largest LGBT rights organizations (The Human Rights Campaign) reports that by 2013, 88% of the Fortune 500 companies had nondiscrim – ination policies that included sexual orientation, and 57% also had anti-discrimination poli – cies related to gender identity (HRC, 2013). As a result, many of the well known brand names such as Ford, eBay, AT&T, Boeing, Home Depot, Walt Disney, McDonald’s, Xerox, Gap, Nike, Verizon, and Starbucks, offer equal benefits to both their LGBT and straight workforces. Many companies now realize that a positive CEI score makes good business sense. It often equates to a more inclusive work environment overall since it sends a strong message about valuing diversity in all its forms. The first CEI survey was conducted in 2002 with 312 corpora – tions participating, and just eleven got the top rating. By 2009, 260 businesses received the top rating. By 2013, 688 businesses participated in the survey, with 252 achieving the top score. The fact that this represents a slight drop in the number of businesses scoring 100% is because the index adopted tougher criteria to keep up with new and emerging issues. For example, it is now impossible to receive a top CEI score without offering comprehensive healthcare coverage to transgender workers. The significant jump in corporations aiming for and achieving the top score over the years can be attributed to the fact that more and more companies no longer wish to alienate any talent pool, including the LGBT minorities. Among well known companies that score 100% are Ford, Gap, Google, Shell, and US Airways (HRC, 2013a). Best Practices Companies such as Starbucks and IKEA recognize the economic impact of sexual minori- ties in several ways. IKEA uses advertisements showing same-sex shoppers, and runs ads in newspapers and magazines that appeal to LGBT audiences. Starbucks signals its support in the same way, and actively recruits from the LGBT talent pool. Many large cities hold an annual Pride Day, with events sponsored by high-profile corporations, such as breweries and clothing manufacturers. 148 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity Gen Der I Dent Ity an D trans Gen Der Issues In recent years, workplace issues related to gender identity have developed a much higher pro- file. The transgendered minority pose a number of unique issues in the workplace, ranging from restroom use to dress codes. The response to this minority and the issues they raise is often hos- tile, but some companies do go out of their way to accommodate. American Airlines, for exam- ple, was one the first organizations to expand its equal opportunities statement to include gender identity, with policies and guidelines specifically addressing transgendered issues. Employees must use restrooms appropriate to their current gender, but have the right to access different restrooms if they alter their gender identity. American’s policy stipulates that the attire of a transitioning employee should reflect the appropriate dress codes of the job they hold and the office where they work, underscoring that all employees are held to the same uniform appear- ance standards within their gender identity status. In 2010, openly gay former Massachusetts Congressman, Barney Frank, hired the first openly transgender congressional aide. Backlash an D M IX eD Messa Ges: the stInG of D Iscr IMI nat Ion cont Inues Pizer et al. (2012) conclude that there continues to be evidence of persistent and pervasive workplace discrimination against LGBT people, in spite of the progress that has been made. Not all people and organizations are committed to confronting sexual orientation discrimination, and some conservatives feel such gains have happened too quickly, gone too far, and represent a threat to their sense of identity and well being. The shifts in attitudes, policies, and legislation related to LGBT minorities, especially in terms of relationship recognition, have in fact become rallying points for uniting conservative thinkers. In 1996, Congress passed the “Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA),” which, among other things, defined marriage as between one man and one woman, and allowed states to refuse to honor same-sex marriages performed in another state. In 2010, the Obama administration corporate equality index The corporate equality index (CEI) is a set of standards and benchmarks established by the Human Rights Campaign Foundation’s Workplace Project to examine and evaluate corporate policies affecting LGBT employees throughout the country (HRC, 2013a). Among the items measured by the CEI are: • Official recognition of a LGBT support group • Sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression nondiscrimination policy • Equal health and other benefits for different-sex spouses, and same-sex partners or spouses • Training aimed at increasing the understanding of sexual orientation and/or gender identity • Public engagement with the broader LGBT community including targeted recruit- ment programs, and efforts to find and use LGBT-positive suppliers Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace 149 declared that in its view, DOMA was unconstitutional, and would not defend it in the courts, but the Act remains in force. Most legal observers reckon the constitutionality of the Act will end up being debated by the Supreme Court. By 2013, thirty-eight states had enacted laws or constitu- tional amendments to define marriage as between a man and a woman. Of this group, nineteen states (the so called “super DOMA” states) go so far as to include language in the law or amend- ment that does or may affect other legal relationships such as civil unions. These states include Florida, Michigan and Wisconsin (HRC 2013). Another interesting example of backlash happened in California, a state thought by many to be one of the most liberal in the union. In May 2008 the California Supreme Court struck down a ban on same-sex marriage. However, in a highly contested November 2008 referendum known as Proposition 8 voters inverted the ruling. In February 2012, an appeal court overturned Proposition 8 on the grounds that it served no purpose other than to denigrate a specific group of people. This ruling has since been appealed to the Supreme Court. As part of the publicity sur- rounding the events, people were reminded of the fact that it had taken a 1948 Supreme Court ruling to overturn a ban on interracial marriages in California, but in that case the ruling was allowed to stand. One might argue that confrontations to do with relationship recognition and marriage provisions have little to do with workplace attitudes and policies, but this would be incorrect. These human rights battles speak to deeply held anxieties about legitimizing and accepting sexual diversity, and provide the fuel some organizations need to rationalize and justify not implementing policy changes aimed at equalizing the treatment of the LGBT minority. A number of religious and conservative groups exist whose missions seem to be defeat – ing what they term “the gay agenda.” The web site of “Concerned Women for America,” for instance, indicates the following: “many of the largest corporations in America have bought into the homosexual agenda. Americans should work to roll back these ill-advised policies” (reported in Knight, 2009). Other groups such as Focus on the Family, and the American Family Association, also launched major attacks on gains made by LGBT minorities in general, and in the workplace in particular, using vitriolic and often hateful language to cast aspersions on their radio and TV programs that attract audiences in the millions. Some corporations steadfastly refuse to alter their human resources policies and practices to accommodate LGBT minorities. One example of this is Chick-Fil-A, which not only fails to support their LGBT employees, but makes large financial contributions to anti-gay groups (see case in this text). Other companies have even rescinded such protections and benefits after merg- ers and changes in ownership. ExxonMobil is a good example. Prior to the merger of Mobile Oil and Exxon, Mobile had a nondiscrimination policy and offered domestic partner benefits, whereas Exxon did not. After the merger, a policy was put in place to allow same-sex partners of former Mobile employees to continue receiving benefits, but excluding former employees of Exxon or new employees of ExxonMobil from the same perks. As a result, ExxonMobil has the odd distinction of being the only company on the Fortune top 50 not to include sexual orienta- tion in its nondiscrimination language. Another organization that fights to retain homophobic policies is the Boy Scouts of America. After a prolonged court battle, the Supreme Court ruled in July 2000 that the Boy Scouts could maintain a policy excluding gay men from joining the organization. Several organi- zations, such as Levi Strauss and the United Way, discontinued contributions to the Boy Scouts as a form of protest, and several churches, such as the United Methodists, have condemned the policy, but the Boy Scouts remain adamant. In contrast, the Girl Scouts have reaffirmed their inclusive nondiscrimination policy. One of the issues this speaks to is the invalid perception 150 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity that homosexuals are more inclined to be pedophiles than heterosexuals, even though extensive research clearly indicates this is not true. Walmart, America’s largest employer with close to 1.5 million workers, affords a glimpse into the contradictions and backlash that surround LGBT discrimination. For years, Walmart had refused to add protections for sexual minorities to its non-discrimination language, but in 2003 it finally added sexual orientation as a protected group. Since 2006, Walmart has vol – untarily participated in the Corporate Equality Index and in 2013 scored 60%. Walmart has a LGBT pride group, and does comply with domestic partnership and civil union provisions in locations where these benefits are required by law, but these do not include highly valued ben – efits such as extended health care insurance. In 2007, Walmart announced it would discontinue its financial support to LGBT community-based organizations, but subsequently resumed some support. As a result, Walmart falls into a group of organizations that comply with the law and undertake some positive actions, but rarely act proactively in support of its LGBT employees or the broader community. Global Notes………………… Developments in Other Parts of the World The situation for LGBT people has undergone spectacular change in many other parts of the world. Canada, Belgium, Spain, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and South Africa all allow same-sex mar- riage. Other jurisdictions such as Denmark have civil union provisions that provide couples, regard- less of sex, with the same protections and responsibilities. Many workplaces around the world now make no distinctions in their approach to straight and LGBT workers. At the same time, LGBT minorities continue to confront serious discrimination in some parts of the world. Sexual acts between consenting adults of the same sex carry the death penalty in five countries including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Southern Somalia, and prison terms in seventy- two countries including much of the Caribbean, Russia, and Africa. Among the more progressive countries, Canada stands out. The Charter of Rights and Freedoms, roughly equivalent to the American constitution, is interpreted to include sexual orienta- tion. All provinces and territories include sexual orientation in their provincial human rights codes as a protected group, and recognize same-sex relationships in family law, including the right to adopt children. These legislative changes followed initiatives already under way in many Canadian organizations. As early as the mid-1980s, labor unions were fighting nondiscrimination policies and negotiat- ing same-sex benefit packages in collective agreements, and these changes soon became the norm in many unionized and non-unionized organizations (Hunt and Eaton, 2007). By the time they were legislatively mandated to do so, most universities, colleges, and public sector organizations, as well as many in the private sector, had already moved toward inclusive policies and practices. Even though Canada has been a leader in challenging sexual orientation bias, it continues to lag in relation to transgender discrimination. Transgendered people have many fewer protections in law, and most organizations have yet to enact policies or other provisions that would extend a more welcoming environment for this group of workers. conclus Ions Of all the diversity challenges an organization faces, accommodation to sexuality differences remains the most contentious. Although there has been considerable accommodation to the LGBT minority in American organizations over the past two decades, this progress has Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace 151 produced a backlash by people and organizations that do not endorse or support these changes. As a result, there are contradictions and mixed messages in the response LGBT people receive to their demands for equity. This results in significant variation among local authorities, cities, states, countries and organizations. On the one hand, significant change has occurred. The majority of Americans support equal rights for LGBT minorities, and this is particularly true of younger Americans. A number of state and local governments prohibit employment discrimination. Increasingly, organizations take steps to curb heterosexual bias in their human resource policies and practices. Some com- panies go out of their way to provide a welcoming environment for their LGBT workers, and actively recruit within this community as part of their “finding-the-best-talent” human resource strategy. On the other hand, in some settings, there has been no change at all. It is still legally possible to discriminate based on sexual orientation and gender identity in many states. Some people and organizations fight assertively to prevent or overturn LGBT-positive measures, no matter how small. Many organizations passively comply with legal changes, but make no effort to create a safe and welcoming environment for LGBT minorities. In many ways, accommodating sexual diversity in the workplace acts as a litmus test for an organization’s acceptance of diversity in general. An organization that recognizes and acknowledges its sexual minorities is almost certain to do the same for its other minorities. Benchmark organizations with a broad based commitment to diversity accept the challenges and opportunities associated with their LGBT employees. These organizations discontinue discriminatory practices and alter human resource benefit policies to ensure that they are equal and fair for everyone. They include sexual diversity in training programs and recruit – ment strategies. Progressive, pro-diversity organizations make clear through their disciplinary policies and cultural messages that anti-LGBT behavior will not be tolerated any more than will sexist or racist behavior. No matter how you look at it, reforms for the LGBT minority in America are a moving target. In the main, each new year brings positive change, but the pace of change is slow and often highly contested. It is clear that within another decade most states and organizations may treat their LGBT constituents equally to their heterosexual counterparts, including the right to marry and with full equality in workplace and government-based benefits, but we are not there just yet. Points of Law Challenges to the constitutionality of the “Defense of Marriage Act” have been initiated in a number of states. An interesting example is Windsor v. United States . In December  2012, the Supreme Court agreed to hear a challenge from Edie Windsor, a lesbian who had  been in a long-term relationship with another woman, and had been married in Canada. When her partner died in 2007, the federal government taxed the inheritance, even though  a spouse who dies can leave her assets and incur no estate taxes. Clearly, she had been taxed because she was married to a same-sex partner. Whatever the Supreme Court decides will have reverberations throughout the country (Source : lgbt-rights/windsor-v-united-states-thea-edie-doma). G 152 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity Discussion Questions 1. What is meant by the terms “gender identity” and “gender expression” ? 2. Provide an example of some type of event that you have witnessed in your life that illustrates the con- tradictions and mixed messages that surround LGBT people in America. 3. Develop five key criteria that could be used for evaluating how much an organization is “gay-friendly” versus “anti-gay.” W Ritin G A SS iGnM ent Discuss (a) the challenges faced by an organization in creating an inclusive environment for LGBT people and (b) how they differ from the challenges it might face in creating an inclusive environment for other diversity categories such as race and disability. Bibliography Badgett, L. (2000). Money, myths, and change: The economic lives of lesbians and gay men . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bagley, C., & Tremblay, P. (1998). On the preva- lence of homosexuality and bisexuality, in a ran- dom community survey of 750 men aged 18–27. Journal of Homosexuality , 36(2). Bowman, K., & Foster, A. (2006). Attitudes about homosexuality and gay marriage . Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise. Buford, H. (2000). Understanding gay consumers. The Gay and Lesbian Review , VII(2), Spring. Gallup. (2013). Information obtained from www. in January 2013. HRC. (2013). Information obtained from www.hrc. org in January 2013. HRC. (2013a). Corporate Equity Index 2013: Rating American workplaces on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender equality . Washington, D.C.: Human Rights Campaign Foundation. Hunt, G., & Eaton, J. (2007). We are family: Labour responds to gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgen- der workers. In Hunt, G., and Rayside, D. (eds.), Equity, diversity and Canadian labour . Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Kinsey, A., et al. (1948). Sexual behavior in the human male . New York: Saunders. Knight, R. (2009). The Corporate Curtain: How companies are using views on homosexuality to punish their Christian employees. (Retrieved online September 9, 2009, from Pizer, J., et al. (2012). Evidence of persistent and pervasive workplace discrimination against LGBT people: The need for Federal Legisla – tion Prohibiting Discrimination and Providing for Equal Employment Benefits, Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review , 45(3). (Available at: http:// Wilcox, C., & Wolpert, R. (2000). Gay rights in the public sphere: Public opinion on gay rights . Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Yang, A. (1999). From wrongs to rights, 1973–1999: Public opinion on gay and lesbian Americans moves toward equality . Washington, D.C.: Policy Institute of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force. Sorting Through Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Issues in the American Workplace 153 Dive RS ity on the Web 1. Go to the following website: “GLOBE—Ford Gay, Lesbian or Bisexual Employees” 2. Read the sections called “Our Mission” and “Our History.” 3. What might account for Ford’s progressive position on LGBT issues? 4. Do you think all American organizations should be as LGBT-positive as Ford? Why/why not? 154 is t his s exual Harassment? carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita Instruct Ions Given the legal guidelines in the Points of Law box below, which of the following incidents are examples of sexual harassment? Explain the reasons for your answers and suggest how to solve the problem. 1. While teaching Gary how to run the new spreadsheet program on the computer, Lois, his supervisor, puts her hand on his shoulder. 2. Bob was a construction supervisor who picked on a slight male worker. He called him a sissy, said he was too small to work on construction, and made sexual gestures toward the employee. 3. Julie, the new secretary to the vice president of manufacturing, frequently has to go out into the plant as part of her job. Several of the machinists have been whistling at her and shouting off-color remarks as she passes through the shop. One of the other women in the company found Julie crying in the ladies’ room after such an incident. 4. Lewis, a manager at a fast-food chain had many teenage workers. He had a habit of hugging the male workers. Some reacted by telling him to “cut it out” but others were passive and although uncomfortable, said nothing. This prompted the female workers to gossip that the quieter teens must be gay. Points of Law The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s guidelines defines sexual harassment as follows: Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other physical and verbal contact of a sexual nature when it affects the terms of employment under one or more of the following conditions: such an activity is a condition for employment; such an activity is a condition of employment consequences such as promotion, dismissal, or salary increases; such an activity creates a hostile working environment. G Is This Sexual Harassment? 155 5. Jeanne’s boss, Tom, frequently asks her out for drinks after work. She goes because both are single and she enjoys his company. On one of these occasions, he asks her out to dinner for the following Saturday evening. 6. Steve’s boss, Cathy, frequently makes suggestive comments to him and has even suggested that they meet outside of the office. Although at first he ignored these remarks, recently he made it clear to her that he had a steady girlfriend and was not available. When she gave him his performance appraisal, much to his surprise, she cited him for not being a team p l ay e r. 7. Jackie received a call at work that her father died suddenly. When she went to tell her boss that she had to leave, she burst into tears. He put his arms around her and let her cry on his shoulder. A co-worker saw this and reported the situation to Human Resources. 8. Martin complained to his supervisor, Jacob, that a female co-worker, Tina, was touching him and making suggestive comments. Jacob reminded him how attractive Tina was and said that Martin should be flattered to receive such attention from such a “babe.” 9. It is well known at work that Anna is a lesbian. One of her co-workers, Caitlin, feels that Anna stands too close to her when they are in conversations and this makes her uncomfort- able because of Anna’s sexual orientation. 10. Joe, an elderly maintenance man, often makes suggestive comments to the young females in the office. His behavior has been reported to his supervisor several times but it is dismissed as, “Don’t be so sensitive, old Joe doesn’t mean any harm.” 156 Musical c hairs M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Instruct Ions 1. Form a group of four to six members and arrange your chairs in a circle. 2. Read the following passage to yourself: Fifty students reported for a class that had 35 student desk-chairs: 30 RH (Right Hand) and five LH (Left Hand). Fifteen RH students then volunteered to transfer to an honors section down the hall, thereby leaving everyone in the original class seated. After class, six RH students and one LH student reported their chairs were broken and needed replacing. Later that afternoon the honors instructor called saying that eight of the transfer students were not eligible for the honors class and were, therefore, returning to the original class. How many additional RH and LH desk-chairs did the original instructor need for his class? 3. Working as a group, come to a consensus on the answer to the question posed above. 4. Your instructor will provide further instructions on how your group will conduct the exercise. Musical Chairs 157 Dive RS ity on the Web Accommodating Challenges Under the ADA (Americans with Disabilities Act), employers may not discriminate in the hiring of persons with disabilities. Further, employers are required to provide reasonable accommoda – tions to enable individuals with disabilities to perform their jobs and communicate effectively. Note that tax incentives are provided for “qualified architectural and transportation barrier removal expenses.” The employer is not required, however, to provide accommodations primarily for personal use such as hearing aids and wheelchairs. Directions 1. Search the Internet for jobs and select two postings for jobs. Make them as different as possible: different types of jobs, different levels, different industries. 2. Try to select jobs for which you have some familiarity. 3. Your instructor will assign a physical challenge for each of your jobs. 4. Assume that someone with the physical challenge assigned to each of your jobs is by far the best-qualified candidate for the job. Research those disabilities, noting how many Americans are afflicted (web search: employment opportunities). 5. Devise accommodations appropriate for the challenge. Sources The Office of Disability Employment Policy, part of the U.S. Department of Labor, main – tains JAN (Job Accommodation Network), a valuable resource on work site accommodations: 158 Professor on Wheels: a c ase of Disability and Diversity Mark e. Moore East Carolina University caryl L. Martin St. Cloud University Dr. Derek Edwards is currently unemployed in the high demand field of Sport Management education, a field where colleges struggle to attract and retain qualified candidates. In spite of holding a doctorate, completing multiple internships, having several successful experiences in private sector consulting work, and receiving strong teaching reviews, he has struggled to get interviews. Fourteen years after completing his doctoral studies, it may finally be possible that Dr. Edwards obtains permanent academic employment. That decision is in the hands of Dean Jessop who struggles with advancing her diversity agenda but at the risk of antagonizing the college president and the faculty union. Dr. Edwards has Cerebral Palsy (CP), an affliction that affects the motor area of the brain resulting in coordination abnormalities. Approximately 8,000 U.S. babies and infants are diag- nosed with cerebral palsy every year (United Cerebral Palsy, 2012). Persons with cerebral palsy have physical abnormalities such as walking and talking which can be very debilitating. As result of CP, Dr. Edwards requires the use of a powered wheelchair and has discernible speech impairment. Because of the stigma attached to CP, the afflicted person is often perceived as incapable of being a contributing member of society (Peter & Lewis, 2005) and experiences great difficul- ties in obtaining employment (Lowman, West, & McMahon, 2005). According to the American Community Survey, the unemployment rate among persons with disabilities between the ages of 21 and 64 years was 69% in 2009 (Erickson, Lee, & von Schrader, 2010). In spite of the Americans with Disabilities (ADA) legislation, individuals with such disabilities often have restricted access to employment opportunities, especially jobs involving direct contact with potential clients, cus- tomers, students, or the public. In most instances, the names and institutions in this case have been changed to preserve confidentiality. Professor on Wheels: A Case of Disability and Diversity 159 Derek’s hI story formal education 1979–1980 Derek obtained a BS degree in Business Administration in economics from Kent State University and an MBA from the University of Pittsburgh. He then applied to the doc – toral program in Sport Management at Pitt where the admissions committee expressed serious reservations about his employability because sport management positions are typically given to able-bodied former athletes and coaches. A member of the committee however, emphasized that Derek’s athletic participation was in adaptive sports. Since Derek’s goal was to become a college professor, he also began a program of speech therapy which improved his intelligibility by 30%. As part of the doctoral program, Derek completed internships with the U.S. Football League’s Pittsburgh Maulers and Pitt’s Sports Information Office and wrote a dissertation titled the “Internal Marketing Effectiveness of Major Collegiate Football Programs.” His Ph.D. was completed in 1987. the academic Job search . . . 1988–1991 Although highly qualified in terms of education and experience, Derek received numerous academic job rejections and instead worked as an independent consultant. Eventually, he was hired as a market researcher by the Pittsburgh Pirates. During the 1989  season, the team’s performance improved, the new marketing strategies were implemented and record attendance was achieved. In April of 1990, due to budget cuts, Derek lost his position with the Pirates. About the same time, he heard through the Pirates Senior Business Officer, Mike Bertram, that Ohio’s Woods State University (WSU) was interested in him but had concerns about his speech impairment. Bertram emphasized that Derek’s speech was intelligible, that he could supplement his lectures with visual aids and also possessed an excellent work ethic, but Derek did not get the job. 1991–1996 Derek applied for post doctoral fellowships (non permanent positions) at univer – sities in Ohio, North Carolina, Illinois, and Pennsylvania and accepted a two-year fellowship at Temple University’s nationally ranked program in Sport Management and Leisure Studies. The department had two professional tracks: sport and recreation management and therapeutic rec – reation (TR). The latter involved the application of recreation as a therapeutic intervention for persons with disabilities and other special populations. Dr. Ken Tarp, chair of the department and a leading TR scholar, had a long-standing record of advocating for individuals with disabilities. Dr. Edward’s initial duties were lecturing to sport management and TR students and shadowing Dr. Pam Bono, a leading scholar in the field who was appointed as his mentor. In addition, Derek assisted the athletic department with the marketing of the football and bas – ketball programs. He mentored former Turkish long-distance runner Dogang Nadir with her doctoral dissertation and served as a research consultant to the Temple Leisure Network. His duties expanded in the second year to include teaching when he was offered a contract teach – ing (nonpermanent) position in sport marketing. He used a voice synthesizer in class with slides, and handouts to supplement his lectures. Students and faculty spoke highly of him and as rumors spread that Dr. Bono was considering leaving Temple, Derek was identified as her potential replacement. Dr. Bono however, decided to remain and with his fellowship ending, Derek remained at Temple as a volunteer mentor. He applied for faculty appointments in Ohio and North Carolina and in Pennsylvania where Chesten University was seeking a sport-marketing professor. Soon after applying, Derek received 160 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity a phone call asking for Dr. Edwards. When Derek replied, “speaking”, the caller responded, “I  must have the wrong number” and hung up. When Derek told Dr. Bono about this strange phone call, she offered to call the search committee chair at Chesten. He confirmed to Dr. Bono that he called Derek and was unaware that his speech disability was so severe. By 1996, Derek still had not found gainful academic employment and returned to market research consulting. He also met with a staff attorney, Edgar Thoms, from the Brotherly Law Project for Persons with Disabilities, to discuss the difficulties he had finding a teaching position. Thoms became interested in Derek’s communication with Chesten explaining that the university had historically discriminated against persons with disabilities. Edgar offered to explore with colleagues whether the organization could file a complaint against Chesten under Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act. Points of Law Title I of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) applies to organizations with 15 or more employees. It mandates that no organization shall discriminate against a qualified individual with a mental or physical disability who can perform the essential job functions with or without a reasonable accommodation. (Dean & Randolph, 2011) The rehabilitation act of 1973 (amended in 1978, 1992) would also apply to the Edwards’ case. This law requires organizations receiving federal funds not to discriminate against persons with disabilities in employment situations. (Whitney-Thomas & Timmons, 1999) G Thoms recommended that Derek request that his references remove any content about his disabilities from their letters of recommendations. Dr. Tarp indicated that he had removed this from his recommendations once Derek demonstrated his teaching abilities at Temple. Again upbeat about his potential job prospects, Derek interviewed for jobs in Ohio and New York, but experienced more rejections. 1997–2001 In 1997, Derek accepted a grant-funded position at Harcum Junior College in Pennsylvania as Co-Program Director of the Health Career Opportunity Program (HCOP). At Harcum, Derek performed well and also co-authored an article on teaching students with dis – abilities. Interviews at universities in New York and Michigan brought no offers of employment and Derek remained at Harcum. In 1998, the EEOC found that Chesten University had discriminated against Derek. The investigation determined that the search committee interviewed less qualified candidates for the sport management position and did not invite Derek for the interview solely based upon the brief phone contact with the chair of the search committee. EEOC was willing to sue the institu- tion and in conjunction with preparing for the court date, Derek continued to seek an academic position and interviewed in Maryland and North Carolina. Two days into the trial of Edwards vs. Chesten, the University negotiated an out-of-court financial settlement. technology presents opportunities . . . In 1999, Derek became depressed from the many failed job searches and other issues in his personal life. Finally, the Director of Sport Management at Michigan Center University (MCU) reported that her institution had a faculty opportunity and she encouraged him to apply. Anxiously, he applied to MCU and also started teaching part-time for the online business administration program at Riverlyn College in Wisconsin. In May of 2000, Derek travelled to MCU for a four-day visit. After the interviews, the search committee recommended that Dr. Edwards be hired but the department chair did not agree and the university did not extend an offer of employment. Although disappointed with this outcome, adjunct teaching opportunities in traditional and online settings were increasing for Derek. Harcum College hired him to teach an introduc- tory statistics course and he travelled to Chicago to receive advanced training at a leading online institution. Additionally, Capital University of North Carolina followed through with their ini- tial proposal and hired Derek to develop an online graduate sport-marketing course. January 2001–June 2001 Derek decided to concentrate his efforts in online teaching. Meanwhile, he applied for a National Institutes of Health (NIH) funded position at Varsity Tech University (VTU) that involved the assessment of the accessibility of new communi – cation technology for individuals with speech and hearing impairments. This position had a caveat that VTU would make a serious effort to employ a person with a disability for the job. Since Derek had successfully performed formative and summative assessment assignments at Harcum, he felt that he had the required skills to be considered a serious candidate. While he waited to learn whether VTU would offer him an interview, Derek learned of an opportunity in Minnesota. The interim director of the Sport Management program at Sterns City University (SCU) had been removed from his position due to student complaints about his erratic peda – gogical behavior and teaching ineffectiveness. sterns cIty unIVers Ity SCU’s sport management program now began a search for a qualified faculty member to fill the vacated position to direct this program. The head wom – en’s basketball coach at SCU was hired as the new sport management program director for the 2001–2002 academic year. Faculty were happy to have her in this capacity and felt good about the future direction of SCU’s Sport Management. However, since her basketball team was competing for a national championship, she decided to remain in coaching and not become a full-time faculty member. Increasing faculty/staff diversity at Sterns City University was a priority since Dean Michelle Jessop’s hiring in the College of Education where the number of minorities increased significantly. In the fall of 2000, Dean Jessop held a retreat focusing on how the college could actively recruit members of protected groups for positions. The retreat created a social justice and diversity theme throughout the college. Subsequently, the dean appointed faculty member George Lesley as director of the new Office of Diversity. However, Dean Jessop was not without professional challenges. She was being sued by faculty members for anti-Semitism and also for age discrimination. Dean Jessop knew that proactive measures were needed to achieve her social justice and diversity goals. In March of 2001, the search committee distributed a brochure advertising the position and promoting SCU’s commitment to employment diversity. At Temple University, Dr. Bono immediately thought of Dr. Edwards. She told him about the advertised position and offered to Professor on Wheels: A Case of Disability and Diversity 161 162 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity phone SCU on his behalf. She called SCU and discussed Derek’s qualifications with the search chair who agreed to contact Derek. With Dr. Bono’s encouragement, Derek submitted an appli- cation and received a follow-up affirmative action form. He completed the form describing his disability conditions. In the meantime, the faculty search committee at SCU continued their pursuit of sport management candidates and met with the Director of the Office of Diversity to analyze the “pros and cons” of having Dr. Edwards as a faculty colleague. The Director sched- uled two sessions to discuss Dean Jessop’s mission of creating a more diverse faculty that better represented society. An invitation was extended to Derek and another candidate for campus interviews and to make presentations on how to advance the sport management programs at SCU. Carefully “prep- ping” for the presentation, Derek integrated PowerPoint slides and a voice synthesizer. Prior to the campus visit, the chair called Edwards to inquiry about his housing needs in an attempt to accommodate Derek should he relocate to Minnesota. Upon arriving at the interview, the com- mittee informed Derek that the other candidate had withdrawn. However, the search committee emphasized that their priority was to hire the right person regardless of how long it took. Derek met with Dean Jessop, the Dean of the Graduate School, the Athletic and Recreation staff, the Associate Dean of the College of Business and the Director of Graduate Media Communications as these two later disciplines could be important allies in the development of a strong sport management program. In the meeting with the search committee, the Director of the Diversity Office emphasized that Dr. Edward’s speech is as intelligible as most current SCU faculty with foreign dialects. The next scheduled meeting was with the faculty, staff, and students as a whole. Expecting light attendance because this was during the summer when fewer faculty members are on campus, the search chair and Derek were both surprised to arrive at a well-attended session. Derek’s presentation was well received. The department chair assured Derek that diversity was a priority at the University and cited the hiring of an Associate Dean who openly acknowledged her homosexuality prior to receiving the job offer, as evidence of this commitment. Dean Jessop informed Derek of the fac- ulty’s recommendation to hire him emphasizing however, that she would make the final decision on his status in consultation with President Richard Yoshikawa. Dean Jessop was leaning toward finalizing the hiring of Dr. Edwards when President Yoshikawa and the Head of the Faculty Association contacted her with concerns about Derek’s physical capabilities. Unfortunately, after losing his grievance to regain his academic position, the ousted interim Sport Management director decided that he wanted to remain in sport man- agement and was using the severity of Derek’s disability to support his intention. As an active union member, he solicited support from the Faculty Association. the Decision . . . Will Dean Jessop hire Derek? While she definitely does not want to be antagonistic toward the faculty or toward President Yoshikawa, the dean definitely does want to advance her agenda of diversity while creating a quality sport management program. As she decides whether or not to support the hiring of Dr. Edwards, disappointing news circulates that her Associate Dean is resigning to accept an appointment on the faculty. With the loss of a key diverse member of her leadership team, Dean Jessop has serious concerns that her long-held goal of establishing the College of Education as the most inclusive unit on campus is in jeopardy because there are forces pressuring her to hire Derek and forces pressuring her not to do so. Discussion Questions 1. How can it be possible that someone with the qualifications and experience of Dr. Edwards still en- counters such difficulties in obtaining employment today? 2. As a student, would you sign up for a class with Dr. Edwards? Why or why not? What concerns might you have? 3. What challenges might the university face if Dr. Edwards is hired? What challenges might Dr. Edwards face? 4. How do some of the new technological advances in education, such as online courses, benefit both teachers and students with physical challenges, learning disabilities, etc.? Be specific. 5. List the advantages and disadvantages of hiring Dr. Edwards from the perspectives of a. students b. SCU President Richard Yoshikawa c. SCU Sport Management program 6. Imagine you are Dean Jessop and have the ability to make the final decision on the hiring of Dr. Edwards: a. Why is hiring a faculty member from an underrepresented group an important aspect of your diversity plan? b. How is your diversity goal impacted by the resignation of the associate dean? c. As dean, what are your specific options regarding the sport management position? d. If you hire Dr. Edwards, what are the professional risks to you as dean? e. If you don’t hire Dr. Edwards, what are the professional risks to you as dean? f. Are Dr. Edwards’ challenges in becoming a college professor relevant to your decision? Please explain. g. If you were Dean Jessop, would you hire Dr. Edwards? Professor on Wheels: A Case of Disability and Diversity 163 164 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity WRitin G ASS iGnMent a. Have you ever really looked at a public building to determine if it is truly accessible? Choose a campus building and prepare a one-page memo detailing the building’s features: • How many doors are accessible to wheelchairs? • Are the restrooms accessible (take measurements—do not always believe the posted signs). • If there is a fire in a multifloor building and the elevators are shut down, how will persons in wheelchairs get out of the building? • Could a person in a wheelchair get across a campus in the time allocated to move from one class to another and not be late? • Should a person in a wheelchair just avoid scheduling back-to-back classes or take all of their classes online? B. Colleges may not want or may not be financially able (especially if budgets are very tight) to provide all the accommodations necessary to hire or recruit faculty/students with disabilities. Accommodations that could be needed would include things such as remodeling facilities, providing wheelchair access to old buildings, or funding extra assistive personnel. If this is the case and funding is not available, should the college disclose these limita- tions to faculty and students with disabilities? This university employs more than 15 people, so it is reasonable to believe that a university could have become accessible. References Dean Bennett, A. A., & Randolph, S. E. (2011). Is everyone disabled under the ADA? An analy- sis of the recent amendments and guidance for employers. Employee Relations Law Journal , 36(4), 3–14. Goffman, Erving. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Konrad, A. M., Moore, M. E., Doherty, A. J., Ng, E., & Breward, K. (2012). Vocational statuses and perceived well being of Workers with Disabili- ties. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion, An Inter – national Journal , 31(2), 100–123. Konrad, A. M., Moore, M. E., Ng, E., Doherty, A. J., & Breward, K. (2012). Temporary work, underemployment, and workplace accommo- dations: Relationship to well being for workers with disabilities. British Journal of Management , September, 2013, vol. 24, issue #3, pp. 367–382. Lowman, D., West, S. L., & McMahon, B. T. (2005). Workplace discrimination and Americans with cerebral palsy: The national EEOC ADA research project. Journal of Vocational Rehabili – tation , 23(3), 171–177. Moore, M. E., Konrad, A. M., & Hunt, J. (2010). A vision boosts the impact of top management support on the employment of workers with disabilities: The case of sport management in the USA. Equality, Diversity and Inclusion. An International Journal , 29(6), 609–626. Moore, M. E., Konrad, A. M., Yang, Y., Ng, E., & Doherty, A. J. (2011). The vocational well- being of workers with childhood onset of dis – ability. Journal of Vocational Behavior , 79(3), 681–698. Moore, M. E., & Parkhouse, B. L. (2006). Structural equation model of female representation in the managerial hierarchy of recreation and sport organizations. International Journal of Sport Management , 7(2), 194–205. Stone, D. L., & Colella, A. (1996). A model of fac- tors affecting the treatment of disabled individ- uals in organizations. Academy of Management Review , 21, 352–401. Whitney-Thomas, J., & Timmons, J. (1999). Expand – ing access: Changes in Vocational Rehabilitation Practice Since the 1992 Rehabilitation Act. Reha – bilitation Counseling Bulletin , 43(1), 30. Dive RS ity on the Web 1. Search for a sport management faculty opening in higher education. Compare Derek’s credentials to the requirements of the position. For starters, search the following site by clicking on the faculty link, then click on sport management. An alternative would be to search the following site using the search term: sport management. 2. Locate at least 5 national organizations that provide services for people with disabilities. Of those, one should be employment-related. What resources are available through the organization that could help those with disabilities find viable employment? For starters, search the site that follows for organizations assisting job seekers with disabilities. Provide three examples of how adaptive technology can be used to help persons with disabili – ties function in the workplace. Name at least five organizations supplying adaptive technology services. Which disability types are they designed to assist? For starters, search the site that follows to locate adaptive technology sources. Professor on Wheels: A Case of Disability and Diversity 165 166 t he c racker Barrel r estaurants John Howard King’s College London Discrimination against lesbians and gays is common in the workplace. Sole proprietors, man – aging partners, and corporate personnel officers can and often do make hiring, promoting, and firing decisions based on an individual’s real or perceived sexual orientation. Lesbian and gay job applicants are turned down and lesbian and gay employees are passed over for promotion or even fired by employers who view homosexuality as somehow detrimental to job performance or harmful to the company’s public profile. Such discrimination frequently results from the per – sonal biases of individual decision makers. It is rarely written into company policy and thus is difficult to trace. However, in January 1991, Cracker Barrel Old Country Store, Inc., a chain of family restaurants, became the first and only major American corporation in recent memory to expressly prohibit the employment of lesbians and gays in its operating units. A nationally publicized boycott followed, with demonstrations in dozens of cities and towns. The controversy would not be resolved until a decade later. In the interim, Cracker Barrel would also face several charges of racism from both its employees and customers—suggesting that corporate bias against one cultural group may prove a useful predictor of bias against others. the coM pany: a Br Ief hI story of cracker Barrel Dan Evins founded Cracker Barrel in 1969 in his hometown of Lebanon, Tennessee, 40 miles east of Nashville. Evins, a 34-year-old ex-Marine sergeant and oil jobber, decided to take advantage of the traffic on the nearby interstate highway and open a gas station with a restaurant and gift shop. Specializing in down-home cooking at low prices, the restaurant was immediately profitable. Evins began building Cracker Barrel stores throughout the region, gradually phasing out gasoline sales. By 1974, he owned a dozen restaurants. Within five years of going public in 1981, Cracker Barrel doubled its number of stores and quadrupled its revenues: In 1986, there were 47 Cracker Barrel restaurants with net sales of $81 million. Continuing to expand aggressively, the chain again grew to twice its size and nearly quadrupled its revenues during the next 5 years. By the end of the fiscal year, August 2, 1991, Cracker Barrel operated over 100 stores, almost all located along the interstate highways of the Southeast and, increasingly, the Midwest. Revenues exceeded $300 million. Employing roughly 10,000 nonunionized workers, Cracker Barrel ranked well behind such mammoth family chains as Denny’s and Big Boy in total sales, but led all U.S. family chains in sales per operating unit for both 1990 and 1991. As of 1991, Cracker Barrel was a well-recognized corporate success story, known for its effective, centralized, but authoritarian leadership. From its headquarters, Cracker Barrel maintained uniformity in its store designs, menu offerings, and operating procedures. Travelers The Cracker Barrel Restaurants 167 and local customers dining at any Cracker Barrel restaurant knew to expect a spacious, homey atmosphere; an inexpensive, country-style meal; and a friendly, efficient staff. All were guar – anteed by Dan Evins, who remained as president, chief executive officer, and chairman of the board. the pol Icy: no les BI an or Gay eM ployees In early January 1991, managers in the roughly 100 Cracker Barrel operating units received a communiqué from the home office in Lebanon. The personnel policy memorandum from William Bridges, vice president of human resources, declared that Cracker Barrel was “founded upon a concept of traditional American values.” As such, it was deemed “inconsistent with our concept and values and . . . with those of our customer base, to continue to employ individu – als . . . whose sexual preferences fail to demonstrate normal heterosexual values which have been the foundation of families in our society.” Throughout the chain, individual store managers, acting on orders of corporate offi – cials, began conducting brief, one-on-one interviews with their employees to see if any were in violation of the new policy. Cheryl Summerville, a cook in the Douglasville, Georgia, store for 3½  years, asked if she were a lesbian, knew she had to answer truthfully. She felt she owed that to her partner of 10 years. Despite a history of consistently high performance evaluations, Summerville was fired on the spot, without warning and without severance pay. Her official separation notice, filled out by the manager and filed with the state department of labor, clearly indicated the reason for her dismissal: “This employee is being terminated due to violation of company policy. The employee is gay.” Cracker Barrel fired as many as 16 other employees across several states in the following months. These workers, mostly waiters, were left without any legal recourse. Lesbian and gay antidiscrimination statutes were in effect in Massachusetts and Wisconsin and in roughly 80 U.S. cities and counties, but none of the firings occurred in those jurisdictions. Federal civil rights laws, the employees learned, did not cover discrimination based on sexual orientation. Under pressure from a variety of groups, the company issued a statement in late February 1991. In it, Cracker Barrel management said, “We have re-visited our thinking on the subject and feel it only makes good business sense to continue to employ those folks who will provide the quality service our customers have come to expect.” The recent personnel policy had been a “well-intentioned over-reaction.” Cracker Barrel pledged to deal with any future disruptions in its units “on a store-by-store basis.” Activists charged that the statement did not represent a retraction of the policy, as some company officials claimed. None of the fired employees had been rehired, activists noted, and none had been offered severance pay. Moreover, on February 27, just days after the statement, Dan Evins reiterated the company’s antagonism toward nonhet- erosexual employees in a rare interview with a Nashville newspaper. Lesbians and gays, he said, would not be employed in more rural Cracker Barrel locations if their presence was viewed to cause problems in those communities. the Boycott: queer nat Ionals Versus Goo D ol ’ Boys The next day, when news of Cracker Barrel employment policies appeared in The Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and Los Angeles Times , investment analysts expressed surprise. “I look on [Cracker Barrel executives] as pretty prudent business people,” said one market watcher. “These guys are not fire-breathing good ol’ boys.” Unconvinced, lesbian and gay activists called 168 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity for a nationwide boycott of Cracker Barrel restaurants and began a series of demonstrations that attracted extensive media coverage. The protest movement was coordinated by the Atlanta chapter of Queer Nation, which Cheryl Summerville joined as co-chair with Lynn Cothren, an official with the Martin Luther King, Jr. Center for Non-Violent Social Change. Committed to nonviolent civil disobedience, lesbian and gay activists and supporters staged pickets and sit-ins at various Cracker Barrel loca- tions, often occupying an entire restaurant during peak lunch hours, ordering only coffee. Protesters were further angered and spurred on by news in June from Mobile, Alabama. A 16-year-old Cracker Barrel employee had been fired for effeminate mannerisms and subse – quently was thrown out of his home by his father. Demonstrations continued throughout the summer of 1991, spreading from the Southeast to the Midwest stores. Arrests were made at dem- onstrations in the Detroit area; Cothren and Summerville were among several people arrested for criminal trespass at both the Lithonia and Union City, Georgia, stores. Reporters and politi- cians dubbed Summerville the “Rosa Parks of the movement,” after the civil rights figure whose arrest sparked the Montgomery, Alabama Bus Boycott of 1955–1956. Support for the Cracker Barrel boycott grew, as organizers further charged the company with racism and sexism. Restaurant gift shops, they pointed out, sold Confederate flags, black mammy dolls, and other offensive items. The Cracker Barrel board of directors, they said, was indeed a good ol’ boy network, made up exclusively of middle-aged and older white men. In addition, there was only one female in the ranks of upper management. Among the numer – ous groups that joined in support of the protests were the National Organization for Women (NOW); Jobs with Justice, a coalition of labor unions; the National Rainbow Coalition, founded by Reverend Jesse Jackson; and the American Association of Public Health Workers. By early 1992, Summerville and Cothren had appeared on the television talk shows “Larry King Live” and “The Oprah Winfrey Show.” The two were also featured in a segment on ABC’s “20/20,” after which Barbara Walters declared that she would refuse to eat at Cracker Barrel restaurants the resolut Ion: neW york atte M pts to force chan Ge Meanwhile, New York City comptroller, Elizabeth Holtzman, and finance commissioner, Carol O’Cleiracain, at the urging of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, wrote a letter to Dan Evins, dated March 12, 1991. As trustees of various city pension funds, which owned about $3 million in Cracker Barrel stock, they were “concerned about the potential negative impact on the company’s sales and earnings which could result from adverse public reaction.” They asked for a “clear statement” of the company’s policy regarding employment and sexual orien – tation, as well as a description of “what remedial steps, if any, [had] been taken by the company respecting the employees dismissed.” Evins replied in a letter of March 19 that the policy had been rescinded and that there had been “no negative impact on the company’s sales.” Unsatisfied, the City of New York officials wrote back, again inquiring as to the status of the fired workers. They also asked that the com- pany put forth a policy that “would provide unequivocally” that discrimination based on sexual orientation was prohibited. Evins never responded. Shortly thereafter, Queer Nation launched a “buy one” campaign. Hoping to gain addi – tional leverage in company decision making, activists became stockholders by purchasing single shares of Cracker Barrel common stock. At the least, they reasoned, the company would suffer from the relative expense of mailing and processing numerous one-cent quarterly dividend The Cracker Barrel Restaurants 169 checks. More importantly, they could attend the annual stockholders meeting in Lebanon, Tennessee. In November 1991, company officials successfully prevented the new shareholders from participating in the annual meeting, and they used a court injunction to block protests at the corporate complex. Nonetheless, demonstrators lined the street, while inside, a representative of the New York City comptroller’s office announced the submission of a resolution “banning employment discrimination against gay and lesbian men and women,” to be voted on at the next year’s meeting. The resolution was endorsed by the Philadelphia Municipal Retirement System, another major stockholder. Cracker Barrel refused any further public comment on the issue. the effect: no Decl Ine In corporate Gro W th The impact of the boycott on the corporate bottom line was negligible. Trade magazines reiter – ated the company’s claim that neither sales nor stock price had been negatively affected. Indeed, net sales remained strong, up 33% at fiscal year-end 1992 to $400 million, owing in good part to continued expansion: There were now 127 restaurants in the chain. Though the increase in same- store sales was not as great as the previous year, Cracker Barrel at least could boast growth, whereas other chains blamed flat sales on the recession. Cracker Barrel stock, trading on the NASDAQ exchange, appreciated 18% during the first month after news of the scandal broke, and the stock remained strong throughout the next fiscal year, splitting three-for-two in the third quarter. Dan Evins had good reason to believe that the firings and the boycott had not adversely impacted profitability. One market analyst said that “the feedback they get from their customers might be in favor of not hiring homosexuals.” Another even ventured that “it’s plausible . . . the majority of Cracker Barrel’s local users support an explicit discriminatory policy.” Such speculation was bolstered by social science surveys indicating that respondents from the South and from rural areas in particular tended to be less tolerant of homosexuality than were other Americans. Queer Nationals looked to other measures of success, claiming at least partial victory in the battle. Many customers they met at picket lines and inside restaurants vowed to eat elsewhere. Coalitions were formed with a variety of civil rights, women’s, labor, and peace and justice orga- nizations. Most importantly, the media attention greatly heightened national awareness of the lack of protections for lesbians and gays on the job. As the boycott continued, increasing num- bers of states, counties, and municipalities passed legislation designed to prevent employment discrimination based on sexual orientation. the stan Doff: olD anta Gon IsM s, neW alle Gat Ions As the November 1992 annual meeting approached, Cracker Barrel requested that the Securities and Exchange Commission make a ruling on the resolution offered by the New York pension fund administrators. The resolution, according to Cracker Barrel, amounted to shareholder intrusion into the company’s ordinary business operations. As such, it should be excluded from consideration at the annual meeting and excluded from proxy ballots sent out before the meet – ing. The SEC agreed, despite previous rulings in which it had allowed stockholder resolutions regarding race- or gender-based employment bias. Acknowledging that frivolous stockholder inquiries had to be curtailed, the dissenting SEC commissioner nonetheless expressed great dismay: “To claim that the shareholders, as owners of the corporation, do not have a legitimate interest in management-sanctioned discrimination against employees defies logic.” A noted legal scholar warned of the dangerous precedent that 170 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity had been set: “Ruling an entire area of corporate activity (here, employee relations) off limits to moral debate effectively disenfranchises shareholders.” Thus, the standoff continued. Queer Nation and its supporters persisted in the boycott. The Cracker Barrel board of directors and, with one exception, upper management remained all- white, all-male bastions. Lynn Cothren, Cheryl Summerville, and the other protesters arrested in Lithonia, Georgia, were acquitted on charges of criminal trespass. Jurors ruled that the protest- ers’ legitimate reasons for peaceably demonstrating superseded the company’s rights to deny access or refuse service. Charges stemming from the Union City, Georgia, demonstrations were subsequently dropped. Meanwhile, within weeks of the original policy against lesbian and gay employees, Cracker Barrel vice president for human resources, William Bridges, had left the company. Cracker Barrel declined comment on the reasons for his departure. Lesbian and gay activists’ charge of racism at Cracker Barrel seemed to be borne out over time. In the year 2000, a local human rights commission awarded $5,000 in damages to a black employee in Kentucky after she suffered racial and religious bias in the scheduling of shifts. Months later, the NAACP joined a group of employees and former employees in a class- action lawsuit against Cracker Barrel, alleging that the company repeatedly discriminated against African Americans in hiring, promotions, and firing practices. African-American workers fur- ther were said to have received less pay, to have been given inferior terms and conditions of employment, and to have been subjected to racial epithets and racist jokes, including one told by Dan Evins. In a second suit filed by the NAACP, along with 42 customers, and supported by over 400 witnesses, Cracker Barrel was accused of repeatedly offering better, faster, segregated seating to whites and inferior service to blacks. A similar case was filed by 23 African Americans in Little Rock a year later. the outco M e: pol Icy reVersals As of 2002, Cracker Barrel’s annual net sales surpassed two billion dollars. The company still had not issued a complete retraction of its employment policy with regard to sexual orientation, and those employees fired back in 1991 had never been offered their old jobs back. In con – trast, for a year’s work, Chairman Dan Evins regularly pulled in over a million dollars in salary, bonus, awards, and stock options. A total of 14 states and the District of Columbia offered protections for lesbians and gays on the job, both in the public and private sectors. With over 400 restaurants in 41 states, Cracker Barrel now operated in 11 of those jurisdictions with protections: California, Connecticut, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin. (The other states with antidiscrimination statutes were Hawaii, Nevada, and Vermont.) Expansion had taken the company into areas even less receptive to employment discrimination. As one business editor had correctly predicted, “Cracker Barrel [wa]sn’t going to be in the South and Midwest forever. Eventually they w[ould] have to face the issue—like it or not.” In 1998, the SEC reversed itself, allowing the New York City Employees’ Retirement System to again offer a shareholder resolution, which was defeated yet again and again. By 2002, however, the tide was turning. In its proxy statement sent out in advance of the annual meet – ing, the Cracker Barrel board of directors still recommended that stockholders vote against the proposal. “[A]ny attempt to name all possible examples of prohibited discrimination other than those . . . specifically prohibited by federal law,” it said, “would result in a long list” that was nei- ther “appropriate” nor “necessary.” The Cracker Barrel Restaurants 171 But shareholders were ready to defy the board. After 58 percent voted in support of the proposal in an informal vote, the board members unanimously agreed to add the category of sexual orientation to its equal employment opportunities policy. the proposal: feDeral leGI slat Ion In 36 states it is perfectly legal to fire workers because they are gay—or straight. For example, a Florida bar owner decided to newly target a lesbian and gay clientele and so fired the entire heterosexual staff. Queer activists boycotted, and the bar eventually was forced out of business. Still, in most American jurisdictions, employment discrimination based on sexual orientation remains a constant threat. The vast majority of Americans, 80%, tell pollsters that lesbians and gays should have equal rights in terms of job opportunities. In every region including the South, among both Democrats and Republicans, solid majorities support federal legislation to remedy the situation. Nonetheless, despite several close votes in Congress, the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, or ENDA, has yet to be passed into law. Although there are no federal laws to prevent discrimination based on sexual orientation, protections do exist for workers on the basis of religion, gender, national origin, age, disability, and race. Still, as the NAACP and other lawsuits against Cracker Barrel demonstrate, federal legislation does not ensure corporate compliance. Aggrieved parties and their supporters often must invest years of their lives in protest and litigation simply to achieve the equal treatment ostensibly guaranteed in the American marketplace. Even after the terms race and sexual orien – tation have been added to policy statements, broader cultural transformations will be required before these added burdens are removed from the shoulders of workers already greatly disadvan- taged in our society. Discussion Questions 1. Discuss the factors that make it more difficult to establish workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation than discrimination based on race? 2. Do chain restaurant operations, which prize uniformity—and thus reliability—in store design, products, and operating procedures, require uniformity of personnel policies? Were the regional variations that Dan Evins proposed on February 27, 1991, a viable corporate strategy? Why or why not? 3. How does the Cracker Barrel case support or challenge the notion that federal legislation is warranted to stop employment discrimination based on sexual orientation? 4. Why are particular retail products, for example, inanimate objects such as mammy dolls, perceived to be racist? 5. Which areas of corporate activity should be open to broader scrutiny through shareholder resolu- tions? How much stake in the company should a shareholder have in order to present a resolution? 6. If a controversial corporate policy is reversed only after a decade of defiance, how should the com- pany’s public relations officers present the change to the media? 172 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity Bibliography Atlanta Journal-Constitution , 6, 11 July 1993; 2, 3 April 1992; 29 March 1992; 4, 18, 20 January 1992; 9 June 1991; 3, 4, 5 March 1991. Carlino, B. (1991, December 16). Cracker Barrel profits surge despite recession. Nation’s Restau – rant News , 14. . (1991, April 1). Cracker Barrel stocks, sales weather gay-rights dispute. Nation’s Restaurant News , 14. CBRL Group, Inc. Annual Reports, 2002, 2001. . Notice of Annual Meeting of Shareholders to be held on Tuesday, November 26, 2002. 30 October 2002. Cracker Barrel Old Country Store, Inc. Annual Reports, 1999, 1996, 1992, 1991, 1990. . Notice of Annual Meeting of Shareholders to be held on Tuesday, November 26, 1996. 25 October 1996. . Third Quarter Report, 30 April 1993. . Second Quarter Report, 29 January 1993. . First Quarter Report, 30 October 1992. . Securities and Exchange Commission Form 10-K, 1992. . Securities and Exchange Commission Form 10-K, 1991. Cheney, K. (1992, July 22). Old-fashioned ideas fuel Cracker Barrel’s out-of-sight sales growth and profit increases. Restaurants & Institutions , 108. Chicago Tribune , 5 April 1991. Cracker Barrel Hit by Anti-Bias Protests. (1992, April 13). Nation’s Restaurant News , 2. Cracker Barrel sued for rampant racial discrimina- tion in employment. (1999, October 5). NAACP press release. Cracker Barrel’s emphasis on quality a hit with travelers. (1991, April 3). Restaurants & Institutions , 24. Dahir, M.S. (1992, June). Coming out at the Barrel. The Progressive , 14. Documented cases of job discrimination based on sexual orientation. (1995). Washington, DC: Human Rights Campaign. Farkas, D. Kings of the road. (1991, August). Restaurant Hospitality , 118–22. Galst, L. (1992, May 19). Southern activists rise up. The Advocate , 54–57. Greenberg, D. (1988). The construction of homosexuality . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Gutner, T. (1993, April 27). Nostalgia sells. Forbes , 102–3. Harding, R. (1991, July 16). Nashville NAACP head stung by backlash from boycott support. The Advocate , 27. . (1991, April 9). Activists still press Tennes- see eatery firm on anti-gay job bias. The Advo – cate , 17. Hayes, J. (1991, August 26). Cracker Barrel protesters don’t shake loyal patrons. N a t i o n’s Restaurant News , 3, 57. . (1991, March 4). Cracker Barrel comes under fire for ousting gays. Nation’s Restaurant News , 1, 79. Investors protest Cracker Barrel proxy plan. (1992, November). Nation’s Restaurant News , 2, 14. Larry King Live . CNN television, aired 2 December 1991. Lexington-Fayette Urban County Human Rights Commission. (2000, August 2). Press Release: Lexington woman awarded $5,000 in discrimina – tion case against Cracker Barrel. Retrieved from Release%20080200.htm Los Angeles Times , 28 February 1991. New York Times , 25 June 1999; 11 November 1992; 22 October 1992; 9 April 1992; 20 March 1991; 28 February 1991. Oprah Winfrey Show . Syndicated television, aired January 1992. Queer Nation. (n.d.). Documents on the Cracker Barrel Boycott. N.p. San Diego Union-Tribune, 30 July 2003. SEC upholds proxy ruling. (1993, February 8). Pensions & Investments , 28. Star, M.G. (1992, October 26). SEC policy reversal riles activist groups. Pensions & Investments , 33. The (Nashville) Te n n e s s e a n , 27 February 1991. The Cracker Barrel Restaurants 173 20/20 . ABC television, aired 29 November 1991. Walkup, C. (1991, August 5). Family chains beat recession blues with value, service. N a t i o n’s Restaurant News , 100, 104. Wall Street Journal , 9 March 1993; 2 February 1993; 26 January 1993; 28 February 1991. Washington Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights and Urban Affairs. (2003, July 30). Press Release: 23 African American patrons file lawsuit against Cracker Barrel Restaurants for civil rights violations. Retrieved from news/releases/073003.htm Wildmoon, K.C. (1992, December 10). QN members allowed to attend Cracker Barrel stockholder’s meeting. Southern Voice , 3. . (1992, October 22). Securities and Exchange Commission side with Cracker Bar – rel on employment discrimination. Southern Vo i c e , 1. . (1992, July 9). DeKalb drops most charges against Queer Nation. Southern Voice , 3. John Howard, PhD, is a professor of American Studies at King’s College London. He is the author of Concentration Camps on the Home Front (2008) and Men Like That (1999), both from the University of Chicago Press. 174 c racker Barrel o ld c ountry s tores: Postscript carol P. Harvey Assumption College Although Cracker Barrel Old Country Stores added sexual orientation to its anti-discrimination policies in 2002, and posts an Equal Opportunity Statement on its website, the restaurant chain has been sued for racial discrimination involving employees and customers, as well as sexual harassment and retaliation against an employee who lodged a formal complaint for a supervisor’s derogatory racial remarks. Employees alleged disparate treatment because of race, such as inad- equate wages and assigning African Americans primarily to dishwashing duties and/or waiting only on African American customers (Iwata, 2004). African American customers complained of excessive supervision while shopping; racial slurs; long waits while white patrons received tables; being segregated into smoking sections in the back of the restaurants, even when they requested the non-smoking section; and being served food from the trash. Department of Justice interviews with current and former employees revealed that 80 out of 150 witnessed or experienced racial discrimination and that most complaints were not inves- tigated. As a result, the Department of Justice ordered Cracker Barrel to implement changes, such as hire an outside auditor to ensure civil rights compliance, employ mystery shoppers to test individual stores for discriminatory practices, institute employee diversity training programs, post signs indicating how to file a formal discrimination complaint, and develop and imple – ment procedures for investigating all discrimination allegations. (Schmidt & Copeland, 2004). In September 2004, Cracker Barrel agreed to pay $8.7 million to the plaintiffs, which included the NAACP, to settle the civil lawsuits (Iwata, 2004). In 2009, Cracker Barrel paid $250,000 to settle two additional diversity related lawsuits. The first one alleged that male managers and employees made suggestive remarks and told dirty jokes to female employees. When the employees complained, no action was taken by manage – ment. The second lawsuit, which was part of a Supreme Court ruling protecting workers who file bias claims from retaliation, involved a Black employee who was fired when he complained about racially offensive comments made by his supervisor (Biskupic, 2008; USA Today , 4/9/2009). The Cracker Barrel Old Country Stores Corporation now has almost 600 stores in forty- one states. In addition, the organization continues to win awards such as the Consumers’ Choice in Chains “Best Family Dining Chain” which it has won for 19 consecutive years. Beginning in 2000, Cracker Barrel Old Country Store Inc. was listed in Fortune magazine’s annual list of “America’s Most Admired Companies” for nine consecutive years (Cracker Cracker Barrel Old Country Stores: Postscript 175 Bibliography Biskupic, J. (2010). Bias rulings protect workers, respect past. USA Today , May 28. Retrieved July  25, 2010, from cleanprint/?1280089603808. Cracker Cracker Barrel Old Country Store Inc., Recent Awards & Recognition. Retrieved July 22, 2010, from http://www. cfm?doc_id=1119. Iwata, E. (2004). Restaurant to settle 7 lawsuits, pay $8.7 million. USA Today , September 9, p. B. 06. Schmidt, J., & Copeland, L. (2004). Cracker Barrel customer says bias was flagrant. USA Today , May 7, p. B. 01. USA Today. (2009). Cracker Barrel settles sexual harassment lawsuit. April 9. Retrieved on July  25, 2010, from cleanprint/?1280089499396. Dive RS ity on the Web Many of the Cracker Barrel restaurants are located in states with a significant African American population. Visit the websites below. These articles discuss popular misconceptions and stereo – types about the spending power of African American consumers. As the postscript indicates, Cracker Barrel has had ongoing legal issues with the Black community. In terms of the business case for diversity, that is, the business advantages of diversity in terms of profits, productivity, and recruitment of the most qualified employees, what can Cracker Barrel now do to repair its image with African American customers and potential employees? a. Under “Multicultural Experts,” click on “African American Markets.” Read “Maximizing Your Share of the African American Market.” b.—search for “African Americans and Consumer Behavior.” Integrative Questions For Section III 1. Current age-related trends in the workplace include: Baby Boomers working past the traditional re- tirement age of sixty-five and Millennials being “underemployed,” that is, able to get only part-time jobs or positions that don’t require the education, particularly college degrees, that they have attained. What are the long-term workplace problems that these trends could cause? Do you think this is a global or only an American issue? Why? 2. It is often said that sexual harassment is about power not sex. What material from the articles on women and men would support that statement? What role does privilege play in sexual harassment? 3. Why do you think that there are no U.S. federal laws protecting LGBT workers from losing their jobs due to their sexual orientation? What might prevent there ever being such a law? 176 Section 3 • Understanding the Primary Dimensions of Diversity 4. Once after conducting the “Musical Chairs” exercise, an instructor asked the class how it felt. A  student who spoke English as a second language responded by saying, “Wonderful. Now every – body has experienced what I feel every day.” What could he have meant by that statement? What does this teach you about diversity? 5. Now that you have read about the primary dimensions of diversity, what have you learned about yourself ? Of the six dimensions covered in this text (race, ethnicity, age, gender, sexual orientation, and physical and mental challenges), which so far have affected your life the most? What examples can you provide to substantiate your answer? Do you think these may change in importance during your lifetime? Why or why not? 177 Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity: Social Class, Religion, Appearance/Weight, Language/Communication, and Military Service Learning goa Ls for section iV • To learn how secondary dimensions of diversity can impact one’s work and personal life experiences • To explore the ramifications of social class privileges • To become more knowledgeable about the role of religion in U.S. society • To understand that one’s weight, appearance, communication style, and military experiences can make a difference in the workplace • To recognize the importance of having multiple social identities Having now explored the primary dimensions of diversity, Section IV examines the impact that secondary dimensions of diversity, such as social class, religion, weight, appearance, com – munication styles, and military experience, can have on one’s personal and organizational life. Additional aspects of secondary dimensions of diversity such as parental status and work-life Section i V 178 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity balance will be addressed in Section VI as current issue topics. While the secondary dimensions are considered to be more changeable, more visible, and less central to our self-concepts, it is important to remember that we are all products of multiple identities and some of these second – ary dimensions can be quite salient to individuals. Social class is one of those dimensions that we all experience. The opening exercise, Does Social Class Make a Difference? and the first reading, Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy, challenge the belief that it is easy to move up in social class in the United States. Today people are more open about their religious affiliations and have higher expectations that the workplace will accommodate their religious practices. Religion in the U.S. Workplace traces the historical roots of U.S. religious freedom and explores the legal protections afforded to religion under the “reasonable accommodation” provision of the Civil Rights Act (1964). Although we like to think that a person’s physical appearance and weight would not affect anyone’s perceptions about a person’s abilities and potential, there is considerable evidence and many examples in the Appearance and Weight: Discrimination in the Workplace article that demonstrate this is far from true. With the increase in global business, and immigration patterns, more effective intercultural communication is now a workplace priority. Understanding Intercultural Communications in Today’s Global Environment and the exercise Communicating with a Global Call Center and the case The Culture of the U.S. Air Force and Its Impact on a Mobile Training Team focus on this issue. The last three items in this section demonstrate the interrelationships between primary and secondary dimensions of social identities. In the case Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military , we examine the intersection of gender and military service. Next, in the exercise Choosing the Board, you will have the opportunity to make difficult decisions about assembling a diverse team. Section IV closes with a case, Fairfax Metropolitan Hospital: The Candidate, that illustrates how factors such as gender and age, as well as weight and appearance, can complicate a hiring decision. 179 Does s ocial c lass Make a Difference? carol P. Harvey Assumption College Social class may be less visible than other types of difference. However, in many countries like the U.S., where individualism is valued, it is common to believe that all people are created equal and that the same opportunities are available to everyone who has the innate talent and is willing to put in the effort. This position ignores the challenge of overcoming the social, educational, and networking resources of class origins. This exercise is designed to help you to understand how social class could affect a person’s life experience due to differences in access and resources. Although social class in childhood does not necessarily determine status across one’s life span, it may limit educational and career options that may make it more difficult for a person to achieve personal goals. Of course, individuals within a social class can have very different experiences due to a variety of factors. Directions Complete the following two columns by thinking about what is apt to be the more common experience of a child growing up in Justin’s or Clark’s situation. Considering that Justin represents a child born into the lower socioeconomic class and Clark represents one born into the upper middle class, your answers should reflect what is likely to be the more common experiences for children born into these situations. Justin was born to a 16-year-old single mother who lived with her family in an inner-city housing project. When he was born, she dropped out of high school to care for him. After he started school, she took a job cleaning rooms in a local hospital. She is currently studying nights to get her General Equivalency Diploma (GED). clark was born to a suburban couple in their mid-thirties. His mother has an MBA, and his father is a lawyer. Clark’s mother quit her job when he was born. She returned to a manage – rial position when his younger sibling was in junior high. 180 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity Justin Clark How might this child spend his time before he attends kindergarten? When he goes to kindergarten, he is diagnosed with a learning disability. What types of help is he most likely to receive? During grammar school, how is he likely to spend his school vacations? What types of after-school activities is he likely to participate in? What role may sports play in his life? He needs help with math in high school. What types of resources are most apt to be available to him? Where can he learn about technology? If his College Board scores aren’t too high, what resources may be available to help him raise his scores? If he needs an internship in college, who can help him secure one? Given the differences of growing up in different social classes, what job-related life and career skills may he have that give him workplace advantages or disadvantages? Discussion Questions 1. In terms of the workplace, how does social class matter? 2. Is social class really an invisible difference or are there ways that people often deduce other’s social class origins? What can be the effect of this in job interviews, work-related social situations, and so on? 3. What role does the media play in perpetuating both positive and negative social class stereotypes? Support your answer with examples. 4. In this exercise, both people were male and no specific race was suggested. Which of your answers might have been different if the examples were female or nonwhite? Why? Does Social Class Make a Difference? 181 Writing Assignment 1. There are many programs and organizations such as Head Start, the Nativity Schools, Big Brothers and Big Sisters, Boy’s and Girl’s Clubs, Girls Inc., among others, that attempt to help individuals to overcome some of the effects of social class. Research and visit one of these orga – nizations to better understand their mission and the roles that they play in providing access and opportunity. Specifically, how can these organizations change the life experiences and access to resources for children from lower classes? 2. Spend a day in a school that is the opposite from your own grammar or high school experience. If you attended a private school, arrange to visit a public school. If you attended a school that was predominately lower or working class, arrange to visit a private school. Analyze any differ – ences that you observe in terms of the student body, how students dress, the academic experi – ence, the faculty, the physical plant, and athletic and after-school activities. Try to interview students and faculty about their perceptions of the total educational experience at the school. How does what you learned from this visit relate to this exercise? How do these differences translate into “privileges” in the workplace? 182 s ocial c lass: t he f iction of  a merican Meritocracy colleen a. fahy Assumption College intro Duction Oprah Winfrey, the nation’s wealthiest African American, overcame impoverished beginnings in rural Mississippi to accumulate an estimated net worth of $2.7 billion. 1 High school friends Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak founded the Apple Computer Company in Job’s garage with $1300 in start-up money. 2 Sonia Sotomayor rose from a South Bronx housing project to become a U.S. Supreme Court justice. Such stories of self-made men and women help fuel the perception of America as the land of opportunity, a place where anyone can achieve almost anything with a combination of hard work, intelligence, and determination. Do you believe that anyone, regardless of the family and community into which he or she was born, could be where you are today? If you are like most, your answer is yes. In a N e w   Yo r k Times poll, 80 percent of Americans answered “yes” to the question, “Is it possible to start out poor, work hard, and become rich?” 3 A Chronicle of Higher Education poll found that 78.8 percent of college freshman agree that “through hard work, everybody can succeed in American society.” 4 The U.S. economic system is commonly viewed as a “meritocracy” where rewards are bestowed upon those who have earned them. If individuals face equality of opportunity, then one’s social class position becomes a reflection of his or her personal qualities. Those who have achieved success must have earned it somehow, and those who have failed to climb the social ladder must simply have not tried hard enough. This common perspective leads to negative stereotyping and discrimination of individuals from lower social classes or “classism.” Classism, like many other “isms,” results from prejudices based on false assumptions. Despite widely held perceptions, social class mobility in the United States is far from fluid. Those born with few resources face serious obstacles in their efforts to achieve a higher economic and social status. Those born into privilege are given a head start in life with many extra boosts along the way. Once it is recognized that merit has only a small role in determining one’s place on the social ladder, the foundation of classism crumbles. social class Measure M ent The most popular measures of social class are income and wealth. Persons, households or families can be ranked according to their income or wealth and then divided into groups. For example, in 2011, the highest 20 percent of U.S. households had an income exceeding $101,577—while the Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 183 income of households in the lowest quintile fell below $20,260. 5 Because of its cumulative nature, wealth is unevenly distributed among the U.S. population, with the top 10 percent of families having an estimated median net worth of just under $1.2 million and the bottom 20 percent hav – ing a median net worth of approximately $6000. The top 10 percent of families own an estimated 75 percent of the total net worth in the United States. 6 Social class is also measured by educational achievement and occupational prestige. A National Opinion Research Center survey ranked 447 jobs in terms of their prestige level. Doctors come in first, accountants 35th, elementary school teachers 45th, retail salespersons 366th, and dishwashers 446th. 7 A New York Times interactive site allows individuals to enter their occupation, education, income, and wealth in order to determine where they fall in the social class hierarchy. A housekeeper with an eighth grade education making $20,000 per year and holding $5000 in net worth is in the 16th percentile of total social class. A surgeon making $300,000 per year, with $1 million net worth is in the 99th percentile. 8 class in the Workplace The frequency of workplace interaction between persons of different social classes will vary by occupation and industry. For example, in occupations such as construction and education, workers are less likely to have frequent interactions with coworkers from significantly different social classes. In other settings, particularly when there is a hierarchical structure, individuals are more likely to work closely with those from other social classes. In hospitals, for example, doctors, nurses, LNAs, and maintenance workers come into frequent contact with one another (Scully & Blake-Beard, 2006, p. 442). Defining class in the workplace is complicated by its multidimensional nature. While income, wealth, education, and occupation are undoubtedly correlated, associations are not always perfect. A carpenter may never have finished high school or he may be a college graduate. A retail salesperson may be a single mother working as the sole breadwinner for her family or a college-educated, married mother working for extra income. In a meritocracy, those higher on the social ladder have done something to deserve their place and are therefore somehow “better” than those below them. The resulting sense of status can undoubtedly lead to friction in the workplace. According to Bullock (2004), In the United States, individualistic explanations for poverty (e.g., lack of thrift, laziness) and wealth (e.g., hard work, ability) tend to be favored over structural or societal attribution for poverty (e.g., failure of society to provide strong schools, discrimination) and wealth (e.g., inheritance, political influence, and ‘pull’). (p. 232) Bullock further argues that these beliefs lead to “classism” including negative stereotypes such as “lazy, uninterested in self-improvement, and lacking in initiative and intelligence” and discrimination that includes “behaviors that distance, avoid, and/or exclude poor and working class people” (p. 232). Thus classism is rooted in the ultimate faith in America as a meritocracy. Economic and social outcomes are a function of merit because individuals face equality of opportu – nity. Level playing fields promote social class mobility. Unfortunately, this is an idealistic view that fails to stand up under scrutiny. Social class mobility is very much constrained by existing economic and social systems. The movement of individuals from one social class to another is the exception, rather than the rule. Much of where you end up depends on where you begin. 184 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity social Mobility in the unite D states In contrast to popular opinion, a number of studies have concluded that (1) social class is actu – ally quite sticky, (2) class mobility has not increased in recent decades (and may even have decreased) 9 and (3) the United States has a relatively low level of social mobility compared with other developed nations. For example, • 53.3 percent of the families who were in the lowest income quintile in 1988 were still there in 1988. Only 10.7 percent of those families made it into the top two quintiles (Bradbury & Katz, 2002). • 53.2 percent of the families who were in the highest income quintile in 1988 were still there in 1998. Only 8.7 percent had fallen to the lowest two quintiles (Bradbury & Katz, 2002). • One intergenerational study found that 6% of those born into the lowest income quintile end up in the highest while 42% stay in the bottom quintile (Isaacs, 2008). • A different intergenerational study found that while 32.3 percent of white children born into the poorest income quintile were there as adults, this number jumps to 62.9 percent for blacks (Hertz, 2006). • The odds of reaching the top 5 percent of income earners is less than 2 percent for anyone starting out in the bottom 3 quintiles (Hertz, 2006). • Parental income is highly correlated with the future income of children in the United States. The intergenerational elasticity of earnings is estimated to be .47 indicating that a 10 percent change in parental earnings is predicted to have a 4.7 percent change in the expected future earning of the child (Hertz, 2006). • In a 27 country survey, only 19% of Americans agreed that “coming from a wealthy family is essential/very important to getting ahead,” yet in a comparison of nine high income countries, the United States was second to last in terms of intergenerational mobility (Isaacs, 2008a). These studies paint a picture of a country where class mobility is significantly less fluid than most people would like to believe. The correlation between parent and child income and the low probability of moving up the income ladder seem to indicate that “making it” must not be as simple as setting a goal and working hard to achieve it. Of course, some parent–child correlation is expected. Sawhill and McLanahan (2006) write “the attributes that contribute to success in both generations—ability, motivation, and health—are at least partially inherited” (p. 5). However, such a high level of intergenerational correlation indicates that there is more than genetics at work. If the playing field were truly level we would see significantly more movement between classes. Many more of those born into poverty would work their way up the ladder and many more of those born rich would find themselves sliding down. eD ucation Equality of education is often cited as the key to social mobility. If our educational system ensured equal access and opportunities for all, regardless of social class, then the playing field would be significantly leveled. Unfortunately, socioeconomic status has a great deal of influ – ence on what students bring to, as well as what they take from, the classroom. In summarizing sixteen recently published works on educational opportunity, McPherson and Schapiro (2006) conclude, “Educational opportunity in the United States is simply spectacularly unequal” (p. 6). Children’s academic achievements are heavily dependent on the income, education, and race of their parents. Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 185 elementary and secondary schools Measures of math, reading, and social skills show significant differences among socioeconomic groups as early as kindergarten. 10 Possible explanations for this gap include differences in birth weight, health, parental skills, and the effect of stress on neurocognitive development. 11 While high quality preschool programs can offset some of the disadvantages faced by lower-income children, access to such programs is extremely limited (Barnett & Belfield, 2006). The disadvantages that individual poor children face become compounded in the aggregate. The primary source of funds for public elementary and secondary schools is property taxes. Thus, wealthier communities with higher housing values have greater sources of revenue. In many states, this disparity is offset somewhat by additional state funds going to poorer communities. However, poorer districts tend to have higher costs due to a greater proportion of special education and higher needs children, with resulting in higher wage costs. The same dollar simply doesn’t go as far in a poorer neighborhood school. Even if resources were equalized, children from poorer communities face additional obstacles. Academic expectations from parents, neighbors, and teachers may be lower for children from poorer backgrounds. There is a good deal of evidence from experimental studies that show students will achieve more if more is expected of them (Rouse & Barrow, 2006). Unfortunately, teachers are not impervious to stereotyping and discrimination. One study found that given children with equal academic abilities, teachers were more likely to recommend the children with “high status” names to a gifted and talented program (Figlio, 2005). postsecondary education A college education improves social class rank in many ways. Education level itself is a measure of social class, occupations that require a college education tend to be more prestigious and a college education usually leads to higher income. In 1977, college graduates made 40 percent more than high school graduates. By 2010 this premium had increased to over 80 percent (James, 2012). This relationship between a college education and social class is amplified by the tendency of college graduates to marry one another. For example, a college-educated married couple each making the median income for his or her gender would have a household income of almost $124,000 (in 2010), while for a single, high school–educated woman, the median income is just under 30,000. 12 While 91 percent of all 10th grade students aspire to a college education, 13 this dream is particularly difficult to achieve for students from low income families. While financial con – straints are an obvious factor, other issues play an important role as well. kno Wle Dge The first hurdle faced by less privileged high school students is the general lack of knowledge about the “college education game.” Selecting potential colleges, understanding and applying for financial aid, putting the right materials together, all of these are more difficult for families who are unfamiliar with the process. In fact only one-third of inner-city students take the SATs by October of their senior year, compared with 97 percent of suburban students (Haveman & Smeeding, 2006). prepare Dness Bowen (2006) argues that, in contrast to ability to pay, “more consequen – tial factors include college preparedness in all of its dimensions such as health, attitudes at home, motivation, the availability of information, the quality of elementary and secondary 186 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity education, out-of-school enrichment opportunities, and residential and social segregation” (p. 25). Quantifiable results support this argument. SAT scores are directly and positively correlated with family income. In 2011, students with a family income of less than $20,000 per year had an average combined SAT score of 1323, while those whose families made more than $200,000 had an average combined score of 1721. 14 Hill and Winston (2006) find that only 13  percent of the students from the bottom two income quintiles would qualify for admis – sion to the nation’s most selective colleges and universities. affor Dability There are three general categories of postsecondary education: a state system including community colleges, private four-year colleges, and the elite college or university. For generations, state schools have been a means for lower income students to gain access to higher education. Unfortunately, the recent trend has been for a decrease in state support for such institutions. In many states, public funding has decreased and tuition has risen sharply. Because the increased tuition has not made up for falling state expenditures, per pupil expenditure and faculty salaries are beginning to lag (Kane, Orszag, & Gunter, 2003). A majority of private, four-year colleges have academic standards that are not out of reach for students of low income backgrounds. Unfortunately, these institutions tend to have lower endowments and are therefore heavily tuition dependent. There has been a growing tendency for such institutions to increase the emphasis on “merit” as a criterion for financial aid and to decrease the emphasis on “need” (McPherson & Schapiro, 2006). The source of this shift is a topic for debate, but many feel that it is driven by publications such as U.S. News and World Report, whose college rankings are determined, in part, by the academic creden – tials of students. This shift in emphasis toward merit and away from need is doubly hurtful to economically disadvantaged kids who don’t have the cash for tuition or the high SAT scores the colleges want. The final category of postsecondary education is the elite college or university. Such schools have plenty of endowment money and can afford to meet any economic need a family might face. The problem is a lack of qualified students. Of those students who score 1420 or bet – ter on the SAT, 3.7 percent are from the lowest income quintile while 45.9 percent are from the highest income quintile (Hill & Winston, 2006). A lack of information, academic preparedness, and financial means constitute a significant obstacle for poorer children in achieving a college education. In 2010, 51 percent of high school graduates from the lowest income quintile began college right away. For the highest income quintile this figure was 82 percent. 15 In 2005, 53 percent of children from the highest-income families attained college degrees while only 11% of those from the poorest families were able to achieve this goal (Hakins, 2008a). The education of children begins at birth. The income and education of their parents; the quality of their neighborhood, peers, and school; and the opportunities for outside enrichment will all have an effect on the intellectual growth of children. Children born into privilege are read to more and taken to museums and libraries. Their parents attend more school functions. Their families have the time and money for extracurricular activi – ties, enriching not only their educational experience, but their odds of gaining admittance to the college of their choice. In school, they are surrounded by high-achieving peers and teachers with high expectations. If trouble arises, tutors can be hired. A high quality college education is both achievable and affordable. While it is certainly not impossible for children from lower socioeconomic groups to achieve the goal of a college education, it is clearly a more daunting task. Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 187 social anD cultural capital In their book The Meritocracy Myth, Stephen McNamee and Robert Miller, Jr., explain the importance of social and cultural capital in gaining access to quality educational and employ – ment opportunities. They argue that social capital or “who you know” is critical in develop – ing “academic aspirations” and is therefore directly related to a child’s academic success. More directly, personal connections are very helpful in job placement and advancement. Those from lower socioeconomic groups are disadvantaged in terms of social capital as they “tend to be members in resource-poor networks that share a relatively restricted variety of information and influence” (p. 78). Cultural capital or “fitting in” is also critical to upward mobility. Belonging to a group means knowing about the things they know. Cultural capital is accumulated from birth. The things a person knows about, the things he values, and the way he dresses and speaks will have much to do with the environment in which he is raised. McNamee and Miller argue that the accumulation of cultural capital is not perfectly correlated with socioeconomic status, as some lower income parents may emphasize cultural knowledge or young adults may seek it on their own. However, such information is “often esoteric, specialized, costly, and time-consuming to accumulate” (McNamee & Miller, p. 71). Because such knowledge is easier to pick up along the way than to consciously learn, there is a strong tendency for those born into a particular group to acquire the cultural capital necessary to “fit in” with that group. Scully and Blake-Beard (2006) emphasize the importance of cultural capital in the identi – fication of social class in the workplace. Dress, speech patterns, accents, manners, and reason – ing styles are all used to distinguish those of different classes. The player must fit the part and “people from privileged backgrounds often enter organizations with this kind of style already in hand” (p. 441). In competition for jobs and promotions, the sheer number of equally qualified applicants can make style, in all its forms, the “tie-breaker.” hoM eo W nership anD neighborhoo D effects The probability of owning one’s own home increases significantly with income and wealth. While 83 percent of those individuals from the highest income quintile own their own homes, only 40% of those from the lowest quintile do (Haskins, 2008b). This is important because home ownership itself is associated with numerous personal and social benefits. To begin with, a house is a primary source of wealth. This accumulation of wealth has an intergenerational effect, as home equity can be used to finance a child’s education or can be passed down as an inheritance. Additionally, studies have found multiple positive effects on children whose families own their own home. Holding family characteristics constant, home ownership leads to improvements in home environment (physical condition of the house itself, the presence of educational materials, self esteem, mental and physical health). When families own their homes, their kids do better in school, receiving higher test scores and getting into less trouble. (Again, this is holding other family characteristics constant.) The improvement in educational outcomes may be due to the improvements in home environment, as well as an increased prob – ability of remaining in the same school for a longer period of time (Haurin, 2003). There are spillover effects of home ownership as well. Owners have a stake in the capital gains on their homes. They have a greater incentive to maintain their homes and push for better community resources, including safety and quality schools. Better public services increase prop – erty values and thus the wealth of the individuals living in the community. 188 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity While neighborhood quality is dependent on the values of the families residing therein, the reverse may also be true. We have seen that residents of affluent neighborhoods have access to higher quality schools and superior social and cultural capital. Incorporated into the concept of social capital is the broader notion of neighborhood effects. The general question is whether individuals are affected by the behavior of those around them. It seems intuitive that people are social and therefore not immune to the values of those with whom they associate. The empirical literature on family and peer influences on economic and social outcomes is extensive. While it is generally accepted that families play the largest role, the role of the neighborhood is more controversial with some studies finding significant effects and others dismissing these effects as inseparable from the role of the family. In any discussion of socioeconomic outcomes there is a difficulty in separating out the effect of race. Home ownership rates are much lower for minorities than for whites, with 75  percent of whites owning their own homes, as opposed to 46 percent of blacks and 48 percent of Hispanics (Ohlemacher, 2006). Much of this difference is simply due to the lower average income of minori – ties. In fact, one study found that, holding income and wealth constant, minorities were no less likely to own their homes than whites (Di & Liu, 2005). However, in terms of neighborhoods, the United States is highly segregated by race. It has been estimated that 65 percent of blacks would need to relocate in order to achieve full geo – graphical integration (Friedman, 2006). Some of this clustering is explained by economics, as minorities are more likely to be poor and neighborhoods tend to be homogenous in terms of income. However, McNamee and Miller (2004) argue that only 20–25 percent of black segrega – tion is explained by economic factors. They go on to say that, in general, blacks do want inte – grated neighborhoods, but whites do not. It is estimated that more than 60 percent of blacks face housing discrimination. Samantha Friedman (2006) reports that blacks—regardless of whether they are urban or suburban—face poorer neighborhood conditions, including trash, abandoned buildings, bars on the windows, and more “social disorder.” Once again, we see the self-perpetuating nature of social class. Those born with less are less likely to live in their own homes. The result is a lower quality of life for parents and children alike. Educational quality suffers as children change schools more often. Families lose out on an important source of wealth, one that could be used as a source of financing for investments in their children’s future. Residents of poor neighborhoods suffer from a lack of funding for public goods, including safety and education. Such neighborhoods lack quality social networks, peers, and role models. These problems are exacerbated for minorities, who face housing discrimina – tion and neighborhood segregation. race anD gen Der Issues of race, gender, and class often intersect, making it difficult to isolate individual sources of stereotyping and discrimination. Minorities have lower average values for commonly used measures of social class status. While 17 percent of whites are in the lowest income quin – tile, the figure is 34 percent for blacks and 25 percent for Hispanics (See Note 5). While 31  percent of adult whites have at least a bachelor’s degree, only 20 percent of blacks and 14  percent of Hispanics have achieved this level of education. 16 Finally, occupational prestige is significantly lower for blacks than whites, although the gap does appear to be shrinking (Kim & Tamborini, 2006). Tom Hertz (2006) completed an extensive study of social mobility and found that among those born into the poorest income quartile, blacks are twice as likely as whites to remain poor Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 189 and only one quarter as likely to move to the highest quartile. He also finds that a significant por – tion of the income gap between blacks and whites is due to factors other than parental attributes, such as education, occupation, attitudes, and behavior. Isaacs (2008b) finds a significant differ – ence in downward mobility for black children: “A startling 45 percent of black children whose parents were solidly middle income end up falling to the bottom income quintile while only 16 percent of white children born to parents in the middle make this decent” (p. 76). Gender and social class are also intrinsically linked. Women make approximately 75 cents on the dollar compared with men (Bergmann, 2005). While women have made significant head – way in terms of education (according to the NCES, 57 percent of bachelor’s degrees in 2010 were awarded to women), there is still significant segregation by occupation. Pay and prestige vary by occupation. For example, chemical engineers—86 percent of which are men—have a prestige ranking of 6th and an average annual income of approximately $99,000. Nursing, on the other hand is a predominantly female occupation (92 percent) and has a prestige rank of 31 and an average annual income of $69,000. 17 Workers without a college degree are often segregated into blue collar and pink-collar occupations. Again the prestige (given in parentheses) and pay vary by field. Women are a vast majority of the workers in such fields as secretarial (186), hairdressing (313), and childcare workers (335). Men represent a strong majority in such fields as firefighting (111), electricians (135), and auto mechanics (278). An interesting example is teaching, where 98 percent of pre – school and kindergarten teachers are women and the occupational prestige ranking is 100. For secondary school teachers, women’s representation falls to 57 percent and the prestige rank increases to 34. The relationship between occupational pay/prestige and gender has a certain chicken-and- the-egg quality. Do women’s occupations pay less because they are women’s occupations or are women somehow steered into these occupations? Is prestige a function of gender representation or vice versa? Such questions are important, but whatever the cause, the result is the same. Many low-paying, low-prestige jobs are filled by women. Thirty-four percent of women working full time in 2011 earned less than $30,000—while the figure for men was 23 percent. 18 Because social class is intrinsically linked to gender and race, issues of classism, sexism, and racism are often intertwined. The disadvantages faced by poor black women are more than merely the sum of the disadvantages faced by each particular group. It is also wrong to assume that some “isms” are merely mistaken for others. While women and minorities are overrepre – sented among the poor, it is incorrect to say that racism and sexism are simply classism in dis – guise or vice versa. Social class diversity undoubtedly deserves its own seat at the table. As Jim Vander Putten (2001) argues, Bill Gates and an Appalachian coal miner are quite different, even though they are both white men. In fact, when a group of experts were asked which they would choose at birth if they could—race, class, or gender—the vast majority picked class (Sawhill & McLanahan, 2006). The relevance of social class should not, however, minimize the importance of race and gender as each “will have a great deal to do with the resources (social as well as financial) that are available to us as individuals, the reactions that we will face from other individuals and our self image” (Albelda, Drago, & Shulman, 2004, p. 129). Scully and Blake-Beard argue that not only is it inappropriate to emphasize class at the expense of race and gender, it may be dangerous to do so. “A potential blind spot of class analyses can be a stance that class trumps all other dimensions of identity as it is the most fundamental, economically situated identity. This stance does not help for building alliances across members of different social identity groups committed to working on diversity and justice” (p. 448). 190 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity class in the Workplace revisite D Workplace attitudes toward social class are certainly a reflection of the attitudes of the greater society. An appreciation of the difficulties facing individuals from less privileged backgrounds is a good first step in diminishing biases held by those working within an organization. However, the categorization of social class as something determined outside of an organization can make things worse. Scully and Blake-Beard argue that many organizations view social class identity as some – thing that is determined before the employee walks through the door. What these businesses fail to see is that their own practices often reinforce preexisting social class stratification. One example of such a reinforcing policy is the rise in credentialism. The precise qualifications of a potential employee are often difficult to measure, especially when the application process is still in the paper stages. In order to efficiently rank applicants, employers often use educational achievement as a sorting mechanism. When the ability to do the job is not dependent on an academic degree, social class stratification becomes unjustly reinforced. Businesses create positions and put their own values on them. They decide what the pay level will be and what the “perks” will be (office space, restrooms, lunch rooms, leave policies, educational benefits). Thus, as Scully and Blake-Beard argue, “organizations are where social class is constructed and enacted” (p. 446). Any organization attempting to break the psychol – ogy of class-based discrimination must look not only at society at large, but also within its own walls. a Multi- layere D approach to change The social class structure within an organization both reflects and reinforces attitudes toward class held by society at large. Stereotypes justified by a meritocratic myth must be challenged at all levels, from national economic policies to business-specific diversity training. At all levels, the measurement of merit and existing institutional reward systems must be called into question. At the national level, while the stickiness of social class has remained fairly constant over time, relative income positions have widened. This is due to a dramatic increase in income inequality in the United States. According to Bernstein (2006), “Since the late 1970s, the real after-tax income of those at the top of the income scale grew by 200 percent . . . and those at the bottom, 9  percent” (p. 84). The average American has been treading water for some time, while the rich have gotten significantly richer. Possible explanations for this change are many. However, one quick statistic is illuminating. In 2009 the federal minimum wage was $7.25 per hour. In real terms (inflation adjusted) the value of the minimum wage in 1968 was $9.27 per hour. As the range of incomes has spread, the difference between rich and poor has become more pronounced. A full-time minimum-wage worker earns $14,500 annually, while the average S&P 500 CEO pulls in $8.3 million (Simon, 2007). As this relative reward system changes, so does the implicit value of the work being done. There are signs that Americans are becoming uncomfortable with the current obstacles facing the poor. There has been a surge in support for higher minimum wages and the federal rate has increased by $2.10 between 2007 and 2009. There has also been an increased role for the Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 191 federal government in education policy (No Child Left Behind) and a building momentum for some type of universal health care coverage. However, given the widespread belief in a merito – cratic system, government policy will probably play only a small role in minimizing the benefits associated with class and in aiding the mobility of those at the bottom. Institutional changes are also needed. A glaring example of the disconnect between rewards and merit is the unequal access to higher education. This is a particularly important issue because a college education is linked to  higher income, wealth, and occupational prestige, as well as numerous positive effects on future children. Admissions policies that emphasize standardized test scores and ability to pay reward existing class privilege. SATs, which many argue are a relatively poor predictor of college success, are heavily weighted in admissions decisions and are highly correlated with economic resources. Fortunately, the trend toward SAT prep courses, admissions coaches, and merit-based aid is beginning to produce a backlash of sorts. A number of colleges are implementing plans to increase the number of students from economically disadvantaged backgrounds. Universities such as Princeton, Harvard, and Brown have replaced loans with grants for low-income students. The University of Virginia and the University of North Carolina have gone one step further in improving recruitment efforts from lower income groups (Tebbs & Turner, 2006). A growing number of colleges and universities are making SAT scores optional in the admissions process. Improved access to higher education by members of lower economic classes will carry many of the same benefits as greater representa – tion of racial minorities. A diverse student body (in all aspects) promotes understanding of dif – fering world views and helps to diminish negative stereotyping. While many of the components of social class are determined outside of the workplace, it is a serious mistake to assume class is simply exogenous to an organization. Businesses themselves must realize that social class is reinforced within their own walls. Are qualified persons from all social classes considered for job openings? Is everyone given equal access to opportunities once employed, or are outward symbols of social class, such as dress and speech patterns, weighed in these decisions? Are academic credentials being used as appropriate placement tools or are they being used to unjustly eliminate people from consideration? Businesses should also take a hard look at wages and benefits. Are only some employees given access to paid leave and educational opportunities? If so, are these differences justified? Are symbols of class apparent in the work environment, executive washrooms, and lunch – rooms, for example? According to Bullock (2004), changes in workplace policies will meet with resistance, “Creating a more just workplace requires middle-class managers and others in positions of authority to examine the implications of ‘business as usual’ and take personal responsibility for the classist policies and practices within their own organization. For those who unquestioningly accept their class privilege as earned, this will likely be a difficult process” (p. 241). Because social class is commonly viewed as something that is changeable, resulting inequi – ties are often seen as deserved. But like racism and sexism, classism is based on false assumptions about underlying differences between groups. Structures and systems create a set of rewards that typically reinforce the status quo. Americans need to take a hard look at the way the system really works, how merit is measured and rewarded. Only then will conceptions of the personal qualities of those of lower status be questioned and discrimination reduced. 192 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity Discussion Questions 1. In your own success in achieving a college education, consider the following four factors: (a) your parents’ attitude toward education, (b) your parents’ financial resources, (c) the quality of your elementary and secondary schools, and (d) your own hard work and determination. a. Rank these factors in terms of their importance in your experience. Notes 1. Forbes list of 400 richest Americans for 2008. Retrieved August 19, 2009, from http:// search.html?Name=oprah+winfrey&Age= 0-99&NetWorth=1.0-70.0&City=&Source= 2. Shiny Apple. (1979, November 5). Time . Retrieved July 30, 2007, from article/0,9171,912528,00.html 3. Class Matters: A Special Section. New  York Times . Retrieved June 24, 2007, from http:// 20050515_CLASS_GRAPHIC/index_04. html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1182864457- HIF4kzqfFaXW0qu7fLgACA 4. Chronicle of Higher Education. (2008). This Year’s Freshmen at 4-Year Colleges: A Sta – tistical Profile. Retrieved August 17, 2009, from freshmen/2008/data.htm#opinions 5. U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Sur – vey. (2011). Annual Social and Economic Sup – plement . Table HINC05. Retrieved September 27, 2012, from www/cpstables /032012/hhinc/toc.htm 6. Net worth data is for 2010 and is taken from Levine (2012). 7. As reported on the New York Times interac – tive site. (See Note 3 for web address.) 8. See Note 3 for web address. 9. Ever higher society, ever harder to ascend— Meritocracy in America. (2005, January). The Economist , 374, p. 23. Retrieved July 30, 2007, from InfoTrac OneFile. 10. See Denton & West (2002). 11. See Future of Children. (2005). Vol 15(1) for a number of articles on these issues. 12. U.S. Census Bureau. (2012). Table P24. Re- trieved October 2, 2012, from http://www. – cal/people/index.html 13. Author’s calculation from the National Cen – ter for Education Statistics. (2005). Yo u t h Indicator. Table 18. Retrieved July 30, 2007, from pdf 14. Author’s calculation from the National Cen – ter for Education Statistics. (2011). Digest of Education Statistics . Table 155. Retrieved October 2, 2012, from programs/digest/d11/tables /dt11_155.asp 15. National Center for Education Statistics. (2012). Condition of Education . Table A-34- 1. Retrieved October 2, 2012, from http:// trc-1.asp 16. Author’s calculations from U.S. Census Bureau. (2011). Educational Attainment. Table  1. Retrieved October 2, 2012, from education/data/cps/2011/tables.html 17. The percentage in each occupation by gender is taken from Table A1 of Bergmann (2005). The occupational prestige is taken from the New York Times website (see note 3). Data for wages is the mean for 2011 found in the Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2012). Occupa – tional Employment Survey by Occupation. Table 1. Retrieved October 2, 2012, from ocwage.pdf 18. Author’s calculations from U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey. (2011). Annual Social and Economic Supple – ment . Table PINC10. Retrieved October 2, 2012, from www/ cpstables/032012/perinc/pinc10_000. htm Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 193 Bibliography Albelda, R., Drago, R.W., & Shulman, S. (2004). Unlevel playing fields: Understanding wage inequality and discrimination . Boston, MA: Economic Affairs Bureau, Inc. Barnett, W.S., & Belfield, C.R. (2002). Early child – hood development and social mobility. Future of Children, 16 (2), 73–98. Retrieved July 30, 2007, from usr_doc/05_5563_barnett-belfield._pdf Bergmann, B.R. (2005). The economic emergence of women . 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Getting Ahead or Losing Ground: Economic Mobility in America. Retrieved August 17, 2009, from http://www.brookings. edu/reports/2008/02_economic_mobility_ sawhill.aspx Haurin, D.R. (2003). The private and social benefits of homeownership . Transcript from Habitat for Humanity University Lecture Series, December 11, 2003. Retrieved June 24, 2007, from Habitat for Humanity Web site: http://elearning.hfhu. org/hfhu/documents/haurinshow.pdf b. Choose any three combinations of two factors (e.g., school quality and student work ethic), and explain why they are likely to be correlated. 2. Suppose a financial services company offered tuition reimbursement to their employees who work as financial advisors, but not to the administrative assistants. Why might a company do this? How do policies such as this reduce class mobility? Do you believe such policies are fair? 3. After reading the article, do you agree with the statement “through hard work, everybody can suc – ceed in American society”? If so, try to counter the arguments given in the article. If not, what do you believe is the biggest obstacle? If you believe that change is needed, give an example of a government or organizational policy that needs to be altered to help reduce classism. 194 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity Haveman, R., & Smeeding, T. (2006). The role of higher education in social mobility. Future of Children , 16(2), 125–150. Retrieved July 30, 2007, from usr_doc/07_5563_haveman-smeeding.pdf Hertz, T. (2006). Understanding mobility in Amer – ica . Retrieved June 24, 2007, from the Center for American Progress Web site: http://www. analysis.pdf Hill, C.B., & Winston, G.C. (2006). How scarce are high-ability, low-income students? In M.S. McPherson & M.O. Schapiro (Eds.), College access: Opportunity or privilege? (pp. 75–102). New York: The College Board. Isaacs, J.B. (2008). International Comparisons of Economic Mobility. Getting Ahead or Los – ing Ground: Economic Mobility in America. Retrieved August 17, 2009, from http://www. mobility_sawhill.aspx Isaacs, J.B. (2008). Economic Mobility of Black and White Families. Getting Ahead or Los – ing Ground: Economic Mobility in America. Retrieved August 17, 2009, from http://www. mobility_sawhill.aspx James, J. (2012). College wage premium. Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland . Retrieved October 2, 2012, from research/commentary/2012/2012-10.cfm Kane, T.J., Orszag, P.R., & Gunter, D.L. (2003). State fiscal constraints and higher education spend – ing. Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center Discus – sion Paper No. 11. Retrieved July 30, 2007, from TPC_DP11.pdf Kim, C., & Tamborini, C. (2006). The continuing sig- nificance of race in the occupational attainment of whites and blacks: A segmented labor market analysis. Sociological Inquiry , 76(1), 23–51. Levine, L. (2012). An analysis of the distribution of wealth across households, 1989–2012. Congres – sional Research Service , from http://www.fas. org/sgp/crs/misc/RL33433.pdf Mazumder, B. (2004). Sibling similarities, dif- ferences and economic inequality. Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Paper 2004–13 . Retrieved July 31, 2007, from workingpapers/wp2004_13.pdf McNamee, S.J., & Miller, R.K. Jr. (2004). The meri – tocracy myth . Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. McPherson, M.S., & Schapiro, M.O. (Eds.). (2006). College access: Opportunity or privilege? New York: The College Board. Ohlemacher, S. (2006, November 14). Persistent race disparities found: Minori – ties still lag in income, education, census data show. The Washington Post. Retrieved July 31, 2007, http://www.washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/13/ AR2006111301114.html?referrer=emailarticle Rouse, C.E., & Barrow, L. (2006). U.S. elementary and secondary schools: Equalizing opportunity or replicating the status quo? Future of Chil – dren, 16 (2), 99–123. Retrieved July 31, 2007, from doc/05_5563_barnett-belfield.pdf Sacks, P. (2007, January 12). How colleges perpetu – ate inequality. The Chronicle of Higher Educa – tion , 53(19), B9–B10. Sawhill, I., & McLanahan, S. (2006). Introducing the issue. Future of Children, 16 (2), 3–17. Retrieved July 31, 2007, from http://www.futureofchildren. org/usr_doc/01_5563_intro.pdf Scully, M.A., & Blake-Beard, S. (2006). Locating class in organizational diversity work: Class as structure, style and process. In A.M. Konrad, P. Pushkala, & J.K. Pringle (Eds.), Handbook of workplace diversity (pp. 431–454). London: Sage. Simon, E. (2007, June 11). Half of S&P 500 CEOs topped $8.3 million. Washington Post . Retrieved July 31, 2007, from http://www. /2007/06/11/AR2007061100798.html Tebbs, J., & Turner, S. (2006). The challenge of improving the representation of low-income students at flagship universities. In M.S. McPherson & M.O. Schapiro (Eds.), College access: Opportunity or privilege? (pp. 103–115). New York: The College Board. Vander Putten, J. (2001). Bringing social class to the diversity challenge. About Campus, 6 (5), 14–19. Social Class: The Fiction of American Meritocracy 195 Colleen Fahy, PhD, is a professor of economics at Assumption College. Her research interests include local government structure and finance and equity issues associated with public education funding. Diversity on the Web Visit the New York Times website to determine your social “class percentile.” 1. Go to 2. In the search box, type “Class Matters” 3. Choose “NYTimes Special Section: Class Matters” 4. Click on the “Where do you fit in” graphic 5. Choose your current occupation, education, income, and wealth and note your percentile. 6. Re-enter what you believe your occupation, education, income, and wealth will be in ten years. 196 r eligion in the U. s . Workplace Kathleen M. fisher Assumption College Jeanne M. Mc nett Northeastern University Assumption College, Professor Emerita Pamela D. sherer Providence College intro Duction What is the role of religion in the U.S. workplace and why does it matter? These questions are the central concern of this article. To place them in context, this article begins with a focus on the historical role of religion in the U.S. and a summary of the most common religions practiced. It next considers how the presence of religion in the workplace may play out, first with a brief view of the positive contributions religion can bring to the workplace; and then with an examination of the workplace challenges religious practice introduces. Finally, the best practices aimed at reli – gious accommodation are considered, that is how employers and employees can assure that the diversity of religions helps add value to the organization’s output. the historical role of religion in the unite D states The United States is often described as a “Judeo-Christian nation,” a country founded on a com – bination of Jewish and Christian religious principles. This belief about the country’s religious foundations has had a significant impact on the way U.S. business is conducted. The indigenous peoples of North America had their own ancient ancestral religions. Christianity first appeared in the late 1500s, when Queen Isabella of Spain sent Catholic missionaries to the Pueblos in modern-day New Mexico in an effort to convert them from their Native religious traditions. Through forceful evangelizing, many Pueblos eventually became Catholic. Later when the first immigrants arrived from England to settle Jamestown, Virginia in 1607, they brought with them a Protestant form of Christianity called “Anglicanism.” So, the American colonies were founded, in part, on Christian principles, but Christianity was not the first religion in North America. The desire for both profit and religious freedom did bring more settlers to America. The people we know as the Pilgrims were dissatisfied members of the Church of England who came to Massachusetts in the early 1600’s seeking to practice a purified form of Anglicanism. Known as “Puritans,” they demanded uniformity of belief and did not tolerate religious dissent. Consequently, critics of the religious leaders like Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson were Religion in the U.S. Workplace 197 banished from the Massachusetts Bay Colony and would settle in or found colonies such as Rhode Island and Maryland. New European immigrants of the Dutch Reformed Church and Jews came to settle in New Netherlands and New Amsterdam (present-day New York). Later, during the slave trade of the 17th and 18th centuries, the people enslaved from West Africa brought new forms of worship that would eventually be melded with Christianity. Though the Puritans came to America in search of religious liberty, their demand for strict adherence to the church’s doctrines created a new kind of authoritarianism. So, in 1682 William Penn established his “holy experiment” in Pennsylvania where all faiths were made welcome, though only Protestants were granted the right to vote. More than a century after the arrival of Puritanism, the ability of a group to impose its religion through force of law ended in America. In declaring independence from England, the Declaration of Independence of 1776 and the Constitution, ratified in 1787, asserted that citizens had God-given rights to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” To ensure these rights would be protected, the Congress appended to the Constitution in 1791 the Bill of Rights with the provision that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof …” When Americans discovered the open land of the western frontier, they saw it as an oppor – tunity for greater political and religious freedom and individual fortune. A new, more fervent religious revival led to a mass westward migration where populist and utopian communities could take root. Though the formal authority of Puritan church leaders had been replaced by religious independence, the moral values of Puritanism, especially its work ethic, animated the desire for survival and success in the wilderness. Ever since the Protestant Reformation in 16th century Europe, Protestant theology emphasized the moral value of work. To work was to serve both God and society. Individual and communal survival in the American frontier required hard work, responsibility and frugal – ity. These moral values became American ideals and the path to prosperity. In the 19th century the American West and South were largely agricultural societies, while the North was becoming industrialized. The Protestant work ethic that had developed the West became the business prin – ciple of the new industries and, as the German sociologist Max Weber said in 1905, contributed to the “spirit of capitalism.” Religion and business became partners; thrift and hard work would again bring national prosperity, this time through industrialization. The financial success of industrialized work, however, was not shared by the workers. The desire for profit and the cost of buildings, machinery, supplies and labor required business owners to run their factories as many hours as possible. Working conditions favored the owner rather than the worker, and long hours, low wages and dangerous physical environments became common. In the 1930’s the Great Depression changed the fortunes of all Americans, workers and owners alike. Poverty overwhelmed the country as the economic gains of industry vanished in the Stock Market Crash of 1929. A “social gospel” that called for shared wealth and care for the poor replaced the earlier belief that prosperity was ordained by God. In the “Cold War” with the Soviet Union, Christianity became the enemy of communism and the proof of one’s patriotism ( the five Main u.s. religions at a glance Until well after World War II, Christian religions predominated in the U.S. religious landscape, and in the postwar years, the picture became gradually more complex, largely due to increased immigration. The Religious Landscape Survey conducted by the Pew Forum indicates that most Americans now identify with one of five major religions—Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, Islam 198 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity and Hinduism. Each of these religions has various forms and traditions within it and expresses its beliefs through particular kinds of worship and prayer, rituals, dietary rules, and modes of dress. What follows is a description of the main beliefs or principles that define each religion. The majority of Americans identify themselves as christian (see Table 4-1). christianity has many denominations, but all of these share a belief that there is one God who is revealed through human history. Christians believe that Jesus was God’s Son who came to earth as a man and he was killed about 30 ce by authorities of the Roman Empire, but came back to life and ascended to heaven. Christians claim that all who profess their belief in the Resurrection of Jesus will be received into heaven after death. Judaism began about 1900 bce in Israel, and shares the belief that God acts in human his – tory, especially in times of struggle and oppression. The “Tanak,” Judaism’s Scripture, tells the story of how the Jews were repeatedly conquered and enslaved by foreign powers, but were freed by God’s power acting through figures such as Abraham, Moses, and David. Jews believe that God made a “covenant” or promise to protect them as long as they continue to believe in and worship the one God. islam began in the 7th century ce and, like Christianity and Judaism, originated in the Middle East. From an Arabic word meaning “submitting,” Islam also professes belief in one God, Allah. Muslims (those who practice Islam) focus on living their lives according to God’s will, which is revealed through the “Qur’an” (the Scripture) and a long line of messengers. Mohammed is revered as the last and most important prophet of the religion and is said to have received the words of the Qur’an directly from God in a series of visions. Buddhism was founded between the 6th and 4th centuries bce in northeastern India. Based on the teachings of Siddhartha Gautama, a royal prince who became known as the Buddha (Enlightened One), it encompasses several schools of thought, established over the centuries by different teachers. In general, Buddhists believe that earthly life is a continuous cycle of birth and death that is the cause of human suffering. When we finally escape this cycle to achieve a state of being called “nirvana,” we become, like the Buddha, enlightened. Hinduism is the oldest of the major world religions and began in India around 2500  bce . Hindus believe in one Supreme Reality, called Brahman, which takes many forms and names. Hindus seek to be in harmony with Brahman by living an ethically good life through self- discipline, the sharing of wealth and following the teachings of the Scriptures (Vedas). Like Buddhists, they believe in reincarnation (the cycle of re-birth) and seek to escape it to achieve union with God. Table 4-1 Major Religious Traditions in the U.S. Christian 78.4 other religions 4.7 Protestant 51.3 Jewish 1.7 Catholic 23.9 Buddhist 0.7 Mormon 1.7 Muslim 0.6 Jehovah’s Witness 0.7 Hindu 0.4 Orthodox 0.6 Other religions <0.3 Other Christian 0.3 Unaffiliated 16.1 Declined 0.8 Religion in the U.S. Workplace 199 Table 4-1 lists the major religious traditions found in the U.S. as reported in the Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life (2008). religion in the Workplace Many people who involve themselves seriously in their religion try to integrate their religious practice into all parts of their lives, including work. They want deeper satisfaction from their work, what we might think of as a spiritual involvement. For example, the Christian may think of the workplace as an important part of her life’s work, a journey that leads toward the holy state of sanctification (Sire, 1990). Attempts at such faith integration that involve the workplace, who we are and who we are becoming as a person, how we think and feel, and what we do as a member of a specific religion, are increasing (Cafferky, 2011). David Miller, executive director of Yale University’s Center for Faith and Culture, has observed that religion in the workplace is “a bona fide social movement” whose significance is growing (Fenner, 2007). positive aspects of religion in the Workplace Religion can make an important contribution to an organization’s culture because it provides commonly held, shared values that connect people. An organization’s culture is a shared under – standing of what the organization is, how it ought to be, and how its members should behave, i.e., the shared collective beliefs, values and norms of its members. It emerges as a result of people working together and giving meaning to their shared environment. As a result, members are likely to readily pool their efforts in line with the organization’s strategy and move forward with collaborative commitment. Because a strong organizational culture is difficult to build and nearly impossible to imitate, it can provide the organization with a valuable competitive advantage. An inclusion of religion in the workplace can also contribute to the organization’s ability to understand their diverse stakeholders, including customers. It creates another access point to cultural knowledge that is so important in a diverse marketplace. The numbers of mainstream companies that involve religion as a part of their organi – zational culture are growing, and include Walt Disney, American Express, some Wal-Mart subsidiaries, Marriott, Amway and Chick-Fil-A. For example, Chick-Fil-A, whose CEO is an evangelical Christian, closes over 1,000 restaurants on Sunday in order to observe the Sabbath. In addition to involvement at the top levels, voluntary prayer groups are encouraged in many organizations in the government, non-profit and for-profit sectors. There are also service com – panies such as Chaplains at Work that provide faith-based and nondenominational support services to corporations, with services ranging from crisis intervention to general clergy duties such as marital counseling and hospital visits (Religion in Business, n.d.). This trend is in opposition to the traditional we have come to expect, rooted in Thomas Jefferson’s concept of the separation of church and state, although it may be much closer to the prac – tices of our earlier forebears. Now, though, the workforce is diversified, and, as it brings faith beliefs to work, members may encounter assumptions about being and doing in the world that are differ – ent from and possibly contradict their own. This can be unsettling, and in many organizations that have not addressed religion directly, it has become an uncomfortable subject. Melissa Dylan’s recent on-line contribution to a discussion of religion in the workplace is an example. She pointed out that too much God-Talk (is) unprofessional . . . This week I opened an interdepartmental e-mail and found a line from scripture quoted as part of the signature line. When religion comes up in the workplace, it is difficult to know how to react. Arguments fly 200 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity in both directions: inclusion of religion in the workplace can lead to camaraderie and bring a deeper sense of meaning to work. But choosing a deity to worship excludes those with different beliefs. Both arguments are valid, but they miss a very important point: religion has nothing to do with it. (Dylan, 2006) challenges that acco M pany religion in the Workplace Often conflict issues with religion in the workplace result from the desire for the religious practi – tioner to have a unified life and practice religion beyond the bounds of belief. The potential con – flict areas include the way the employee self-presents, including demeanor, dress and hairstyle, their desire that others conform to their dress and modesty values. They might desire to prosely – tize and convert others to a belief system that has brought goodness to their lives. Diet might also be an area of conflict, as could observance practice, including holidays and prayer patterns. The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution guarantees citizens two rights: the right to be free of a government-imposed religion and the right to practice any religion. Those rights, along with the freedom of expression also guaranteed by the First Amendment, are joined by Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act (see below) that prohibits disparate treatment, disparate impact and the creation of a hostile environment. title vii of the civil rights act of 1964 an D religion Title VII provides the basis for understanding and interpreting religion and its relationship to the work environment. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) defines religion in terms of observance and practice as well as beliefs. Title VII includes not only tra – ditional, organized religions, but also religious beliefs that are new, not part of a formal church or sect, or only subscribed to by a small number of people. “Title VII protections also extend to those who are discriminated against or need accommodation because they profess no religious beliefs” (EEOC, 2010). Title VII establishes that every worker has a right to reasonable accommodation for religion. This accommodation might include days off for religious holidays and schedule adjustments for weekly observance; the right to wear clothing signifying religious membership, such as a scarf or turban; having a place to pray; having appropriate food and beverages available in the cafeteria or at company gatherings. Hindu, Muslim, Jewish and Buddhist colleagues may be vegetarian or vegan, or refrain from specific foods such as pork, and not drink alcohol. Modesty for women may be important and may include wearing a covering (abaya, burqa or hijab ). Prayer during the day, fasting and pilgrimage may be part of the employee’s regular practice. All religions follow a slightly different religious calendar, lunar in the case of Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. Christians follow a year-long calendar, either the Gregorian or the Julian version, that commemorates the birth, life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. reasonable accommodations are arrangements that eliminate the religious conflict for the employee and does not cause undue hardship on the employer. If the requested accommoda – tion would cause the employer undue hardship, the employer must demonstrate that a good faith effort has been made to meet the employee’s religious need and that the suggested accommoda – tion would cause hardship. Undue hardship often is demonstrated by addressing the suggested accommodation’s cost impact. Exhibit 4-1 contains examples of the application of reasonable accommodation. Religion in the U.S. Workplace 201 G Points of Law title V ii of the civil rights act of l964 Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of l964 prohibits employers from discriminating against individuals because of their religion in hiring, firing, and other terms and conditions of employment. Title VII covers employers with fifteen or more employees, including state and local governments, employment agencies and labor organizations, as well as the federal government. Under title V ii: employers may not treat employees or applicants more or less favorably because of their religious beliefs or practices— except to the extent a religious accommodation is warranted. For example, an employer may not refuse to hire individuals of a certain reli – gion, may not impose stricter promotion requirements for persons of a certain religion, and may not impose more or different work requirements on an employee because of that employee’s religious beliefs or practices. employees cannot be forced to participate— or not participate—in a religious activity as a condition of employment. employers must reasonably accommodate employees’ sincerely held religious practices unless doing so would impose an undue hardship on the employer. A reasonable religious accommodation is any adjustment to the work environment that will allow the employee to practice his religion. An employer might accommodate an employee’s religious beliefs or practices by allowing flexible scheduling, voluntary substitutions or swaps, job reassign – ments and lateral transfers, modification of grooming requirements and other workplace practices, policies and/or procedures. an employer is not required to accommodate an employee’s religious beliefs and prac­ tices if doing so would impose an undue hardship on the employers’ legitimate business interests. An employer can show undue hardship if accommodating an employee’s reli – gious practices requires more than ordinary administrative costs, diminishes efficiency in other jobs, infringes on other employees’ job rights or benefits, impairs workplace safety, causes co-workers to carry the accommodated employee’s share of potentially haz – ardous or burdensome work, or if the proposed accommodation conflicts with another law or regulation. employers must permit employees to engage in religious expression, unless the religious expression would impose an undue hardship on the employer. Generally, an employer may not place more restrictions on religious expression than on other forms of expression that have a comparable effect on workplace efficiency. employers must take steps to prevent religious harassment of their employees. An em – ployer can reduce the chance that employees will engage in unlawful religious harassment by implementing an anti-harassment policy and having an effective procedure for report – ing, investigating and correcting harassing conduct. It is also unlawful to retaliate against an individual for opposing employment practices that discriminate based on religion or for filing a discrimination charge, testifying, or par – ticipating in any way in an investigation, proceeding, or litigation under Title VII. Source: Adapted from 202 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity exhibit 4-1 reasonable Accommodation of religion in the Workplace, examples the issue What reasonable Accommodation means: title vii of the Civil rights Act A shipping company refused to hire a Jewish man as a driver because of his beard, which he wears for religious purposes. The compa- ny required him to either shave his beard or apply for an “inside,” lower paying position with no public contact. Employers must make reasonable accom – modations to employees’ and applicants’ sincerely held religious beliefs as long as this does not pose an undue hardship. If the com – pany cannot show why a beard is a hardship, it must hire the man as a driver. Notably, the company may not argue that its customers would prefer non-bearded drivers as “cus – tomer preference” is not a valid basis for a hardship. A restaurant chain fired a server with a tattoo on his wrist. The tattoos are part of his sin – cerely held belief that his faith, the Kemetic re – ligion, requires them. He explained his religion to management, but was fired. Management stated that the company has Christian values and that the company seeks out “clean-cut kids” as servers. Management held that its dress code, including prohibitions on tattoos, would detract from its wholesome image, an undue hardship. Employers are required to support claims of undue hardship with more than hypotheti – cal hardships based on unproven assump – tions about image. Moreover, customer preference is not a legitimate reason for not accommodating a religious need. An employer requires employees to read pas- sages out loud from her preferred religious text at meetings, offers paid days off to attend religious gatherings, and helps to ad- vance the careers of employees who adopt her faith. An employee who refuses to participate in such activity must not be penalized. An em- ployer is not permitted to treat acceptance of religion or participation in religious rituals as a condition of employment, including ad- vancing the careers of adherents or providing benefits not open to non-adherents, such as paid days off. A co-worker occasionally teases a Muslim employee about her hijab (headscarf). The employee is offended and tells her colleague to stop and does not report it because the company has no reporting process. A man- ager begins to criticize her for wearing the hijab , and moves her into a lower-paying back office position. In a fit of anger, he grabs at the hijab and tears it and knocks the employee down to the floor. The company is probably not liable for a hostile work environment on the basis of the co-worker’s actions. The harassment was neither severe nor pervasive and did not af- fect her terms and conditions of employment. The manager’s actions probably give rise to a hostile work environment. The constant criticism plus the physical assault are both likely to meet the “severe or pervasive” test. Moreover, there was a clear adverse employ- ment action (the move to the back office). The employer will not be able to avoid li- ability because there was an adverse em- ployment action and there was no reporting mechanism. Religion in the U.S. Workplace 203 A co-worker refuses to sign a workplace pledge concerning tolerance of differences because she believes homosexuals to be immoral and against God’s word. Her manager orders her to sign it and she refuses. She is fired. The employer has an obligation to determine whether her refusal to sign the pledge could be accommodated. By immediately firing her, the employer failed to determine if there was an accommodation available. An employee has a religious belief that requires her to wear an anti-abortion button that shows a color photo of a fetus. The button causes disruptions and complaints. In response, the employer offers the employee three accommo – dations: (1) wear the button only in her cubicle; (2) cover the button at work; or (3) wear a different button with the same message but without the photograph. When she refused these accommodations, she was terminated. Title VII does not require an employer to allow an employee to impose her religious views on others. The employer is only required to rea – sonably accommodate an employee’s religious views. In light of the workplace disruption and complaints, and given that the proposed accommodations allowed her religious expres – sion, she was offered a reasonable accommo – dation and her refusal to accept them justified her termination. Source: Adapted from exhibit 4-1 Continued Just as in sexual harassment, religious harassment is of two types, quid pro quo and hostile environment. Quid pro quo harassment occurs when the harasser seeks to influ – ence the behavior and makes demands of a religious nature on the victim. Examples would include pressure to attend religious services, to participate in a prayer group or to convert. When the victim does not comply, the harasser retaliates. The second type of harassment, hostile environment, occurs when there is severe or pervasive conduct in the workplace directed towards an employee because of that employee’s religion. The employer has a responsibility to take actions to stop this conduct. In hostile environment, the workplace must be “permeated with discriminatory intimidation, ridicule, and insult that is suffi – ciently severe or pervasive to alter the conditions of the victim’s employment and create an abusive working environment” (Harris v. Forklift Sys., Inc. , 510 U.S. 17, 21, 1993). Title VII also protects the employee from the employer’s retaliation for making a complaint or testifying against discrimination. It is in this area, retaliation, that EEOC has seen the fastest growth in complaints. aDD ressing religious Discri M ination in the Workplace Just as religion provides personal strength, organizations realize that it can also contribute in positive ways to the workplace. Major organizations are finding ways to bring religion into the workplace and manage it. In order to tap into its strength, the diversity that accom – panies the practice of religion in the workplace in the U.S. needs to be managed because unmanaged, it  can move to discrimination. We now look at best practices and a religious diversity checklist. The  best practices are modified from material developed by EEOC, and they address practices for employers. The focus areas are the challenging changes religion can bring to the workplace: religion itself, harassment, accommodation, undue hardship, schedule changes, job changes, workplace practices, the practice of prayer, and retaliation. 204 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity religion in the Workplace best Practices • Use written, objective criteria for evaluating candidates for hire or promotion and apply consistently to all candidates. • In job interviews, ask the same questions of all applicants for a particular job. • Record the accurate business reasons for disciplinary or performance-related actions, and share these reasons with the affected employees. • Provide training to inexperienced managers and encourage them to consult with more expe – rienced managers or human resources personnel when addressing difficult issues. • If confronted with customer biases, consider engaging with and educating the customers regarding any misperceptions they may have and the EEOC laws. religious harassment • Anti-harassment policy that is well-publicized and consistently applied covers religious harass – ment; clearly explains what is prohibited; describes procedures for bringing harassment to management’s attention; and assures that complainants will be protected against retaliation. • Allow religious expression to the same extent that other types of personal expression are allowed. • Once an employee objects to religious conduct that is directed at him or her, take steps to end the conduct. Even conduct that you regard as harmless can become sufficiently severe or pervasive to affect the conditions of employment if allowed to persist, given the objection. • If harassment is by a non-employee assigned by a contractor, demand that it cease, that dis – ciplinary action be taken if it continues, and/or that a new person be assigned. • To prevent conflicts from escalating to the level of Title VII violation, immediately intervene when you become aware of objectively abusive or insulting conduct, even absent a complaint. • Intervene proactively and discuss with subordinates whether particular religious expression is welcome if you think the expression might be construed as harassing to a reasonable person. • Supervisors can engage in certain religious expression, yet should avoid expression that might reasonably be perceived by subordinates as coercive, even when not so intended. reasonable Accommodation • Inform employees that you will make reasonable efforts to accommodate religious practices. • Train managers and supervisors on how to recognize religious accommodation requests. • Develop a process for religious accommodation requests. • Assess each request individually and avoid assumptions or stereotypes about what constitutes a religious belief or practice or what type of accommodation is appropriate. • Confer fully and promptly to the extent needed to share any necessary information about the religious needs and the available accommodation options. • Consider the employee’s proposed method of accommodation and, if that plan is denied, explain the reasoning to the employee. • Train managers to consider alternative available accommodations if the particular accommo – dation requested would pose undue hardship. • If the accommodation cannot be implemented promptly, consider offering alternative meth – ods of accommodation temporarily. Undue hardship • The undue hardship standard refers to the legal requirement. Be flexible in evaluating wheth – er an accommodation is feasible. • Don’t assume that an accommodation will conflict with a seniority system. Check for excep – tions for religious accommodation to allow accommodation consistent with seniority. exhibit 4-2 best Practices for religious Diversity in the Workplace Religion in the U.S. Workplace 205 • Don’t reject a request for religious accommodation automatically because the accommoda – tion will interfere with the existing seniority system or terms of a collective bargaining agree – ment (CBA). Voluntary modification to a CBA may accommodate employee religious needs. • Train managers to be aware that, if the requested accommodation would violate the CBA or seniority system, they should confer with employee to determine alternatives. • Ensure that managers know reasonable accommodation may require making exceptions to policies or procedures that are not part of a CBA or seniority system, where it would not in – fringe on other employees’ legitimate expectations. schedule Changes, voluntary substitutes, and swaps • Work with employees to adjust a work schedule to accommodate religious practices. • Consider adopting flexible leave and scheduling policies that will allow employees to meet their religious and other personal needs. • Encourage voluntary substitutions and swaps with employees of similar qualifications by pub – licizing policy, promoting atmosphere in which substitutes are favorably regarded, and pro – viding a central file, bulletin board, group e-mail to facilitate this process. Change of Job Assignments and Lateral transfers • Consider a lateral transfer when no accommodation that would keep the employee in the position is possible without undue hardship. • If no lateral transfer is available that would permit the employee to remain in a current or equivalent position, offer an available lower position as an accommodation and permit the employee to decide. modifying Workplace Practices, Policies, and Procedures • Make efforts to accommodate an employee’s desire to wear a yarmulke, hijab, or other reli – gious garb. • Train managers to avoid stereotyping based on religious dress and grooming practices and to not assume that atypical dress creates undue hardship. • Encourage flexibility and creativity with work schedules, duties, selection procedures as practicable. • Avoid pressuring or coercing employees to attend social gatherings after the employees have indicated a religious objection to attending. Permitting Prayer, Proselytizing, and other Forms of religious expression • Train managers to gauge the actual disruption posed by religious expression in the workplace, rather than to speculate that disruption may result. • Discuss religious expression and the need for all employees to be sensitive to beliefs of others. retaliation • Reduce the risk of retaliation claims by training managers and supervisors to be aware of their anti-retaliation obligations under Title VII, including specific actions that may constitute retaliation. • Reduce the risk of retaliation claims by carefully and timely recording the accurate business reasons for disciplinary or performance related actions and sharing these reasons with the employee. Source: Adapted from exhibit 4-2 Continued 206 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity religious Diversity checklist This checklist is a good way for you to determine where an organization stands now in terms of addressing issues related to religious diversity. It is adapted from a model presented by the Tanenbaum Center for Interreligious Understanding. Summary This article focused on the role that religion plays in the U.S. workplace today. Given the diversity of religious practices, there is a growing trend in the U.S. toward an integration of faith and work life, a trend that brings both benefits and challenges to the workplace. exhibit 4-3 religious Diversity Checklist Policies Does your diversity policy include religious diversity and is there a method to communicate this policy to employees? What do you know about the religions of your employees? holidays/ time off Is there a clearly articulated policy regarding religious holiday leave (paid or unpaid) and is this policy clearly explained to employees? Is there a way for employees and managers to address scheduling conflicts resulting from religion and to find co-workers who can cover shifts? Do you take into account employees’ religious holidays when planning meetings, workshops, trips, dinners, and special events? Dress Does your company have a dress code that is communicated to all employees? If an employee’s religious practice conflicts with the code, do you have policies in place regarding attire? Food Does your company provide food for employees that accommodates their religious needs (kosher, halal, vegetarian)? employee networks Does your company allow the formation of on-site religion-based, employee networks and does your company clearly communicate the policies for these groups and their relationship to the company as a whole? office space Does your company have a policy regarding personal workspace that includes religious decoration and is this policy clearly explained to employees? Does your company allow holiday decoration of office space and do these accommodate the needs of religiously and culturally diverse employees? religious Practice Does your company allow religious practice in the workplace (prayer, meditation) and how do you communicate the policies regarding religious practice to the employees and how do employees communicate their religious practice needs to management? Source: Excerpted from Religion in the U.S. Workplace 207 As a part of an organization’s culture, religious beliefs can give meaning to shared goals and environments, and lead people to support the company’s mission and one another. The diver – sity of religious practices today presents an increased potential for conflict between religious values and business expectations. Balancing the needs of an organization with the rights of employees requires a clear understanding of the legal protections provided for religion by the U.S. Constitution and Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. With careful management, an organization can tap into the strengths and benefits of a diverse religious environment to add value to the organization members’ quality of life and output. Writing Assignment You manage a department of twenty-three employees, many of whom are Christian. Write a policy that clearly articulates how the organization accommodates requests for religious holiday leave. Include an explanation of how employees and management will communicate and resolve schedul – ing conflicts that may arise as a result of multiple requests for leave. Explain how you will communi – cate this policy to your employees. Discussion Questions 1. Comment on the general involvement of religion in U.S. public life, and particularly in the workplace. If a Puritan religious leader were suddenly to show up at your most recent job site, how might you explain the issues related to religion there to him? 2. You are an entrepreneur beginning your first start-up company, and you have ample seed money. How might you intentionally involve religion in the new business culture you are about to build? 3. Using the Religious Diversity Checklist in Exhibit 4-3, conduct an audit of an organization to which you have belonged. Once you answer the questions, analyze the answers and generalize from them to offer the organization advice on its treatment of religion in the workplace. How would you rate the organization on its performance on a scale of 1 to 10 (with 10 being excellent)? 4. Discuss the contributions religion might make to an organization for which you have worked. Then, discuss the challenges that the introduction of religious diversity there might create. 208 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity Bibliography Anti Defamation League. (2010). Religious freedom resources . Retrieved October 28, 2010, from religion_workplace.asp BBC Religion. Cafferky, M. (2011). Principles of management. Manuscript submitted for publication. De Grazia, S. (1992). Of time, work and leisure . New York: Vintage Books. Dylan, M. (2006). Religion in the workplace: Too much God-talk unprofessional . Retrieved November 1, 2010, from content/religion-in-the-workplace-a4672/ Fenner, L. (2007). Religion in the workplace is  diversity issue for U.S. Companies , November  28, 2007, Retrieved November 4, 2010, from “God in America.” godinamerica Lunden, R. (1988). Business and Religion in the American 1920s. New York: Greenwood Press, p. 153. Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life. (2007). The U.S. religious landscapes survey . Retrieved November 12, 2010, from http://religions. Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life. (2008). Report Two: Religious beliefs and practices. Retrieved November 16, 2010, from http:// Religion in business: Is it faith or suicide? (n.d.). Retrieved October 25, 2010, from www.buzzle. com/articles/religion-in-business-is-it-faith-or- suicide.html/ Diversity on the Web Select a religion that you are unfamiliar with from Table 4-1 and, using some of the resources listed below, answer the following questions: a. What are some of the basic beliefs and practices of the religion you chose? b. Are there any specific past or current workplace issues that have been raised with respect to this religion and/or its practices? c. In general, what strategies can organizations use to educate employees about religious diversity? Comment on challenges organizations may face when addressing the discussion of religious diversity. The following Internet resources will be helpful in beginning your research. BBC Religion The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life The Pluralism Project at Harvard University links/index.php On Being, Krista Tippett Virtual Religion Index Wabash Center for Teaching and Learning in Theology and Religion—Internet Guide to Religion resources/guide_headings.aspx Religion in the U.S. Workplace 209 Sire, J.W. (1990). Discipleship of the mind: Learning to love God in the ways we think . Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, pp. 97–98, 106. Society for Human Resource Management. (2008). Religion and corporate culture: Accommodating religious diversity in the workplace survey report. http://www.shrm. org/Research/SurveyFindings/Articles/Pages/ ReligionandCorporateCulture.aspx The Tanenbaum Center for Interreligious Understanding. (n.d.). https://www.tanenbaum. org/ The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2008). What is religion under Title VII? Retrieved November 3, 2010, from religion.html The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2009). Resources on religious dis – crimination. Retrieved November 8, 2010, from The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (n.d.). Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Retrieved on October 20, 2010, from U.S. Supreme Court. (1993). Harris v. Forklift Sys., Inc. , 510 U.S. 17, 21. Retrieved November 21, 2010, from us/510/17/ Virtual Religion Index. Wabash Center for Teaching and Learning in Theology and Religion—Internet Guide to Religion. http://www.wabashcenter.wabash. edu/resources/guide_headings.aspx Kathleen M. Fisher, PhD, is an associate professor of theology at Assumption College. Her focus areas are medieval history and religion with research interests in Irish Chris- tianity, monastic life, and the place of contemplative practice in teaching and learning. Jeanne M. McNett, PhD, is a senior academic researcher at the D’Amore-McKim School of Business, Northeastern University. Her research interests include the role of culture in international business and the intersection of business with the arts in higher education. Pamela D. Sherer, PhD, is a professor of management at Providence College, where she teaches courses in managing workplace diversity, comparative management, and orga – nizational theory. Her research interests include diversity issues, faculty development practices, collaborative learning, and pedagogy and technology. 210 Understanding intercultural c ommunications in t oday’s g lobal  e nvironment gina ruxton Brandeis University carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita Research indicates that communication between culturally diverse sub-group members is increasingly dissimilar (Searight & Gafford, 2005). As the workforce becomes more diverse, immigration increases and technology rapidly advances with e-commerce, Skype, video con – ferencing, global call centers, and webcasting, nearly everyone participates in intercultural communication even if they never leave the United States. However, we tend to be less aware of the differences in styles when communicating with coworkers, supervisor, suppliers, and customers whose communication styles may differ considerably from our own than when we are in another country. the coMM unication Mo Del While all communication follows a basic model, cultural differences can complicate the pro – cess and contribute to misunderstandings in the workplace. All communication, verbal and non-verbal, involves a sender who encodes a message that he transmits over some channel to a receiver who decodes the message and provides feedback. This transmission happens within a context of “noise,” i.e., all of the factors that can reduce the clarity of understand – ing the message. Certainly, when individuals exhibit communication styles that are based on different norms and values, i.e., create noise, the possibility of miscommunication increases significantly (See figure 4-1). gro W th anD flexibility Effective communication in the workplace can be both confusing and challenging. It requires not only significant knowledge of many different cultural frameworks, but also the willingness to attain personal growth and flexibility throughout the process. First, one needs to accept that the verbal and non-verbal communication style that we are most familiar with often become Understanding Intercultural Communications in Today’s Global Environment 211 our unconscious norm against which we judge the communication styles of others. For exam – ple, if you were socialized to believe that making eye contact indicates that a person is telling the truth, you may have an unconscious tendency to judge people who consider not making eye contact as a sign of respect as being untrustworthy. Second, in communication exchanges, there is a tendency to “categorize” individuals as being representative of their entire culture. So, when you start to communicate with a person, his appearance, clothing, accent or name may lead you to inaccurate interpretations, conclu – sions, and judgments about his message. However, such generalizations do not leave one open to the influence of each individual’s life experiences and socialization. While commonalities may exist amongst members of groups, each individual member of that group has characteristics that makes him unique. The problem is that stereotypes about groups of people are overgeneraliza – tions and are either inaccurate or do not apply to the individual group member in question. So, in dealing with a customer from a Hispanic culture, or with an Hispanic name, it is easy to assume that he will typify all Hispanics when in fact his life experiences, could include many non-Hispanic influences, like study abroad, travel and more. While generalizations may be accurate about groups, they’re never going to be wholly true of individuals . . . This doesn’t mean that we have gotten the facts wrong, but only that in any culture you will always find a broad range of behaviors vis-à-vis particular characteristics (Storti, 1994, pp. 7–8). Third, people have many social identities and some are more salient or important influ – ences on their patterns of communication than others. An African American woman may develop a communication style more influenced by her status as a woman, i.e., gender, or her generational cohort, i.e., as a baby boomer, than her race. Flexible communicators avoid using a culture specific approach that assumes that all members of a subgroup communicate in the same way. For example, if a person is working with a client from a group that tends to be sensitive to time, speaks directly and is not very emotional, it does not mean that this particular person will respond well to communications that stress these elements. For many reasons, these parameters may not be strong in her personal communication framework. A better approach is to be mindful, i.e., more observant and tuned NOISE Feedback Sender Receiver Encodes Message Decodes Message Communication Channel figure 4-1 t he basic Communication Process 212 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity into her communication style, and to listen for cues to determine if she seems to value this particular communication approach or not. Jandt (2004) proposes that by nature, people of all cultural backgrounds are inherently the same. It is their exposure over time to their society and its values (i.e., socialization) that shapes their communication style and each individual has unique life experiences. Being able to communicate effectively with people of diverse cultural backgrounds is a skill that can provide a competitive advantage in the marketplace and capitalizes on one of the posi – tive aspects of having diversity in an organization. Employees who understand and appreciate differences, such as greetings, meeting formalities, scheduling, negotiations, and presentation skills will have a better chance of doing business effectively than those who continue to overlook the importance of developing more mindful and flexible intercultural communication skills or who assume that all members of a particular culture communicate with the same style. The key is to develop an awareness that improves understanding between cultures. languages Of 155 million workers in the United States, 79 percent speak fluent English, with 9.1% report – ing as being limited in English proficiency, this means that they reported speaking English less than “very well.” In a Gallup survey, 96% of Americans believed it was either crucial or very important for members of the U.S. workforce to speak English. Approximately a quarter of the U.S. workforce can hold a conversation in a language other than their primary language, 55% of which is in Spanish (Fry, 2005). In the Hispanic community, 47% of Spanish youth are bilingual in Spanish and English. However, younger Hispanics often speak English as their primary language. With the median age of Hispanics in the United States at 27.4 years of age, compared to the median age of Euro-Americans at 36.4 years of age, the opportunity for this cultural group to utilize their English and bilingual communication skills to advance in busi – ness organizations is unprecedented. Direct an D inDirect coMM unication, styles an D aM erican  sub- cultures In communicating, each person participating in the conversation must understand their own experiences, culture, stereotypes, and assumptions, as well as put forth an effort to understand the experiences, culture, stereotypes, and realized and unrealized assumptions of the other par – ticipants. Because stereotypes are primarily generalizations and are not necessarily an accurate way to describe the communication styles of every member of an entire culture, to think that everybody will communicate the same way is of course a generalization and referred to as a cul – ture specific approach. However, this often happens as an unconscious process. So, rather than assuming that all Asians will value and need time to establish a relationship before reaching an business agreement, it is preferable to observe the communication cues and behaviors of your Asian American client to determine if this seems to be important for him. For example, does he appear a bit uncomfortable when you get right into the purpose of the meeting, rather than exchange pleasantries first? In Asian cultures, indirectness is often considered polite, but a com – mon stereotype is that Asians are sneaky or hard to figure out, undoubtedly a result of their indi – rect communication style. This has led many to distrust Asians in the workplace. Some people may even feel that Asians are deceptive or hiding pertinent information while in fact they may have been socialized to communicate in a less directive style to demonstrate respect. Understanding Intercultural Communications in Today’s Global Environment 213 Another example of how stereotypes affect communication is that Black Americans can be perceived as more violent and aggressive than whites. Because Black Americans as a group tend to have a more direct communication style than many Whites or Asians, Black Americans consider it admirable to express feelings, and emotions and value members of society who do so. Early communications research by Foeman and Pressley (1987) identified five Black-American cultural values that, if leveraged appropriately, can be beneficial in an organizational environ – ment and in communication: assertiveness, directness, morality, receptiveness, and cohesion. Since Native Americans tend to be soft spoken or quiet, their communication style can cre – ate an expectation that they will not participate in conversations, or in contrast, the assumption that they are overly aggressive when they do speak up (Hernandez, 2007). In Native American cultures, oral tradition is important and this may result in less talk and more listening than most Euro-Americans expect. Because it is considered shameful in Native American culture to make mistakes in public, this may be another reason why some Native Americans don’t tend to partici – pate as verbally in the workplace as others. Different styles of speech and language can cause anxiety in interpreting directions and verbal and non-verbal cues, especially when there are differences in the way words are articu – lated. It is assumed that people will contribute to an interaction in a greater capacity when they are comfortable and have similarities with their counterparts, including common economic, social, and cultural backgrounds (McComb, 2001). While sociologists view different dialects as all being correct ways of speaking, others per – ceive some dialects, such as British English, as being more prestigious (Langmia & Durham, 2007). In contrast, in Black American culture, language is individualistic and complicated, as described by Gudykunst & Ting-Toomey and uses vivid descriptive words, images and metaphors (Taylor, 1990). Because language is a combination of their English vocabulary and complex Black struc – ture that sometimes results in differences in the way that Black Americans use verb tenses. Black Americans sometimes talk in a more rhythmic speech than white Americans, so conversations and presentations may appear more boastful and animated. Given the percentage of Black Americans who live in poverty and their historically lower levels of academic achievement as a group, this speech style is sometimes unconsciously less respected than other styles. Asian-influenced communication styles tend to differ from those of Euro-Americans in that Asians can be more indirect in providing information and data prior to making their main point. Some may view this as a way to provide a complete rationale for the ultimate decision or strategy. However, this can leave other people searching for the substance at the beginning of a communication, lead to difficulty in identifying the main points and result in poor listening and a loss of interest. In contrast, many Euro-Americans tend to lead with the main point or deci – sion (i.e., use a more direct style), and then follow-up with supporting data and rationale. Asians listening to a presentation or reading this in an email could view this style as too aggressive or too forward. For example, presentations of case studies by students of Middle Eastern descent focus on emotional aspects of the case and then jump to the solution, without first developing the rationale for it. This can be troublesome for students from low-context cultures who value a step-by-step analysis leading to the proposed resolution in a direct and concise manner. While neither com – munication style is incorrect, students with an understanding of these different communication styles can develop a competitive edge in the global business environment. Differences in communication styles often are unrecognized or denied because people are unsure of how to cope with these differences. Asians, for example, have a tendency to shield others from knowing negative information and expect others to do the same (Searight, 2005). 214 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity In contrast, African Americans can come across as blunt or too-straightforward because of their tendency to use a more direct style of communication (Gudykunst &Ting-Toomey, 1996). Maintaining har M ony an D eM otionalis M People from different cultures may deal with conflict quite differently. African Americans sometimes distrust the established ways of doing things, and challenge the norms and expec – tations within an organization. Asians, however, are more apt to conform to established processes, roles and hierarchies within an organization, while repressing public feelings and emotions (Searight, 2005). In terms of negotiation, Asians are often more willing to apologize as a way to continue moving forward especially when things become awkward. They are typically expected to apolo – gize whenever there is tension or awkwardness, but Euro-Americans and Black Americans often are less willing to take any blame and only offer an apology as warranted, if at all. Americans are also more likely to provide an explanation with an apology, while Asians tend to internalize the blame, acting in a more submissive manner, without necessarily providing any rationale (Carr-Ruffino, 2006). inDivi Dual an D group coMM unication: culture context America as a whole is considered to be low context , highly individualistic culture where direct – ness is valued and people are responsible for their own success. However, some of the U.S. population growth both through immigration and birthrate is more from the high context collectivist subcultures such as Asians, Africans, Native Americans and Middle-Easterners where the group is more important than the individual and indirect communication is more common (Lingley, 2006). Since these cultures are less direct, listening is more important and silence indicates understanding. Many Euro-Americans prefer a more direct communication style and rush to fill silences (McDowell, 2003). In some cultures, there is a strong emphasis on group cohesiveness and belonging, i.e.,  collectivism . The group, which can be as narrow as immediate family, or as broad as col – leagues and acquaintances, is of utmost importance to members of these cultures, and they value conformity and commitment to the group (i.e., relationships), as well as compliance to maintain harmony, above even honesty, within the group. This is in sharp contrast to the United States, where individualism and independence are crit – ical to one’s self value. In American culture, maintaining self-respect and one’s image is extremely important and people will act more aggressively to preserve their self image in negotiations and conflict. In other cultures, such as Asian cultures, it is the group that matters more than any one individual. So, people may avoid conflict to not upset the collective group’s image (McDowell, 2003). In American Indian and Asian cultures, the individual is expected to remain modest and humble. Advancing or promotion of oneself and one’s accomplishments or taking oneself too seriously violates these values (LeBaron, 2003). For example, a very talented American Indian student may hide academic competence to avoid seeming superior, which is considered inap – propriate arrogance in that culture. This could inhibit their performance in class participation, team settings and job interviews. To ensure harmony, American Indians may be less aggressively competitive and work better cooperatively (Deyhle & Swisher, 1997). Frequently, people from these collective societies belong to a small number of very intimate groups to which they are extremely loyal over the entire course of their lives and Understanding Intercultural Communications in Today’s Global Environment 215 this tendency has implications for teamwork and management. Collective societies reward systems [that] benefit the group as a whole rather than any one individual and hard work is rewarded intrinsically. In contrast, in low context cultures like the U.S., people are more assertive, talkative, and direct in communication and often devalue the attentive listening and silences so common in high context communication. When low context communicators actively question a speaker, it can make people in high context cultures uneasy because it can produce tension or disrupt harmony (Berry, 2009). In contrast, in the United States an individual’s personal needs are often placed above the needs of the group with minimal commitment or loyalty to the group. non- verbal coMM unication Many people utilize nonverbal cues to better understand communication when they are not certain they know what the other person is trying to communicate. Most cultures use different non-verbal cues, based on their own assumptions and values, making the combination of inter – preting verbal and non-verbal cues particularly complex. For example, in the United States, eye contact, pleasantness of vocal expressions, affirmative head nods, head, and closer physical dis – tance between communicators are considered affiliative. In other cultures, these same behaviors may instead increase uncertainty and anxiety (Neuliep, 2003). For example, in Black American cultures, listeners may avert their eyes to indicate respect and attention, while speakers from other cultures are expected to look at listeners directly in the eye. If one member of the interaction is unaware of this culturally accepted communication style, it can unknowingly create tension. In low context North America, there tends to be far less emphasis placed on nonverbal communication than in high context countries. Non-verbal communication can also be chal – lenging in terms of electronic communications because with little to no opportunity to view mannerisms or hear tones, the communication can likely be judged as too direct and can seem harsh and impolite (Sanders & Wiseman, 1993). benefits of intercultural coMM unication Frequently, even leaders who understand the need for intercultural communication and the complexities of diverse organizations become tentative about the extent that they should assert themselves to encourage intercultural communication within an organization, questioning exactly how much change should be expected and what metrics will best measure success. It can be disruptive to promote intercultural understanding and communication without first observ – ing and analyzing the organizational norms and values. While all cultures have some strong common beliefs and assumptions, others seem to include sharper contrasts within a wide range of values, beliefs, and assumptions. Often, one communication pattern will typically dominate another and therefore be more influential, but not necessarily apply to every member of the culture. For example, Americans can be consid – ered aggressive and assertive in high context cultures, however, many Americans are passive and compliant. Competency and sensitivity to differences in intercultural communication creates a more productive workplace with an increased number of contributing perspectives and a better opportunity for creativity. Businesses, both domestically and internationally, have begun to focus on the idea that capitalizing on intercultural communication knowledge and development can provide diverse perspectives and competitive advantages. In essence, the 216 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity overall goal of successful communications in organizations is increased commerce, decreased conflict, better understanding, more personal growth through tolerance and less uncertainty, anxiety and fear of differences (Neuliep, 2003). Discussion Questions 1. What factors makes it difficult for people to understand how differences in intercultural communica – tion styles can cause serious misunderstandings? 2. Why is it important to understand some of the general communication tendencies of cultures or di – verse groups? 3. Briefly describe an example of an intercultural miscommunication exchange that you have either par – ticipated in or observed in the workplace, at college, or in a public place. How did the communicators exhibit some of the dimensions described in this article? In retrospect, what could have been done differently to improve the communication in terms of the sender, choice of medium and the receiver? 4. Develop an original example of an intercultural communication misinterpretation in a job interview situation that could cause incorrect assumptions to be made about an applicant’s potential suitability for a position. Writing Assignment Go to and search for “The Ten Commandments of American Culture.” This list presents ten sayings that represent commonly accepted American cultural values. Think about how these “American” values may not be as relevant to African Americans, Hispanic Americans, or Asian Americans as they are to Euro-Americans. Write a two- to three-page paper that analyzes how these could lead to lack of motivation, poor productivity, and conflict in the workplace. Diversity on the Web Go to and search for “Things Never to Say to American Indian Coworkers” (Article # 3621). After reading this list and the blog that follows it, what have you learned about communi – cating with Native Americans and about workplace communication? You will have to register to use this website, but if you use your “.edu” address, there is no charge and this is a very helpful workplace diversity website. Understanding Intercultural Communications in Today’s Global Environment 217 Bibliography Barger, T.S. (2006). Hispanics in the Workplace: Building Meaning ful Diversity , New York: The Conference Board Executive action series. Berry, John. (2009). Federal Equal Opportunity Recruitment Program Annual Report to Con – gress , Washington, DC: US Office of Personnel Management. Carr-Ruffino, N., PhD. (2006). Managing Diver – sity: People Skills for a Multicultural Workplace; 7th Edition , Boston: Pearson Custom Publishing. Deyhle, D., & Swisher, K. (1997). Research in American Indian and Alaska Native Education: From Assimilation to Self-determination , Wa s h – ington, DC: American Educational Research Association. Foeman, A.K., & Pressley, G. (1987). Ethnic cul – ture and corporate culture: Using black styles in organizations. Communication Quarterly , 35 (4), 293–307. doi:10.1080/01463378709369695. Fry, R., & Lowell-Pew, B.L. (2005). The Character – istics of Bilingual and Monolingual U.S. Workers, Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Publishing. Gudykunst, W.B., & Ting-Toomey, S. (1996). Com – munication in Personal Relationships Across Cul – tures , Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Hernandez, C. (2007). Old and New Stereotypes of Hispanics , Washington, DC: The Washington Post Company. Jandt, F.E. (2004). Intercultural Communication: A Global Reader, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Pub – lications, Inc. Langmia, K., & Durham, E. (2007). Bridging the Gap , Bowie, MD: Sage Publication, Inc. LeBaron, M. (2003). Cross Cultural Communica – tion , Boulder, CO: University of Colorado, Boulder. Lingley, D. (2006). Apologies Across Cultures: An Analysis of Intercultural Communication Prob – lems Raised in the Ehime Maru Incident , Japan: Kochi University. McComb. Chris. (2001). About One in Four Americans Can Hold a Conversation in a Second Language. Gallup . com/poll/1825/about-one-four-americans- can-hold-conversation-second-language. aspx. McDowell, M.J. (2003). Native American Litera – tures: High Context & Low Context, Portland, OR: Portland Community College. Neuliep, J.W. (2003). Intercultural Communication: A Contextual Approach. 2nd Edition , Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. Sanders, J.A., & Wiseman, R.L. (1993). Intercultural Communication Studies III: Uncertainty Reduc – tion Among Ethnicities in the United States , Pomona, CA: California State Polytechnic Uni – v e r s i t y. Searight, H. Russell, PhD, MPH, & Gafford, J., PhD. (2005). Cultural Diversity at the End of Life: Issues and Guidelines for Family Physicians , St. Louis, MO: Forest Park Hospital Family Medi – cine Residency Program. viDeos 1. Derek Sivers: Weird? Or just different: a. Provide an example of a situation when providing directions to complete a task that could be challenging to co-workers with different cultural backgrounds? b. Give three examples of careers that could base the salary or pay on the success rate of the individual, such as the example given of the doctor. 2. Cross Cultural Communication in a Global World: a. Give two examples of simple tasks in the workplace that may be completely unknown to a person from a different culture. b. Do you agree that global travel is the only way to truly gain cultural understanding, or can it be learned in a classroom? 218 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity Shrestha, L.B. (2006). CRS Report for Congress: The Changing Demographic Profile of the United States , Washington, DC: The Library of Congress. Storti, C. (1994). Cross-Cultural Dialogues . Ya r – mouth Maine: Intercultural Press. Taylor, Orlando L., PhD. (1987). Cross-Cultural Communication-Culture; Communication and Language , Bethesda, MD: The Mid-Atlantic— Equity Consortium. Gina Ruxton is currently the digital marketing manager for Brandeis University’s International Business School, managing the school’s website, digital marketing, and social media strategies. 219 c ommunicating with a g lobal c all  c enter e xercise carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita With today’s focus on Customer Relationship Management (CRM), organizations are trying to reduce costs and provide better service through the increased use of technology. However, to save money, companies increasingly outsource these functions to offshore call centers. So without even leaving home, we can find ourselves in the position of having to communicate by telephone with someone from an unknown culture to resolve our billing problems, order a product, fix our computers, change our cable packages, etc. When we dial that toll free num – ber, we have no idea where the phone is going to be answered but often it will be ringing in a global call center and we will be communicating with one of the world’s 4.78 million customer service agents. As discussed in the Ruxton article, it is a human tendency to communicate through our own cultural lenses and in spite of being trained, the person answering that phone or chat – ting with you, is probably doing the same thing! Cultural differences and mismatched com – munication styles often complicate the conversation, misunderstandings often occur, conflict escalates and frustration builds. None of this usually results in a sale, a satisfied customer, or good CRM. One way to minimize these cultural miscommunications and to maximize understanding is to learn to communicate and negotiate from a culture general perspective. This means that one does not assume that the listener typifies the communication style and tendencies of any particular culture. Instead, if you listen carefully for the elements detailed in the Ruxton article (See Exhibit 4-4) and adapt your communication to the style elements that you hear, this should improve understanding and diminish miscommunication. Direct Communication indirect Communication Emphasis on verbal cues More non-verbal cues (tone, etc.) Low context (explicit) High context (implied meanings) Individualistic Collective exhibit 4-4 elements of Communication style Differences from the ruxton Article 220 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity the call center assign M ent Have you ever experienced a frustrating phone conversation while trying to negotiate for something with a global call center customer service representative? Most of us have had this experience. The following exercise will give you the opportunity to observe how these commu – nications can create conflict through cultural miscommunication and illustrate how to obtain more satisfying results. instructions 1. Your instructor will form teams of 4-5 students who may be required to meet outside of class to prepare this assignment. Divide the assignment among your team members into writing, presentation and class discussion responsibilities. 2. Each team will develop two scripts for one of the telephone conversation situations detailed below. The first role play script should exemplify poor intercultural communication for the three communication style differences discussed in the Ruxton article (See Exhibit 4-4) so that each end of the conversation is coming from a different style such as individualistic and collective, etc. 3. Each role play should last 3-5 minutes, feature no non-verbal cues (remember that this conversation is taking place on the telephone), and not identify in any way the countries of origin of the sender or receivers of the communication. 4. After your team presents the first role play, involve the whole class by asking them to identify examples of each of the style elements from Exhibit 4-4 that they heard in the conversation. 5. Then, present the second role play. It should demonstrate the same topics of conversation but with communication style differences corrected. So, the caller should change his or her communication style to be more mindful of the intercultural communication differences between him or her and that of the call center employee. 6. After your team presents the second role play, involve the whole class again by asking them to identify examples of each of the style elements from Exhibit 4-4 that they heard in the second conversation. 7. After all teams have presented, discuss as a class what might be drawn from the presenta – tions about the need to develop flexible non-culture specific intercultural communication skills? suggested topics for the intercultural telephone conversations between a north american consumer and a global call center somewhere in the World Consumer originated phone call topics : Asking questions about a technical problem, receiv – ing an incorrect bill, trying to cancel some service, complaining about the quality of a prod – uct, not receiving a product that was ordered, etc. Global call center originated phone call topics : Selling a product, trying to upgrade a current customer, collect an overdue payment, telling you that you have overdrawn your checking account when you know that you have not, etc. Communicating with a Global Call Center Exercise 221 Diversity on the Web To see a global call center and intercultural miscommunication in action, go to In the search box, write “jolly vindaloo day.” Or go to This will give you a short clip from the television show Outsourced . Select and watch this video and provide specific examples of intercultural communication errors. 222 t he c ulture of the U. s . a ir f orce and its impact on a Mobile  t raining  t eam c ase christopher c. Butts K. Parks Consulting, Inc. elizabeth sanz University of Central Florida Kizzy M. Parks K. Parks Consulting, Inc. Daniel P. McDonald Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute How effectively can you educate others, if the communication and cultural barriers impeding the successful completion of your last training mission were never recognized? The following case illustrates how the U.S. Department of Defense came to understand the vital importance of differences in cultural values and languages in dealing with global assignments. historical backgroun D Prior to the 1980’s, Anastasio Somoza maintained control of Nicaragua through the use of the National Guard (or Guardia Nacional ). This dictator was considered an ally to the United States due to his anti-communist stance and assistance in various political activities, including the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba. After the fall of his regime in 1979, led by the communist Sandinista National Liberation Front, the remaining National Guard members fled into nearby countries such as Honduras and became known as the Contras (or counter-revolutionaries). the first Mobil training tea M The United States has always provided support to its friends and allies throughout the world. In the mid 1980’s, the United States and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) began efforts to counter the spread of communism in Latin America. The U.S. military sent Mobile Training Teams (MTTs) to Central American countries to train the U.S. allies to defend against com – munist influences. Honduras was a neighbor to the then communist country of  Nicaragua, The Culture of the U.S. Air Force and its Impact on a Mobile Training Team Case 223 where many Contra bases were purportedly located. The U.S. Air Force sent a Mobile Training Team there to train the Honduran Air Force (HAF) personnel on air defense pro – cedures. Unfortunately, this initial effort did not succeed well. Although the Honduran Air Force worked alongside the American military forces, and expected to communicate in the international language of aviation (i.e., English), many of the Hondurans could speak only basic conversational English, which made the exchange of technical learning and information very difficult. organizational contexts In the 1980s, the United States military was quite ethnocentric, believing that the standards, practices, and procedures they followed should be applied in all allied countries without consid – eration for the constraints this placed on those countries. Demonstrating this belief, the initial Mobil Training Team sent to Honduras operated and taught the local Honduran military entirely in English, with no Spanish-speakers on the U.S. team. The U.S. military considered English as the “international language” of business, including global aviation. They thought that the local military personnel should be able to understand training delivered in English. To complicate the situation, the unwritten norm for promotion within the U.S. military was to “say yes” to get ahead. It was not acceptable to go against commanders’ opinions or to suggest alternative ways of operating. It was more beneficial to one’s career within the military to agree and support the commanding officer, regardless of the possible alternatives or the ramifi – cations of those decisions. While the U.S. military was a unified force, the Contras were remnants of a former gov – ernment, dispersed throughout Honduras & Costa Rica. Although the Contras were all fighting for the same goal, they were no longer a single political entity and leadership differed among the dispersed Contras rebels. Many of the differences between the U.S. military and the Contras were a reflection of the cultural differences between the Hondurans and the Americans. the culture of the u.s. an D the hon Duran officers At the beginning of the conflict in Central America, the United States military was running most of the operational/logics efforts in the war against the left-wing insurgents in the region. However, the United States wanted the Hondurans to take some of the responsibility and ownership for the military efforts. Therefore, some of the Honduran military officers were chosen to attend training in Air Battle Management and Air Battle Technology in the U.S. These selected officers first attended a six-month conversational-English language course in Texas, followed by the three month Air Battle Management (ABM) course. The training con – cluded with a tour of a military base that used the same types of radar equipment that would be installed in Honduras. First Lieutenant (Lt.) Alejandro Sanchez, USAF, was assigned to be a guide explaining the radar systems and equipment to the Hondurans. Sanchez, a Caribbean-born American, was fluent in both English and Spanish. He was trained as an Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) instructor, and because he was bilingual, he was able to explain the technical aspects of the equipment in a way the Hondurans could understand. The ABM course was usually admin – istered in English, and the Honduran military officers were excited to be able to discuss with another Spanish speaker what they were seeing at the military base. While acting as a guide Sanchez was able to establish a rapport through his interaction with the Honduran officers, 224 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity who explained to him the problems they had with the ABM course because they were not able to understand the instructors. Knowing that First Lt. Sanchez was an ABM instructor, they asked about the possibility having a Spanish speaker, involved in the second Mobil Training Team (MTT) deployment. the secon D Mobile training tea M When the first MTT was sent to Honduras to train the local military, they had poor results because the Hondurans had trouble grasping the information taught to them in English. When it came time for the replacement MTT to be deployed, the military program manager selected a team of military personnel who were Subject Matter Experts (SMEs) in terms of air traffic and weapons control and were also personal friends with each other. Unfortunately, the program manager and the military failed to understand the lack of language and cultural skills necessary for this mission. First Lieutenant Sanchez, based on his past experience, suggested to the program manager that communication and cultural incom – patibilities were the underlying cause of the problems faced by the first MTT. Being a native- Spanish speaker, he requested to be included in the second MTT being sent to Honduras. This request was immediately dismissed because the MTT team members had already been selected and approved. The program manager said that that he had managed these military training missions before. When Sanchez asked “how many of these team members know the culture, and can speak, read, and write Spanish,” the phone went silent. To him, this showed a lack of understanding of how communication and cultural differences had negatively impacted the first mobile training team. He was amazed that no one had considered effective inter-cultural communication as one of the most critical parts of the training assignment. He knew that if the Honduran military could not understand the lectures or the reading material, this would be a waste of time, money, and effort. Sanchez then elevated his request to the Wing Commander, who agreed that it would be beneficial to send two native-Spanish speakers on the mission in place of the previously chosen non-Spanish speaking team members. The final configuration of the second MTT team consisted of Sanchez, a second- Spanish speaker, and the senior officer, Captain Daniel Anderson, who did not understand or speak any Spanish. The Captain quickly became resentful of the other two-team members, clearly not understanding the cultural competence needed for this mission or how to adapt his interper – sonal skills with his team. He expressed his suspicion that he was being undermined by his team members due to his lack of language skills. Upon arrival, Sanchez translated all the teaching materials, lectures, tests, and exercises into Spanish. The classes lasted approximately six months, and consisted of training in basic and advanced weapons (aircraft) controlling, aircraft identification, and surveillance techniques, using advanced radar equipment. The Honduran military students were extremely grateful to receive instructions in their native language and privately conveyed their thanks to Sanchez. Although they could speak a little English, it was rudimentary at best. In addition, due to cultural differences, they did not consider it appropriate to admit that they could not fully understand the English-speaking instructors. Because the first team lacked Spanish speakers, the Hondurans con – fided in Sanchez that they had barely understood what the first team tried to teach them. Fearing the loss of aid from the United States, the Honduran military did not wish to complain. An incident involving Sanchez, Captain Anderson, and a Honduran officer, illustrates the Americans lack of knowledge of the Honduran culture. Sanchez was conversing with The Culture of the U.S. Air Force and its Impact on a Mobile Training Team Case 225 a  Honduran officer in Spanish about his family and the Honduran officer mentioned that he was one of eleven children. Captain Anderson, who was suspicious of any conversation in Spanish, asked Sanchez what the Honduran officer was saying. Sanchez mentioned that the officer stated that he came from a large family, with 11 brothers and sisters. Captain Anderson replied, “Are you kidding? Your mother must really like to @*#!” The Honduran officer, even with his limited grasp of the English language, understood the implication of the Captain’s words and his hand immediately went to his pistol. Trembling, the Honduran offi – cer withdrew his hand from his weapon, pointed his finger an inch from Captain Anderson’s face and told Sanchez to translate that “If you ever speak about my mother in such a way again, I will blow your brains out.” The Honduran officer turned and left the scene immedi – ately after the incident. Captain Anderson, despite having almost caused a violent scene remained indignant that the Honduran officer could not “take a joke.” The Captain did not understand that within the Hispanic culture, the sanctity of the mother figure in the family is not a joking matter, and he came very close to losing his life over the impact of a culturally insensitive “joke.” While in the U.S. military, it is not uncommon for men to make crude jokes to one another, either in terms of the language used or the references made, Captain Anderson assumed that this was also accept – able behavior in other cultures. Throughout the mission, Captain Anderson remained resentful of the two Spanish- speakers on the team. He even accused Sanchez of “going native” and questioned his loyalty to the United States military because he was friendly to the Hondurans and conversed with them in Spanish, both in and outside of the classroom. Given Sanchez’s decorated military history as U.S. Army Special Operations and his current loyalty to the U.S. Air Force, this was an insult. However, he reassured the Captain that he was not “going native” by speaking Spanish. Captain Anderson failed to distinguish between loyalty to one’s country, and doing the best job to sup – port the mission, which in this case involved cultural competence by being friendly with the Honduran military and making them comfortable by conversing with them in Spanish. To further complicate relationships, Captain Anderson’s inability to communicate effectively prevented him from directly contributing to the training mission. Often, he would spend his days playing golf or in some other leisure activity when not performing adminis – trative work. Consequently, he never developed a working relationship or rapport with the Hondurans. Despite the local issues amongst the MTT, the upper-level commanders within the USAF commended the efforts and progress made during the mission. As the senior officer, Captain Anderson received full credit for the progress and publically supported the efforts of First Lieutenant Sanchez and the other Spanish-speaking officer. In private, however, Captain Anderson remained bitter and frequently questioned the motives and actions of the two Spanish-speaking officers. conclusion This case presents the problems associated with training the Honduran military officers in an attempt to transfer to them the responsibility and ownership for the operational/logistical efforts in the war against the Contras. The factual information presented in the case stresses the importance of language and cross-cultural competence when working with multinationals. Exhibit 4-5 summarizes the 3Cs (cross-cultural competencies), successfully executed by First Lieutenant Sanchez during the second MTT sent to Honduras to train the local military that resulted in a successful training mission. 226 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity While the three Cs appear to be a logical approach to improving inter-cultural interac – tions, it is sometimes very difficult to change one’s ingrained communication patterns especially within an organizational culture that does not reward innovation and change. Discussion Questions 1. What are the major problems in this case in terms of cross-national cooperation and coordination? 2. Describe the international implications for the United States in terms of the economic, political, and security concerns if this same scenario were taking place with the Afghan military forces currently being trained. 3. What lessons does this case teach that can be applied to any global organization? 4. Given the many U.S. military installations across the globe and the values of structure, rank, and chain of command, what should be included in training for cross-cultural competence? Cultural Adaptability Leaders need to understand their own actions and have the ability to adjust their behaviors to social and nonverbal cues. Cultural Perspective taking Develop the aptitude to understand the impact culture has on influencing self-perception and perceptions of others, by taking other’s point of view into consideration, and interpreting one’s own behavior. interpersonal skills Need rapport achieved by mindfully interacting with people from different cultures. Source: Adapted from Johnston, Paris, McCoy, Severe, & Hughes, 2010; Russell, Crafts, & Brooks, 2005. exhibit 4-5 Cross-Cultural Competencies Bibliography Allison, S. T., Mackie, D. M., & Messick, D. M. (1996). Outcome biases in social perception: Implica – tions for dispositional inference, attitude change, stereotyping, and social behavior. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology , 28, 53–93. Johnston, J. H., Paris, C., McCoy, C. E., Severe, G., & Hughes, S. C. (2010). A framework for cross- cultural competence and learning recom – mendations. Defense Language Office Technical Report. Jost, J. T. (2001). Out-group favoritism and the theory of system justification: An experimen – tal paradigm for investigating the effects of socio-economic success on stereotype content. In G. Moskowitz (Ed.), Cognitive social psychol – ogy: The Princeton symposium on the legacy and future of social cognition (pp. 89–102). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Jost, J. T., & Banaji, M. R. (1994). The role of stereo – typing in system justification and the produc – The Culture of the U.S. Air Force and its Impact on a Mobile Training Team Case 227 tion of false-consciousness. British Journal of Social Psychology, 33 , 1–27. Jost, J. T., Banaji, M. R., & Nosek, B. A. (2004). A decade of system justification theory: Accumu – lated evidence of conscious and unconscious bolstering of the status quo. Political Psychology, 25(6), 881–919. Russell, T. L., Crafts, J. L., & Brooks, J. E. (2005). Intercultural communication requirements for Special Forces Teams. United States Army Research Institute for the Behavioral and Social Sciences Technical Report. Sidanius, J. (1993). The psychology of group conflict and the dynamics of oppression: A social domi – nance perspective. In W. McGuire & S. Iyengar (Eds.), Current Approaches to Political Psychology (pp. 183–219). Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Silver, W. S., & Mitchell, T. R. (1990). The status quo tendency in decision making. Organizational Dynamics , 18(4), 34–46. Tyler, T. R., & McGraw, K. M. (1986). Ideology and the interpretation of personal experience: Pro – cedural justice and political quiescence. Journal of Social Issues , 42(2), 115–128. Christopher C. Butts, EdD, is the vice president at K. Parks Consulting, Inc. His areas of expertise are curriculum design, executive diversity training, strategic planning, and organizational development. Elizabeth Sanz, ABD, is a doctoral candidate for Industrial/Organizational Psychol – ogy at the University of Central Florida, where she is a McKnight Doctoral Fellow. Her research focus includes team cognition, personality, and diversity. Kizzy M. Parks, PhD, is the president of K. Parks Consulting, Inc., an 8(a) SBA certified corporation. Her areas of specialty are analytics and metrics, diversity and inclusion management, conflict resolution, and organizational wellness and effectiveness. Daniel P. McDonald, PhD, is the director of research for the Defense Equal Opportunity Management Institute (DEOMI). His areas of expertise are equal opportunity issues, cross-cultural capabilities, diversity management, and strategic planning. 228 f ighting for e qual o pportunity: Women’s c hanging  r oles in the U. s . Military Joseph r. Bongiovi University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Did you know? . . . Currently women do not have to register for the draft . . . but this may change in the future given their growing importance to the military. overvie W The U.S. military is not only a traditionally male dominated organization, but a key institution by which masculinity has been defined (Goldstein, 2001; Higate, 2003). It was in fact, an exclusively male domain until the First World War. Even after the Second World War and as recently as 1973, women were allowed only limited participation. What followed was a slow progression of expanding opportunity. Yet, even now, the military continues to be overwhelmingly male. The expansion of women’s roles has come in response to personnel needs, changing social norms, and proven performance on and off the battlefield. Entrenched cultural biases, male ambivalence towards sexual harassment and assault, and lack of female access to high prestige and high profile combat assignments continue to inhibit further progress towards equality. theories on the role of gen Der in organizations Tremendous progress has been made both for and by women in U.S. society over the past cen – tury (Jackson, 1998). Nonetheless, women continue to lack equal representation status in social, economic and political positions, as well as receiving less than 80% of male pay (Ridgeway, 2011). Reconciling these contradictory forces is a key challenge for gender theorists today. Diverse theories seek to explain why these conflicting experiences continue to be prevalent. It is argued that “legal-rational” organizations will remove inefficient discrimination (Jackson, 1998) or that organizations themselves are inherently gendered (Acker, 1990). Additionally, mechanisms inhibiting women’s further progress are theorized to be labor market segregation (Reskin, 1991; 1993; Reskin and Roos, 1987), “tokenism” (Moss-Kantor, 1977), role enactment (West and Zimmer, 1987), sexual harassment and assault (McKinnon, 1979; 1989) “hegemonic masculinity” (Connell, 1987) and other deeply embedded and socially constructed aspects of our society (Lorber, 1994). While these arguments have salience, and there is ample evidence both for (Jackson, 1998) and against (Lorber, 1994) history’s march towards gender equality, it is Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military 229 likely that these mechanisms are present simultaneously. From that perspective, institutions and other modernizing forces enhance the prospects of greater gender equality while multigenera – tional patterns of gender framing act as a break against full equality (Ridgeway, 2011). gro W ing represen tation an D iM portance in the u.s. Military Female military service in the U.S. began on the eve of the First World War growing to 350,000 in active service during the Second World War. The Women’s Armed Services Integration Act of 1948 restricted participation to 2% of the armed forces and their highest permanent rank to Lieutenant Colonel/Navy Commander (Monahan & Neidel-Greenlee, 2010). In contrast, bolder experiments took place internationally. In the Soviet Union, with nearly one million women serving in air defense, combat aviation, sniper, partisan and tank units both commanding units and being highly decorated for their achievements and heroism (Glantz, 2005; Krylova, 2010; Noggle, 1994). Today, in Israel, women serve in large numbers, including in combat, accounting for half of all conscripts and one third of the total force (IMFA March 2009, Sasson-Levy, 2010b). In 1973, the first year of the all-volunteer military, women finally made up 2% of the mili – tary for the first time. In most years since 1948, women made up slightly more than 3% of the officer corps, increasing to 4% in 1973. Until the late 1970’s, women were not integrated into the regular military, but were part of female specific auxiliaries, such as the Women’s Army Corps. Female participation reached 5% of overall members and officers in 1976. That was also the first year that women were accepted into the service academies. Then, female representation reached 10% of both officers and all service members in 1985 and 15% of both by 2004. Female officer representation reached 16% in 2011, but overall representation decreased to 14.5% that same year. Growing female representation over time can be seen in Table 4-2. Mechanis M s for inclusion Institutional and normative changes in society at large were the most important factors for change. The Equal Pay Act of 1963 and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 made it illegal to discriminate against women on the basis of gender. Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972 required equal access to education and athletics. Today, women receive the majority of degrees at all levels of education and they participate in the workforce and in sports at roughly the same levels as men. In 2012 for example, more female athletes represented the U.S. at the London Olympics where they also won more medals than their male counterparts. These changes have been essential to female participation in military organizations that require rigorous mental and physical abilities. Table 4-2 Female Participation Rates (%) in the U.S. Armed Forces, 1970–2011 1970 1980 1990 2000 2011 Officer/Warrant 03.3 07.7 11.6 14.5 15.9 NCO/Enlisted 01.1 08.5 11.1 14.7 14.2 Cadet 00.0 03.8 09.2 15.8 19.3 Total 01.4 08.4 11.2 14.6 14.5 Source: Department of Defense Personnel and Military Casualty Statistics 230 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity The end of the draft also played a key role for women in the military (Sandhoff, Segal, and Segal, 2010; Shilts, 2005). By August 1973, within six months of the end of conscription, the Army was 19%, and the Marine Corps 17%, short of personnel. This persisted until the Army doubled the number of women in uniform and increased eligible occupations from 139 to 436, out of a possible 484. The Air Force doubled the number of jobs available to women, opening up all but five of its 282 occupations. The Navy opened pilot training and the Chief of Naval Operations announced plans to allow women on ships. Altogether, 81% of occupations across all services were made available to women. Women’s enlistment in the Air Force increased from 7,000 to 17,000 between 1968 and 1973, while other branches saw similar gains. By November 1973, the military was meeting its enlistment goals for the first time, with women accounting for 9% of entrants and 20% of incoming Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) Cadets (Shilts, 2005). The Women’s Army Corps (WAC) grew from 12,260 to 52,900 members from 1972 to 1978, when it was merged into the Army that year (Monahan and Neidel-Greenlee, 2010). Another key event was the first Gulf War, demonstrating the effectiveness of large scale integration of women in the military. More than 40,000 women were deployed to the Persian Gulf. In 1993, Secretary of Defense Les Aspin directed all services to open combat aviation posi – tions to women. The next year the Department of Defense ordered occupations directly support – ing ground combat units opened up to women, making another 32,000 Army and 48,000 Marine Corps jobs available. That same year, Congress repealed the law barring women from surface combat ships in the Navy (Monahan and Neidel-Greenlee, 2010). Women again demonstrated their capabilities in Iraq and Afghanistan. More than 280,000 women participated in these wars by the beginning of 2011, suffering at least 150 fatalities and 800 injuries (Collins, 2013). Retired Lieutenant Colonel John A. Nagl stated: “We literally could not have fought this war (Iraq and Afghanistan) without women” and retired U.S. Army Colonel Peter R. Monsoor added, “Iraq has advanced the cause of full integration of women in the Army by leaps and bounds. They have earned the confidence and respect of their male colleagues.” (Alvarez, 2009). continue D progress or a “ brass” ceiling? Legally, women are excluded from the highest prestige combat roles in many branches, but in practice some are involved. Their combat in Iraq and Afghanistan is well documented. They serve in aviation, air defense, military police, engineering, logistics, transport, and medical roles. They are assigned to civil engagement, engineering, explosive disposal, medical, and military police teams “attached to” front line Marine, Army and Special Operations combat units. In the Central Intelligence Agency, female paramilitary operatives fight, kill and die in operations in Afghanistan and other combat locations (Stolberg and Mazzetti, 2010). Women serve in all roles on Navy ships, aircraft and submarines, with former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen stating: “I believe that we should continue to broaden opportunities for women” (Reuters, 2009). Women were prohibited by law from being general officers until the late 1960’s, and the first female generals were not promoted until 1970. There were still only 11 female generals and admirals by 1994, with none above two stars. By 2011 there were 71 female generals and admi – rals, with Army General Ann Dunwoody being the first female four star general, followed by Air Force General Janet Wolfenbarger in 2012. Female general officers and admirals increased from 1.2% of all general officers and admirals in 1994 to 7.3% in 2011. Table 4-3 shows more gradual rank attainment for women in the military, though it groups the ranks together for ease of analysis. Flag officers are the four ranks of general officers and Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military 231 Table 4-3 Female Participation Rates (%) by Rank Category, 1995–2011 1995 2000 2005 2011 Flag Officer 01.6 03.7 04.9 07.3 Field Grade 11.3 12.4 12.7 13.3 Company Grade 14.4 15.8 17.0 17.5 Senior NCO 08.4 09.5 09.7 11.0 Junior NCO 11.0 12.3 14.6 14.1 Junior Enlisted 15.0 17.2 15.4 15.0 Source: Department of Defense Personnel and Military Casualty Statistics admirals. Field grade officers are colonels, lieutenant colonels, majors in the Army, Air Force, and Marines and their Navy equivalents. Company grade officers are Captains, Lieutenants, and Warrant officers in the Army, Marine Corps and Air Force and their Navy equivalents. Senior Non-Commissioned Officers are the highest ranking sergeants in the Army and Marine Corps and their equivalent in the Air Force and Navy. Junior Non-Commissioned Officers are the lower ranking sergeants and their equivalents. Junior enlisted make up the balance of the sol – diers, marines, airmen (sic) and sailors. When these data are analyzed it can be seen that progress is being made by women in most rank categories. However, it can also be seen that the higher women move in rank category, the lower their representation. Perhaps even more significantly, women have continued to expand their roles in the mil – itary. Women now fly all aviation platforms, including F-22 and F-35 fifth generation fighters and B-2 Stealth Bombers. Colonel Jeannie Levitt was promoted to Fighter Wing Commander of one of the three F-15 fighter wings, a possible stepping stone to Chief of Staff of the Air Force (Broadway, 2012; Schafer, 2012). All surface ships and submarines are now open to women, and the new Ford Class Air Craft Carriers are being reconfigured to accommodate larger numbers of women. The USS Illinois, a Virginia Class nuclear attack submarine sched – uled for commissioning in 2015, is slated to have the Navy’s first all female submarine crew (Munoz, 2012). In spite of all of this progress, there are still many barriers for women. Total female participation in the military has stagnated at about 14.5% of the total force since 2000. With the exception of the generals and admirals noted above, women have experienced only mar – ginal improvement in rank attainment since 2000. Females occupy lower ranks in far greater percentages than do males. As a result, the ratio of female senior non commissioned officers to junior non commissioned officers is only 78.2% of the ratio of their male counterparts. The ratio of female field grade officers to company grade officers is a similar 75.6%. The ratio of female flag officers to field grade officers is only 55.2% of their male counterparts, meaning that a female field grade officer is only about half as likely as her male counterpart to later be represented at the flag officer rank. The detailed attainment of advancement in rank for women and men can be seen in Table 4-4. Each rank category shows the relative ratio of women in the higher rank to the next lower rank. There is then a ratio of ratios, which shows the rank ratio for women compared to the same rank ratio for men. For example, a ratio of ratios of 1.0 would mean that men and women 232 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity Table 4-4 Female and Male Rank Category Ratios in the Armed Forces, 1992–2011 1995 2000 2005 2011 Female Flag/Field Officer .001 .003 .004 .006 Male Flag/Field Officer .010 .011 .010 .011 Female/Male Flag/Field Officer .146 .296 .387 .552 Female Field/Company Officer .434 .479 .441 .442 Male Field/Company Officer .553 .610 .590 .584 Female/Male Field/Company Officer .784 .785 .748 .756 Female Senior/Junior NCO .259 .261 .213 .254 Male Senior/Junior NCO .338 .340 .322 .324 Female/Male Senior/Junior NCO .767 .768 .662 .782 Female Junior NCO/Junior Enlisted .478 .450 .675 .616 Male Junior NCO/Junior Enlisted .652 .630 .709 .658 Female/Male Junior NCO/Enlisted .733 .714 .953 .936 Source : Adapted from Department of Defense Personnel and Military Casualty Statistics were represented in the same proportions in each successive rank category. It would not neces – sarily mean that they were equally represented, only that that women had not lost ground as they moved to the higher rank category. Any ratio of ratios less than 1.0 represents lower representa – tion at the next higher rank category than in the previous one. So, for instance, following on the first example above, the ratio of female Senior NCO to female Junior NCO is .254, or 25.4%. The ratio of male Senior NCO to female Junior NCO is .324, or 32.4%. This means that the ratio of female ratio to male ratio is .782, or women of the same rank category are only 78.2% as likely to be represented at the next highest rank category. Even these data, which indicate a disappointing lag for women’s advancement compared to men’s, shows progress over time. The lag in women’s progress in moving up rank catego – ries compared to men’s may represent the time it takes to catch up, slower promotion, higher attrition, or a combination of these. The data available do not allow for the kind of analysis it would take to conclude that one is more influential than the others. However, recent studies document women experiencing both higher attrition and lower promotion than their male counterparts in the military (Asch, Miller and Malchiodi, 2012; Jennings and Martin, 2012; Miller, Kavanaugh, Lytell). Mechanis M s for exclusion While these contradictory results make it hard to sort through what is occurring in the mili – tary regarding opportunities for women, it is important to consider some of the mechanisms that work against women’s inclusion. Perhaps the most pervasive is an ongoing culture of “hegemonic masculinity” (Connell, 1987; Higate, 2003). This is reflected in the concept of “male bonding” (versus “service member bonding”) and manifested in the infamous Tailhook Convention where Navy fighter pilots abused and ridiculed female service members and Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military 233 facilities employees and hired strippers (Shilts, 2005). The ambivalence in male attitude toward women in the military is captured in the Congressional testimony of former Chief of Staff of the Air Force, General Merrill McPeak: I believe the combat exclusion law is discrimination against women. And second, that it works to their disadvantage in a career context . . . Even though logic tells us that women can [conduct combat operations] as well as men, I have a very traditional attitude about wives and mothers and daughters … (McSally, 2011, p. 150) A more recent example is the case of Command Sergeant Major Teresa King, who in 2009, was the first woman appointed to oversee all Army drill sergeants. At the time, her story was seen as a positive example for women in the military. In spite of her success, when her commander was replaced, the new commander removed her from the position, only stating that she had been overly doctrinaire and by the book, hardly unusual criticism in the Army. There was no further explanation or due process. A no-contact order was placed on her, punitively isolating her from fellow service members and she was told to retire at the end of her tour. Instead, she launched legal action, utilizing statements of support from 45 other service members, including both her previous supervisors and direct reports at the drill sergeant school. Her attorney, a state legislator and member of the Army National Guard, stated, “If she had been a man, this would not have happened” (Dao, 2012a). Emerald M. Archer reports another example in her research on gender framing and rein – forcement of stereotypes in the Marine Corps (Archer, 2013). Her study finds that basic training and ongoing socialization reinforce negative views of women and their contributions. She argues that this negatively influences perceived abilities of female Marines, undermines camaraderie and mentorship opportunities and reinforces a culture of double standards where certain male behavior is tolerated or excused, but treated negatively when exhibited by women. This leads male Marines to consider women to be second class members and erodes the self confidence of women themselves. Another mechanism working against women is the pervasiveness of sexual harassment and assault. As with other work endeavors, a safe and healthy work environment, free from sexual coercion, is imperative for individuals to be successful. The military has not been able to provide this for women. Assaults have increased each year since they were first tracked by the Department of Defense in 2004 (SAPRO 2004; 2005; 2006; 2007; 2008; 2009; 2010; 2011). Even in branches such as the Air Force, with a relatively good track record of providing opportuni – ties for women, this has been a pervasive problem. This has even occurred in highly controlled environments, such as at the service academies and in basic training. The Air Force Academy has a history of issues with sexual harassment (Diodati, 2011). More recently, 31  women were subjected to forced sex by their basic training instructors at Lackland Air Force Base (Associated Press, 2012b). In spite of the worsening hostile environment for women in the armed forces and pledges to address it, fiscal 2012 was the worst year ever. Reported incidents of sexual assault increased to an all time high of 3,374 cases and 3,604 victims, while an anonymous survey of all service members suggested as many as 26,000 had actually been assaulted. Of those that were reported, 88% of the victims were women even though women comprise only 14.5% of the armed forces, while 90% of the perpetrators were men (Baldor, 2013). This occurred simultaneously with a number of high profile arrests and convictions of senior officers and non commissioned officers serving in sexual assault prevention (SAPRO) positions. In almost all cases they were charged with sexual harassment, assault and/or exploitation of military or civilian women (Burk, 2013). 234 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity It has yet to be seen if this latest worsening of the situation will galvanize the nation’s military and/or civilian leaders to action, but it led to stern hearings in a Senate newly empowered with a record number of female members, as well as expressions of outrage from President Barak Obama and Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel (Steinhauer, 2013). Sexual harassment also contributes to an unhealthy work environment. In 2010, 21 to 23% of military women and 3 to 7% of military men reported having been sexually harassed in the previous 12 months, with 52% of women and 38% of men indicating that “in their work group people would be able to get away with sexual harassment to some extent, even if it were reported” (Defense Manpower Data Center, 2011; General Accounting Office, 2011). This is more than five times the number of women in civilian society reporting being sexually harassed in the work – place during the same year (General Social Survey, 2010). Perhaps most importantly, until 2013 women were excluded from high prestige combat arms and special operations roles, particularly in the Army and the Marine Corps. This blocked women from more than 220,000 positions (McSally, 2011) that are often the most important for future promotions. According to a Rand study (Miller, Kavanaugh, Lytell, Jennings and Martin, 2012), 34% of Army, 32% of Marine Corps, 12% of Navy, and 1% of Air Force positions were closed to women, mostly comprised of high prestige and promotion combat arms, special operations and co-located positions. While 19% of men served in combat arms roles, only 3% of women did, in spite of 24% of women serving since 1990 having been deployed to combat zones (Patten and Parker, 2011). Another Rand study (Asch, Miller and Machioldi, 2012) sug – gests that full and partial closure of military occupations to women contributes to their under- representation in higher ranks. As early as 1989, the Defense Department Advisory Committee on Women in the Services (DACOWITS) recommended that women be allowed into all military fields, including combat. In 2011 a group of former generals and admirals, authoring a Congressional report, called on the military to “eliminate combat exclusion policies for women, including removing barriers and inconsistencies, to create a level playing field for all service members who meet the qualifica – tions” (Military Diversity Leadership Commission, 2011). It was not until 2013, after two lawsuits had been filed on behalf of female service members (see Baldwin et al. v. Panetta et al . and Hegar et al. v. Panetta , this chapter) that the Department of Defense agreed to eliminate the automatic combat exclusion for women. Citing both his per – sonal experience as well as the impracticality of trying to enforce a policy that denied reality in the field, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Martin Dempsey and Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta in January of that year signed an order directing the individual branches until May 15 to submit an integration plan, as well as arguments for any occupations that should remain ineli – gible for women, and in the process potentially opening as many as 230,000 previously excluded jobs to women (Bumiller and Shanker, 2013). The United States is not the first nation to have grappled with this issue. As noted earlier in this chapter, women were formally integrated into combat units in the Soviet Union during the Second World War and fought with distinction (Glantz, 2005; Krylova, 2010). A number of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies, primarily Nordic countries, allow women to serve in combat without restriction, as well as the Anglo nations of Australia, New Zealand and Canada (Fisher, 2013). Two important cases are Canada and Israel. Canada is a NATO ally and a frequent co- participant with the U.S. in combat. Israel maintains a high state of alert, frequent combat and close military cooperation with the United States. Both are considered to be among the most competent militaries globally. The Canadian military has integrated women in combat Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military 235 since 1989, with an estimated 310 having served in ground combat units in Afghanistan, where women have commanded men in combat, and in at least one case also commanded U.S. soldiers in combat (Austen, 2013). Israel has included women in combat units since a 1995 Israeli Supreme Court case found the exclusion to be unconstitutional. Since then, women have been allowed into most, though not all, combat roles. They serve in both male dominated, mixed and female dominated combat units. In the process they serve under both male and female commanders, as do male combat soldiers (Rudoren, 2013). Baldwin et al. v. Panetta et al. and Hegar et al. v. Panetta The Department of Defense currently bars women from serving in direct combat roles, though they are slowly expanding roles open to women (Parrish, 2012). In May 2012, two female Army Reservists, Sergeant Major Jane P. Baldwin and Colonel Ellen L. Haring, sued the Department of Defense and the United States Army in Federal Court. They contend that women have been serving in combat in Iraq and Afghanistan, with the mili – tary circumventing its own regulations by “attaching” women to combat units instead of “assigning” them. The practical implications are not keeping women out of harm’s way, but are keeping them from high prestige and high promotion combat arms assignments. The plaintiffs argue that this policy based only on gender violates equal protection under the law and is unconstitutional as it restricts their opportunities for career advancement, higher earnings and pensions (Associated Press, 2012a; New York Times , 2012). On November 27, 2012, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) filed a lawsuit on behalf of female officers and NCOs against Defense Secretary Leon Panetta arguing that the ban on women in ground combat units was unconstitutional, outdated and ineffective. The plaintiffs included Major Mary Jennings Hegar of the California Air National Guard who was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross with Valor and Purple Heart after her helicopter was shot down in Afghanistan; Marine Captain Alexandra Zoe Bedell who commanded female engagement teams with ground combat units in Afghanistan; Marine Lieutenant Colleen Farrell who served in engagement teams in combat in Afghanistan; and Staff Sergeant Jennifer Hunt a civil affairs specialist in the Army Reserves. (Beard, 2012; Dao, 2012b; Doyle, 2012; Hlad, 2012). Postscript: In January 2013, the Department of Defense instituted an administrative order requiring the branches to submit integration plans to end automatic ground combat exclusions for women. These plans included identification and justification for occupations and jobs to remain excluded as well as when and how women could apply for combat jobs, and under what standards. As of the publication of this volume these suits remained in effect, most likely until it is clear that the implementation will provide women full opportunities for equal participation. The role of these lawsuits in encouraging movement toward change will continue to be an important point of discussion and debate regarding this issue. Another mechanism working against opportunities for women is family factors. Women in the military are slightly less likely than their male counterparts, 48% to 58% to be married, but similar to the marriage rate of their age and gender of the overall population at 46%. Almost half, 48%, of married military women are married to another service member, compared to only 7% of military men. This exacerbates career and deployment pressures on family for military 236 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity women. Additionally, far more women, 12%, are single parents than their male military peers at 4%. On the other hand, once leaving the military, female and male veterans experience family problems at similar levels at 50% and 48% respectively (Patten and Parker, 2011). While family issues affect both male and female service members, they have a disproportion – ately negative impact on opportunities for women. More than 100,000 service members deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan, or about half, have been mothers. Most were the primary caregivers and one third single mothers. The military will not allow single parents to join, though it allows those who become single parents while on active duty to remain, while requiring a formal “deployment plan” for care of the children. As recently as 2008, 12% of female and 4% of male service members were single parents (Alvarez, 2009b). Efforts have been made to accommodate mothers. While they cannot refuse deployment, the Army has extended the time that new mothers can stay off of the deployment schedule from four to six months, and the Navy has extended it to one year. The military has increased the number of day care centers, and the Army has even provided a 10 day paternity leave (Alvarez, 2009b). In spite of these efforts, family issues continue to affect female service members to a greater extent than male members as they continue to experience a disproportionate caregiver burden. This is exacerbated by the higher proportion of female service members who are primary caregivers, single parents, and married to other service members. They also continue to face an entrenched bias by male commanders who feel that mothers should not stay on active duty. conclusion There is no denying the substantial progress made both for and by women in the military. Both quantity and quality of participation have improved substantially since the early 1970’s. Individual women have earned all ranks, and serve in a greater range of jobs, including nearly all Navy and Air Force platforms. They have substantially increased their de facto participation in combat in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other conflicts. To a great extent, this progress is a result of changing social norms and institutional mechanisms in society that have enhanced oppor – tunities for women. Improved access to sports and education, where women now earn more degrees at all levels than men, have been instrumental in this regard. The proven track record of women in the military, including wars in the Middle East and Afghanistan, has opened up more opportunities. Finally, the decision by Congress to end “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” has removed an important social and legal barrier for gay women. At only 14.5%, women are still only a small percentage of the military and well below the 20% level required to escape “token” status (Moss-Kantor, 1977). Women are even less well rep – resented in higher ranks. They have been excluded from high prestige and high promotion special operations roles in all branches, as well as ground combat specialties in the Army and the Marine Corps. This is in spite of being “attached” to these same units in combat! While the January 2013 administrative order rescinding the automatic exclusion of women in combat assignments is promising, there are many details to be worked out regarding integration processes, standards and even which occupations and jobs will remain closed to women. Furthermore, the masculine cul – ture militates against women and very importantly, the military has proven unwilling, or unable, to stop rampant sexual harassment and assault toward women. Finally, the lack of family support and flexibility further contribute barriers to women’s access to opportunities in the military. The complex and ambiguous relationship between women and the military has made it one of the last and most important remaining battlegrounds for gender equality in U.S. society. While great progress has been made, there are still substantial barriers to overcome. There are Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military 237 many advocates for gender equality at all levels in the military. However, a review of the mecha – nisms enhancing equality suggests they come primarily from outside of the military. Likewise, those pervasive obstacles that remain are primarily within the military itself. As in the case of the earlier fight for racial equality in the military, the evidence suggests that the pressure for more equality will have to come from outside of the organization. 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New York: Rout – ledge. Sasson-Levy, O. (2010). Where Will the Women Be? Gendered Implications of the Decline of Israel’s Citizen Army. In Stuart Cohen (Ed.), The New Citizen Armies: Israel’s Armed Forces in Comparative Perspective (pp. 173–195). New York: Routledge. Schafer, S.M. (2012, May 31). 1st Female Fighter Pilot Tapped as Wing Commander. News & Observer. Retrieved from www.newsobserver. com/ 240 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity Schneider, B.E. (1991). Put Up and Shut Up: Work – place Sexual Assaults. Gender and Society, 5(4), 533–548. Sexual Assault Reporting and Prevention Office (SAPRO). (2012). Department of Defense Annual Report on Sexual Assault in the Military: Fiscal Year 2011. Washington, DC: SAPRO. (NB: Reports 2005–2012 cover calendar years 2004–2006 and fiscal years 2007–2011.) Shilts, R. (2005). Conduct Unbecoming: Gays & Les – bians in the U.S. Military. New York: St. Martin’s Griffin. Silva, J.M. (2008). A New Generation of Women? How Female ROTC Cadets Negotiate the Tension between Masculine Military Culture and Traditional Femininity. Social Forces, 87(2), 937–960. Steinhauer, J. (2013, May 7). Sexual Assaults in Military Raise Alarm in Washington. The New York Times. Retrieved from Stolberg, S.G., & Mazzetti, M. (2010, January 6). Suicide Bombing Puts a Rare Face in CIAs Work. The New York Times. Retrieved from West, C., & Zimmerman, D.H. (1987). Doing Gender. Gender and Society, 1, 125–151. Women in Combat. (2012, June 3). The New York Times . Retrieved from Writing Assignment The Marine Corps has had the lowest participation rate for female service members of all of the branches of the armed forces. As Marine Corps Commandant General James G. Amos stated, “Change doesn’t come easy to the United States Marine Corps.” Nevertheless, with pressure growing to acknowledge the contributions that female Marines have made to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, Amos initiated an experiment allowing two female officers to attend the Marine Corps Infantry Officer Basic Course in September and 45 female officers and noncommissioned officers to be permanently assigned to combat engineer, artillery, and tank battalions for the first time. “I need to get past hyperbole and get past intuition and instincts, and I need to get facts,” Amos said (Baldor, 2012). Diversity on the Web There are a number of very good sources regarding the challenges facing women in the military. Four of the most informative are listed below. Review each of these and identify at least one significant challenge that is an obstacle for women in the military. Identify one potential solution that addresses that problem. • Women in the Services at • Department of Defense Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office (SAPRO) at http:// • The PEW Center report on women in the military at http://www.pewsocialtrends. org/2011/12/22/women-in-the-u-s-military-growing-share-distinctive-profile/ • The New York Times series on “Women at Arms” at us/series/women_at_arms/index.html Fighting for Equal Opportunity: Women’s Changing Roles in the U.S. Military 241 The two female Marines who volunteered for the Marine Corps Infantry Officer Basic Course failed to meet the upper body strength standards. While some saw this as evidence that women are not qualified for combat assignments (O’Hanlon, 2012), others considered this to be evidence of arbitrary and capricious standards not related to the job requirements that biased selection in favor of men over women (Holland, 2012), in spite of evidence that female Marines attached to combat units met or exceeded the physical standards (Bumiller, 2010a; 2010b). Read through the following news articles on this issue and write a two-page paper addressing the following issues, as well as any others you think are important to these questions: • Are the Marines upholding bona-fide occupational qualifications (BFOQs) necessary for effective combat services? Why or why not? • Does this “test” meet the standard that General Amos set of getting “past intuition and instinct . . . to get facts”? Why or why not. What else might be required in order to do that? Note: Be sure to use evidence from the news sources cited below and/or other references in making your argument. starting sources: Holland, D.S. (2012, November 19). Women Marines Need Endurance More Than Strength. The Wall Street Journal . O’Hanlon, M. (2012, November 13). A Challenge for Female Marines; The Grueling Infantry Office Course Was Too Much for the Women Who Volunteered. The Wall Street Journal . Bumiller, E. (2010a, May 29). In Camouflage or Veil, a Fragile Bond. The New York Times . Bumiller, E. (2010b, October 2). For Female Marines, Tea Comes with Bullets. The New York Times . Joseph R. Bongiovi is at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He is the assistant director for Undergraduate Studies in the Department of Sociology, advisor for the Management and Society Major, and co-advisor for the UNC-Chapel Hill Chapter of the Society for HR Management. 242 c hoosing the Board: c harting the c ourse with c ompeting Priorities M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Heritage Medical Center is a moderately-sized suburban hospital located in a lower- to middle- class community. Comprised of a mixture of white-collar and blue-collar groups, people tend to live in ethnic enclaves where most of them know each other and where few move in or out of their neighborhoods. hospital The quality of care is good, but threatened by sinking staff morale as the hospital struggles with financial and management problems so severe they are reaching the crisis stage. The economy is bad and donations are down; relationships with funding agencies are disrupted; and relation – ships with regulatory agencies have soured. Virtually no ethnic diversity is present among the white upper middle-class managerial staff and little is found among the doctors. A fair amount of ethnic diversity exists, however, among the nursing staff and lower level hospital personnel. boar D of trustees The hospital is governed by a Board of Trustees comprised of fiscally conservative, well-to-do male industrialists who have known each other for years and who frequently see each other socially at the country club, at a very exclusive yacht club and at community affairs. Board members are expected to contribute their expertise and to donate generously to the hospital fundraising campaigns. Other than the CEO, the hospital staff has little contact with the Board of Trustees whom they view as remote. There is friction among the Board members who are very concerned about the future of the hospital, but who cannot agree on what course of action to take in the face of its mounting problems. One third of the Board recently resigned, leaving four open Board seats. Recognizing that they must take a far more active role in overseeing hospital management, the remaining eight hired a consultant to aid them in developing a Strategic Plan for the hospital. Major goals of the resulting plan include: 1. Diversification of the Board to better reflect the outside community 2. Improved fiscal reporting and management Choosing the Board: Charting the Course with Competing Priorities 243 3. Improved morale within the hospital 4. Increased communication between the Board and the hospital staff 5. Closer relationships between the hospital and the outside community 6. Closer relationships between the hospital and regulatory and funding agencies 7. Improved relationships within the Board instructions: Diversification of the boar D exercise goal 1: Diversifying the Board. There are eight nominees for the four vacant Board seats. Read their descriptions and rank-order them from highest to lowest (with one being the highest) in terms of their suitability for joining the Board. Explain why you rank them this way. board nominees Layla Amini is a successful 27 year old financial analyst. She is very quiet and very conservative; a traditionalist with a solid reputation. She was nominated by her cousin, a state senator. Drake Covington ii is a very bright 23 year old computer systems analyst. He marches to a different drummer and is considered “far out.” He is the nephew of an influential Board mem – ber and owes his nomination to his uncle. Charles Wong is a 37 year old management systems analyst. He lives near the hospital and works out of his home. He is reputed to be a team player and a supportive person. He was nominated by a union representing the hospital staff sue novenski is a 42 year old social worker who works in a battered women’s shelter. She works well with groups, is low key and extremely collaborative. She knows no one on the Board; she was nominated by the hospi- tal’s Patients Advisory Committee. Lamar Leroy Woods is a 62 year old dark- skinned retired owner of a profitable manu – facturing company. He is very wealthy and has donated large sums of money to the hospital. He is conservative, easy-going, intelligent and comfortable to be with. He was nominated by the hospital CEO. Katherine Dobbs Courtney is the 55 year old widow of a very wealthy industrialist and for – mer Board member. She has served on numer – ous community boards. She is an idea person, an individualist and is outspoken. She plays golf with the mayor who nominated her. Peter skylar is a 46 year old CEO of an Health Maintenance Organization (HMO) who by nature of his position is very familiar with hospital operations. He is brilliant, a loner, and connected to the state regulatory agency. He is considered to be in the “out-group” by those members of the Board that he knows. Carmen Diaz is a 33 year old highly re – spected medical doctor. She is very innova – tive and a self starter who has already set up a clinic. She has never met anyone on the Board, but does know the hospital CEO. She was nominated by a group of doctors practicing at the hospital. Writing Assignment Regardless of which four nominees are appointed, replacing one-third of the Board members all at once will mean a radical change for this Board. This is a source of concern for the Board members and a serious concern of the hospital CEO who deals frequently with the Board. Develop a plan to ease the transition for the Board itself and for the CEO? 244 a ppearance and Weight: Discrimination in the Workplace M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Did you know? Beauty can backfire! Dentist James Knight fired his married, long-time female assistant, Melissa Nelson for being “too irresistibly attractive” even though she was an excellent employee who neither flirted nor engaged in any inappropriate behavior. Court ruling: he acted legally. President Lincoln is said to have turned his homeliness to advantage through humor when he was accused of being two-faced as he replied, “Do you think I would wear this face if I had another one!” appearance Appearance counts. “Beauty in the flesh will continue to rule the world” (Florenz Ziegfeld, Jr., n.d.). It has long been known that beauty carries a sort of “halo effect” that psychologists refer to a “physical attractiveness stereotype.” This stereotype credits good-looking people with possessing many other positive qualities, such as being happy, successful, kind, smart, sociable, popular and even honest. Workplace Good looks and pleasing body image along with their assumed positive qualities are a plus in most occupations. Businesses such as airlines, fashion stores, restaurants, beauty salons and real estate agencies often seek good-looking employees in the belief that they attract customers and increase sales. For the employee, attractiveness is generally an asset in hiring, performance rat – ings, securing plum assignments, and promotions (Bell & McLoughlin, 2006, p. 457). Beauty is said to be in the eye of the beholder, but some elements of beauty are actually fairly universal—elements such as symmetry of features and body, unblemished complexion and hourglass figures in women. Height is an especially important feature of attractiveness, particu – larly for males (Rhode, 2010). The preference for tallness is found in the workplace for tall stature can affect male salaries positively. Research suggests that men in the U.S. who stand 6 feet and Appearance and Weight: Discrimination in the Workplace 245 over, earn on the average, nearly $166,000 more over 30 years than men who are 5 feet 5 inches and under and this holds even when age and weight are considered (Judge & Cable, 2004). These findings are especially strong in sales and management positions. Tall stature is valued internationally. Much public ado has been made of the lack of stat – ure of France’s exPresident, Nicolas Sarkozy, and the compensations he makes to mask it (ele – vator shoes, step-up-boxes behind podiums, standing on tiptoes and short people surrounding him). Speculation is common concerning how tall various other world leaders are—leaders such as Russia’s Prime Minister Putin and President Medvedev. In international workplaces the preference for tallness is publically acknowledged. Global Notes……….…………………………..…..…….….…Sweden A female job applicant at the Volvo car company was rejected because she was 3 cm (1.18 inches) short of the company-required height of 163 cm (64.17 inches). With one fourth of the Swedish female workforce falling below this minimum height and only 1 to 2 percent of the males being as short, the Swedish Labour Court found the requirement to be discriminatory and ordered damages paid to the female plaintiff. China Applicants for managerial positions in the China National Packing Import and Export Corporation, a large organization operating in 68 countries, are very thoroughly investigated through interviews, testing, and background investigations extending from their school days through their most recent employment. The main employment requirements, however, are university degrees, age under 35 years, and minimum height of 1.70 meters (5 feet 5 inches) for men and 1.60 meters (almost 5 feet 3 inches) for women. Why is there a height requirement for these managers? The company HR explained that man – agers reflect the company’s image and so they should be tall, fit, and good looking. Brainine, 2011 The specific impact of physical attractiveness in the workplace is affected by factors such as gender, credentials, position, and ethnicity. In the U.S. for example, the attractiveness of hair color is tied to gender. Blond Caucasian women earn 7 percent more than brunettes. Gray hair on men provides the advantage of being viewed as “experienced” and “distinguished.” Gray hair on women on the other hand, can work to great disadvantage in the workplace for they are sim – ply seen as “old” (Kluga, 2012; Rhode, 2010; Spirit, 2011). Not all elements of pleasing appearance may be universal. For example, researchers in Wales found that nearly three quarters of the people judged to have the most attractive faces had racially-diverse parents (Morris 2010). It is not known if this judgment is universal. Just as good looks carries a premium, so plainness carries a penalty. Unattractive women and people with visible physical disabilities can experience prejudice and discrimination in social as well as business arenas. Surprisingly, in some circumstances, good looks can also work to one’s disadvantage, for while attractive women may have advantages in lower level jobs and in jobs held predominately by women, the reverse is true at higher levels, in professional jobs or those perceived as “masculine” such as mechanical engineer, director of finance and construc – tion supervisor (Bell & McLaughlin, 2006; Headaphol, 2010). 246 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity appearance stan Dar Ds Businesses increasingly reject casual dress (Armour, 2005) and colleges such as Morehouse and Savannah State University impose dress codes (Bartlett, 2009). Since the start of the 2005–2006 season, the National Basketball Association (NBA) has imposed an off-the-court dress code on its players (King, Winchester & Sherwyn, 2006). Even the U.S. White House has dress standards for tourists. Organizations set appearance standards for their employees not only to project a par – ticular corporate image, but also to create a favorable working environment and to limit distractions. Such standards generally take the form of requirements such as uniforms or of restrictions on dress, grooming, personal hygiene, hair styles, beards, mustaches, tat – toos, make-up, face piercing, tongue metals, jewelry, extremely bare midriffs, plunging necklines, very mini, mini skirts, and weight. Penalties for violation of these standards are frequently serious and can even result in termination., Noncompliant or penalized employ – ees in return increasingly file lawsuits. Consider these examples of standards and their consequences: • capital title of texas terminated an escrow office and branch manager who refused to dye her gray hair when the office moved to a more posh location (Italie, 2012). • Harrah’s operating company, inc. fired a long-term employee who refused to comply with a new policy requiring female employees to wear facial make-up (Bartow, 2006). • L’or e a l terminated an employee who refused to fire a sales associate who was not good looking enough (Ofgang, 2003). • Harvard was charged by a librarian with refusing to promote her because she didn’t fit the librarian image. She felt that she appeared as a pretty girl in sexy clothing (NBC News, 2005). • costco Wholesale corporation was sued by an employee, a member of the Church of Body Modification, who defied company policy prohibiting facial jewelry (except ear – rings) by refusing to remove eyebrow rings. The employee sued on the grounds of religious discrimination (, n.d.). appearance laW How legal are workplace appearance standards? They are legal under most circumstances, but there are certain important exceptions for protected characteristics. Points of Law Generally, under federal law, employers can discriminate on the basis of appearance except : a. for characteristics such as sex and age that are protected under anti-discrimination laws, b. when appearance standards conflict with religious beliefs, or c. when the standards negatively affect women or racial/ethnic minorities. The exception to this is when a Bfo Q (bona fide occupational qualification) exists. G Appearance and Weight: Discrimination in the Workplace 247 Courts occasionally do recognize that sex and age and other protected characteristics can be relevant to some jobs. Under BFOQs, employers can sometimes legally discriminate in terms of certain protected characteristics (never for race or color) if the characteristics are “reasonably necessary” for that particular business. Southwest Airlines for example, is allowed to limit its hiring to females as ticket agents and flight attendants in order to project its “love in the air” image and Hooters is permitted to continue hiring only females as “Hooter girls” (Corbett, n.d., p. 10, 11, 16). Although federal law may not prohibit appearance policies, employers are cautioned that a) attorneys often claim that appearance codes are actually religious discrimination or that they lead to race or sex stereotyping or discrimination, b) states and localities may have laws barring appearance-based hiring and c) union contracts may prohibit or regulate dress codes. There is no single model for dress code or appearance policy. Employers creating or reviewing existing policies are advised to avoid any policies resulting in “yes” answers to any of the following policy questions and to consult an attorney. Weight Weight counts. It is a feature of attractiveness, but one for which the cultural ideal varies over time and across cultures. But it counts. The visibility of excess weight, like other aspects of physical appearance, lends itself to stereotyping and discrimination. Even though Americans are getting heavier, there are severe social sanctions against being too heavy. Research suggests that biases even exist against people who merely associate with overweight people (Hebl & Mannix, 2003). Overweight people are negatively stereotyped such as being lazy, undesirable, stupid, slow, undisciplined, out of shape, depressed, uneducated, sloppy, greedy, glutinous and having little energy. They can find themselves ridiculed and the butt of jokes. They encounter discrimination in daily life, education, health care, employment, and in many other areas including renting apartments and joining fitness clubs. They face problems of fit in public places such as res – taurants, theaters, waiting rooms, transportation terminals, airplanes, buses and trains, audi – toriums, airline bathrooms, narrow bathroom stalls, etc. Seats and seat belts that are too small and seats attached to other seats or tables (e.g., picnic tables) and restaurant booths present problems. Appropriate workplace clothing can be difficult to find and costly. Being excessively overweight is likely to lead to higher medical expenses (one ambulance company nearly doubles its fees for obese patients), difficulty in obtaining health insurance and life insurance premiums that are several times higher than those of thinner people (Darlin, 2006). Appearance Policy Questions to Consider gender Does this policy create a burden for one gender, but not the other? Age Does this policy create a burden for workers older than forty? Disabilities Does this policy prevent workers with any covered disability from complying with it? race and national origin Does this policy infringe on a cultural aspect of a specific race or national? 248 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity It has been said that the magnitude of bias against fat people is far greater than that for age or race or any other characteristic. Obesity bias weighs first against job seekers: A stellar career path, a solid résumé and a call from a headhunter may be the ticket to a better job. But if you’re overweight, there’s a good chance you won’t be selected as a finalist for an executive position. (Voros, 2009) Even when employment is gained, it is harder for overweight people to gain promotions and to secure choice assignments. More often they are assigned to low visibility jobs, get paid less, may be charged more for employee insurance coverage and are sometimes fired because of their weight (Darlin, 2006; Goldberg, 2003; NOW Foundation, n.d.). Bias also exists for those who do make it to the management level. Obese executives tend to be seen as possessing less ability, less leadership, less stamina and less effectiveness on the job (Kwoh, 2013). Weight stan Dar Ds Employer weight standards are particularly contentious as they are often based on false notions about the control of weight and stereotypes about overweight individuals. Consider these examples of the standards and their effects on workplace experience: • agency rent ­a­c ar systems fired an office manager because of his obesity in spite of his excellent employment record and excellent evaluations (CSWD, 2012). • Hooters told a 132 pound, 25 year old woman to lose weight or lose her job and placed her on a 30 day weight probation (Fafan, 2012). • north Dakota state Personnel Board fired a truck weight inspector for the Highway Pa- trol because he was too fat (CSWD, 2012). • Korn/ ferry , an international executive search firm, reports the case of a very qualified 300-pound manager who was refused a job interview at a telecommunications company because he wouldn’t fit in (Voros, n.d.). • salve regina college expelled a student for not losing weight (CSWD, 2012). • Jazzercise (a company with 5,300 franchises in 38 countries) turned down a 240-pound job applicant because applicants must have more muscle and less fat and appear thinner than the public (Corbett, n.d., p. 8). • Maryland state transit authority refused to hire bus drivers for being over the height/ weight limits (CSWD, 2012). is fat albert over W eight or obese? Weight categories How heavy is “overweight”? “Obese”? “Morbidly obese”? Excess weight, like ideal weight, is defined both by culture and by the field of medicine. Cultural Standards: The message is: Fat is bad; thin is in. Cultural standards of weight are transmitted by media and advertising. They affect the public perception of obesity and ideal body size and they influence the products and services that consumers purchase. American cul – ture creates a paradox. It creates the ideal of slim beauty and condemns excess weight on one hand and on the other, encourages junk food diets and super-sized food portions. Appearance and Weight: Discrimination in the Workplace 249 Medical Standards: Medicine created its own standards, in the form of the BM i (Body Mass index) , to evaluate weight in adult men and women. To approximate your BMI, divide your weight in pounds by the square of your height in inches and multiply the answer by 703. For an updated, more precise measurement, use the web calculator which bases your BMI upon your weight and height, and takes your gender and age into account (Halls.MD, 2011). Individuals fall into one of five categories, based on their BMI values: Diagnosis body mass index Underweight 18.4 or less Normal 18.5–24.9 Overweight 25.0–29.9 Obese 30.0–39.9 Morbidly Obese 40.0 and over (Facing serious health problems) The BMI does have limitations as it may over-estimate body fat in those with muscular builds and under-estimate body fat in older persons and those who have lost muscle mass. The relationship between the Body Mass Index and fat depends on one’s sex, race, and age. For chil – dren and teens, calculation of the BMI is the same as for adults, but interpretation of the resulting body mass value differs. Global Notes…………………………………………………World Wide Between 1980 and 2010, obesity doubled in every region of the world. Today half a billion people (12 percent of the world’s population) are obese. Boekma, 2012 The U.S. is the fattest country in the developed world with almost 70 percent of the adults either overweight or obese (ABC news, 2012). Some 32% of U.S. children and 25% of their dogs and cats are overweight. Mexico follows the U.S. with 24% adult obesity, the U.K. with 23% and Slovakia with 22.4% (the last said to be due to an overweight gypsy population (Huffington Post, 2012). Weight law Only a few places such as Michigan, the District of Columbia, Madison, Wisconsin and San Francisco and Santa Cruz, California provide legal protection again weight discrimination (Bell & McLaughin, 2007; Fryer & Kirby, 2005). obesity an D Disability Except for New Jersey, where obesity is defined as a disability, courts traditionally considered weight to be under the control of the individual and therefore, not a disability unless it results from an underlying medical condition that in itself is a disability (Puhl & Brownell, 2012). 250 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity eeoc With the passage in 2008 of the ADA Amendments Act (ADAAA), interpretation of the ADA law began to change. Increasingly, EEOC takes the position that obesity itself, without any underlying condition, qualifies as a disability and some district courts now declare that disabled obese workers do not need to prove they have an underlying condition. The General Counsel for the EEOC states that the ADA protects all disabled workers from workplace discrimination including those with severe obesity and further points out that stereotypes, myths, and biases about obesity should not be the basis of employment decisions (Law Office of Marc Mezibov, 2013). This position has not been tested in a federal appellate court, yet. Me Dicare Medicare will pay for some counseling for people with morbid obesity: weekly sessions for month one and sessions every other week for months two through six. Those losing 6.6  pounds or more by the end of the sixth month can get six more monthly sessions. Others must wait six months before Medicare will cover another weight-loss attempt (Barry, 2012). Points of Law When obesity is not a disability, there is no federal legal protection against discrimination. Under ADA law, when obesity is an impairment , morbidly obese employees are allowed to request reasonable accommodation from their employers which may include (but is not limited to) making facilities readily accessible, restructuring jobs, modifying work schedules, and reassignment to a vacant position. Recent legal cases have resulted in more and more rulings that severe obesity is a disability. G Best Practices The Los Angeles Police Department relaxed its limitations on fat (22 percent for men and 30 percent for women) to attract new recruits. New recruits came, but so did their fat. The Department now has a full time dietician working with everyone. The Consigli Construction Company of Milford, Massachusetts, designed a wellness program to fit its competitive company culture. It includes gym memberships, in-house weight competitions, nutritious snacks, and group exercises. Employees completing blood pressure and cholesterol testing can win up to $400 in reduced insurance premiums. Weight ties to Wages, gender, race and age Excess weight is more than just a health and legal issue. It’s also a personal and social one related to body image, sexism, discrimination, and self esteem (Schwartzapfel, n.d.). In the workplace it relates to wages with an interrelated set of factors that both blurs and compounds its effects. Weight and wages are related to each other and both are tied to gender, race, age and social class. Since excess weight occurs more often in certain racial and ethnic populations, more often in women Appearance and Weight: Discrimination in the Workplace 251 than in men, and more often in elders than in the young weight discrimination is closely related to discrimination of these protected characteristics (Goldberg, 2003, p. 97). Among the relationships: Weight and Wages • Overweight workers, will earn up to $100,000 less during their careers than their thinner coun – terparts (Baum, 2004). Weight, gender, and Wages • Overweight women are paid less than thinner women (Puhl & Brownell, 2012). • Overweight men are penalized $1,000 per year per pound (Voros, 2009). • Female baby boomers annually earn $313 less for every one-point increase in BMI (Zagorsky, n.d.). • Male baby boomers annually earn $161.30 less for every one-point increase in BMI (Zagorsky, n.d.). Weight, gender, race, and Wages • White women who are mildly obese (20% over standard weight) are penalized more in wages than are black men who are 100 percent over standard weight (Maranto & Stenoien, 2004). • Decreasing BMI by 10 points is related to a $12,720 in earnings for white males. For white women this figure is slightly less (Zagorsky, n.d.). Weight, gender, social Class, and Wages • Overweight women make $6,700 a year less than their non-obese peers and have higher rates of poverty (NOW Foundation, n.d.). conclusion Standards of physical beauty vary little over time within cultures and to some extent across cultures (Bell & McLoughlin, 2006). Symmetrical, proportioned facial features, height and weight are important universal elements in standards of beauty. Within the constraints of cultural values, physical attractiveness is generally rewarded and unattractiveness, penalized. Rewards and penalties are personal, social, and economic in nature. Society’s view of ideal and acceptable weight is the most variable of all appearance factors and carries the most severe consequences for those who greatly exceed its prevailing norms. Stereotyping and discrimination are particularly severe for individuals exceeding cultural standards of weight. Discussion Questions 1. 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(2012, September 6). Bias, discrimination, and obesity. Obesity & Research Journal, Wiley Online Library. Retrieved March 12, 2013, from http:// Rhode, D. (2010, June 29). Quoted in Appearance dis – crimination: The new racism? In Verbruggen, R. 254 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity (Ed.), article in National Review Online. Retrieved February 28, 2013, from, articles243355 Schwartzapfel, B. (n.d.). The fat of the land. Retrieved March 13, 2013, from http://www. multi_1/documents/05207016.asp Shenkus, S. (2013, March 3). Wellness pro – grams pay off in the workplace. Boston Globe . pp. 1,6. Spirit. (2011, April). Blond-haired women earn 7% more money. p. 34. Voros, S. (2009). Weight discrimination runs ram – pant in hiring. Retrieved March 12, 2013, from climbing/20000905-voros.html (or search Voros weight discrimination 2009). Zagorsky, J. (n.d.). Analysis of data from Bureau of Labor statistics. Reported in Darlin, D. (2006, December 2). Ziegfeld, Jr. Florenz (n.d.) Retrieved March 15, 2013, from http://www. ziegfeld.html. Diversity on the Web When business discriminates against “customers of size,” there are costs to goodwill for the busi – ness as well as costs to the customers themselves. 1. Research the crash of U.S. Airways Express 5481 on January 8, 2003, shortly after takeoff from the Charlotte-Douglas International Airport in North Carolina. Note : Notice the youth of the pilot (age = 25) as well as the weight issue. Wald, M. (May 13, 2003, Section A, column 1). Weight estimates on air passengers will be increased. Retrieved March 11, 2013 New flight risk: Obesity? (January 30, 2003, News, p. 12A). Retrieved March 11, 2013 2. Research the implications of a policy that people have to declare their weight before board – ing a plane. Warren, M. (2004, November 6, News, p.1). Cost of fat air passengers takes off. The Daily Telegraph, London. passengers-by-their-weight. Retrieved March 11, 2013 Southwest Airlines forces larger passengers to buy two tickets docs/airlineseating.html Retrieved March 11, 2013 Impishlaugh. (n.d.). Southwest Airlines’ policy concerning overweight travelers. http:// Retrieved March 11, 2013 Smith, A. (2006, December 8). Should overweight consumers pay extra for services from Southwest Airlines & other businesses? http://www.associatedcontent. com/article/95247/should_overweight_consumers_pay_extra.htm. Retrieved March 11, 2013 255 f airfax Metropolitan Hospital:  t he c andidate M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Fairfax Metropolitan Hospital is a moderately sized teaching hospital committed to quality care from a qualified staff. The hospital currently suffers from a lack of diversity among its staff however,—a glaring fault in nearly every unit at the hospital and one pointed out by several accrediting agencies. The hospital now seeks to develop a more diversified staff which they define as one representing the diversity of their community. There is also an urgent need to modernize the nursing department as its outdated procedures and inefficient practices also concern accreditors. Compounding the hospital’s concerns is the recent retirement of the Director of Nursing—just as another nursing accreditation visit looms on the horizon. the intervie W HR Director Jorge Hansen listens as the Search Committee discusses a candidate, Dr. Saryn Soysa, who they have just interviewed for the Director of Nursing position. She is a heavyset, pleasant young woman who looks even younger than her 32 years. Originally from Sri Lanka, she has been educated in U.S. universities and is now a U.S. citizen. Dr. Soysa’s credentials are truly outstanding. She took advanced exams, graduated early from college summa cum laude and completed advanced graduate work by studying full time on national and international fellowships. With a doctorate from a prestigious U.S. university, this articulate young woman has already won several research grants as well as a number of awards and honors. Her work experience is appropriate for this position and her references laud not only her skills, but also her personality and sense of responsibility. Her credentials are superb and by far the best of all the candidates under consideration. As the HR Manager listens, themes emerge from the Committee’s discussion of Dr. Soysa. Typical of the comments he hears are: “I am concerned about her health, given that she is so overweight.” “Did you notice how much she ate at lunch!!” “It’s important that we present a good public appearance…” “This job involves a lot of public relations; the director has a lot of public exposure.” “Too bad our benefits don’t include fitness clubs or Weight Watchers!” 256 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity “I just don’t know about her…” “She is qualified, but …” “And she is so much younger than the other directors! Do you think she is too young to fit with them? “Experienced nurses might not accept her…” “I just don’t know if she would fit well with our organization.” Someone suggests that maybe they should select one of the male candidates since there are few male nurses in the unit and the hospital has never had a male in the Nursing Director’s posi – tion. Someone else tentatively suggests that maybe the search should be reopened. As the committee continues its discussion, the HR Director is aware that no one is arguing for any other candidate in particular. There seems to be implicit acceptance that Saryn Soysa is by far the best qualified; easily head and shoulders above all the other candidates. Their conversation, however, reflects reservations tinged with some prejudices. Jorge knows that the search team is conscious of its charge to diversify the nursing unit and he thinks that their comments reflect underlying disapproval of Saryn’s weight and youth. He is aware that his supervisor, the hospital CEO, is on shaky ground with the Board of Directors and he suspects that she may think it is too risky to hire someone so young for such an important post. The Board might well question her judgment in approving such a hire. In summary, while there is universal agreement that Dr. Soysa is exceptionally qualified and the hospital really needs her expertise to modernize the Nursing Department, the Search Committee is clearly uncomfortable with her weight and youth although they avoid making many direct references to either. The CEO could likely be leery of her weight as well as her youth. the hr Manager’s ethical Dile MM a Jorge ponders the situation; the final decision is his. Should he yield to the committee’s reserva – tions by hiring a less qualified candidate? Would the CEO be happy with this decision? Should he consider reopening the search even though it is extremely unlikely to yield someone so well qualified? Would either of these alternatives be the best ethical and/or the best business decision for the hospital? Or, should Jorge ignore committee reservations and hire Saryn Soysa? If he does, how should he explain his decision to the committee and to his boss, the CEO? Discussion Questions 1. Generate a list of possible actions the HR manager might take. 2. Which action(s) would you suggest as the most appropriate for the HR manager? Why? 3. Are there legal issues here? Explain. (See Appearance and Weight Inclusion Issues in the Workforce in this text) . 4. If Jorge hires Saryn, what message is he sending to the hospital staff? If he doesn’t hire her, what mes – sage is he sending? Fairfax Metropolitan Hospital: The Candidate 257 5. If Jorg hires Saryn, what problems is she likely to face? What problems will Jorge likely face? 6. What resources does Saryn have for dealing with the problems? What resources does Jorge have for dealing with the problems? Diversity on the Web social Costs There are considerable social costs including stigma, prejudice, and discrimination for those who are obese. 1. Research these costs noting the interrelationships of obesity, gender, age, race, and social class. 2. What impact are they having on Saryn right now? 3. If she is hired, how might they impact her in the future? [2001, v.9, p.788] [click: (a) December 2, 2006 (b) Business (c) Darlin, Damon] 4. This case involves the factors of weight and youth primarily. Go to the website below and take the IAT test for weight (Fat-Thin). Also take the IAT test for age (Young-Old) and com – pare the two results. 5. There are those who feel that the bias against weight is stronger than the bias against race. Take the IAT test for race and the one for skin-tone and compare these results against those from your tests for weight and age. integr Ative Q Uestions For seCtion iv 1. If social class can have a pervasive effect on one’s life experiences, how could one’s social class impact other aspects of primary and secondary dimensions of diversity such as age, parental status, and mili – tary experience. 2. Assume that you are a mentor to an employee who came from a low-class background. She is bright and has career potential. However, you recognize that some elements of her behavior such as the way she speaks, her dress, her manners, and her communication patterns will prevent her from advanc – ing to the next level in your organization. How could you help her? 258 Section 4 • Understanding the Secondary Dimensions of Diversity 3. The Fairfax case is very unique because it illustrates how younger workers, who are not legally pro – tected from age discrimination, can experience negative stereotypes. What can they do on their jobs to try to offset the negative perceptions that some people have about young workers? 4. The selections made in the Choosing the Board exercise should result in a more diverse group. Thinking back to the article The Emotional Connection of Distinguishing Differences and Conflict, what types of positive and negative conflicts could result? How could these be reduced or avoided by effective diversity leadership? 5. Today, many veterans from military service in the conflicts in the Middle East are returning with severe physical and mental challenges. Even those without these issues are experiencing higher unemployment rates than nonmilitary people. How can military training and experience be trans – lated into a workplace asset for both groups? 259 Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Learning goa Ls for section V • To learn about the ethical and legal implications of diversity management • To examine the differences between Canadian and U.S. diversity laws • To analyze the business opportunities that exist in meeting the needs of diverse consumers • To analyze the effectiveness of today’s media to effectively reach diverse consumers Having considered diversity from both individual and social identity group perspectives, the next two sections focus on the organizational level of managing diversity. In Section V, diver – sity is viewed from three perspectives: the ethical, the legal, and the economic. We begin by considering how organizations should manage to be both ethical and stay within the U.S. laws in The Ethics of Workplace Diversity and Ethics and Diversity Cases: Legal Applications in the Workplace. Then, we compare diversity legislation in the United States with that of neighboring Canada in How Canada Promotes Workplace Diversity, and in the process discover some inter – esting differences in their approach. Next, we begin to consider one of the organizational aspects of the business case for diver – sity argument—the opportunity to profit from meeting the needs of a more diverse consumer base, which is explained in New Business opportunities: The Business Case for Diversity . Reaching these niche markets requires effectively using the media, especially the newer forms of technol – ogy. A Report on the Current Health of the Media analyzes the impact of media on our culture and demonstrates how the media, particularly the social media, is being used to communicate Section V 260 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues with more diverse and global consumers. This is followed by Exercises in Media Diversity, which is comprised of eight assignments that will provide you with an opportunity to examine the media in terms of diversity. Section V closes with an comprehensive exercise, The Bar Exam, that reviews and applies the Points of Law feature presented throughout the text and a case, Chick-fil-A, that illustrates the intersection of ethics, diversity legislation, and the use of social media. 261 t he e thics of Workplace Diversity Jeanne Mc nett Northeastern University Assumption College, Professor Emerita Spike Lee’s suggestion in his 1989 classic film Do the Right Thing that we “do the right thing” on the issue of diversity seems a reasonable one to most people, on the face of it. But when we ask, “Why?” in a business environment, we are likely to hear that we should do the right thing because such actions are good for business results. That may be fine, but is it enough? Is there more than a pragmatic justification for diversity in the workplace? Is there an ethical justifica – tion for valuing diversity (the right thing) in the workplace? We begin with a review of the pragmatic business arguments that are used to suggest that diversity is desirable in business. These arguments are not, though, based on an ethical analysis, but rather, on an economic one. We then explore what ethical theories tell us about valuing diversity in the workplace. Our conclusion then moves to an attempt to bridge between the prac – tical (business) and the good (ethics). By valuing diversity we mean valuing, respecting and appreciating the differences (such as age, culture, education, ethnicity, experience, gender, race, religion, sexual orientation, among others) that make people unique. Note that our definition has to do with valuing differences, so it is a frame of mind, a way of thinking, rather than a result. This is an important distinction because if we were to think of diversity as only a result and not a way of thinking, such an approach might lead to false conclusions. For example, we might observe that a workforce is diverse and then be tempted to infer that a valuing of diversity has led to the workforce composition. Yet we all recog – nize that a diverse workforce could be explained by many other factors, such as, poor work condi – tions, and business location. This workforce could be connected to diversity only by coincidence. Economic Argum Ents for Div Ersity Most of the economic arguments for the desirability of a diverse workforce are based on a connec – tion made between diversity and desired business outcomes. Most compelling is the connection made between a workforce that brings valuable and different perspectives and abilities to connect with a wide spectrum of customers. This market-driven argument for diversity becomes increas – ingly important because globalization has strengthened the role that relationships play in business transactions. Globalization has led managers to realize that business is all about relationships. The more diverse the workforce, the wider and deeper is the ability to communicate across cultures, and the greater the potential for deep, long-lasting relationships. An additional economic argument for diversity is that when the firm is recruiting from a larger, more diverse labor pool, the likelihood of hiring capable managers increases (Schraeder, Blackburn, and Iles, 1997). 262 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues There is also the argument that a diverse workforce is nontraditional, and therefore likely to be more creative and more capable of instituting and accepting change because diverse work – groups tend to be more accepting of ambiguity (Rosener, 1995). Research suggests that the Western assumption that innovation comes from the center of the firm (which traditionally is the less diverse part) may be seen as a dying vestige of essentially an imperialist way of thinking. Prahalad and Lieberthal conclude that “over time . . . as multinationals develop products better suited to the emerging markets, they are finding that those markets are becoming an important source of innovation.” That is a good explanation of how diversity may increase the potential for creativity (Prahalad, 1998). These arguments for diversity rest on a way of thinking about business known as the resource-based theory of the firm (Barney, 1991). According to this theory, the firm is concep – tualized as a bundle of resources that are poised, ready to take advantage of opportunities in the external environment. The more distinctive these resources are, the more difficult would be their imitation by a competitor. A diverse workforce with established customer relationships is an example of such a difficult-to-imitate resource. Lord Browne, former Group Chief Executive (CEO) of British Petroleum, offers an example of this economic rationale for diversity and its primacy over an ethical justification in his comments to the Women in Leadership Conference (2002, Berlin, Germany). For BP the issue is no longer about whether diversity is a good thing . . . the issue is how to deliver strategy. How to take immediate, real actions . . . We’re competing for resources . . . And we’re competing for markets . . . And therefore we’re competing for talent. If we can get a disproportionate share of the most talented people in the world, we have a chance of holding a competitive edge. That is the simple strategic logic behind our commitment to diversity and to the inclusion of individuals—men and women regardless of background, religion, ethnic origin, nationality or sexual orientation. We want to employ the best people, everywhere, on the single criterion of merit. And the importance of that goal as a part of our overall business strategy has grown as competition has intensified. BP is an energy company that needs to establish relationships that will allow it to extract oil and gas in Mexico, Indonesia, West Africa and Russia, while it competes for markets in America, China, South Africa and Europe. BP’s approach to diversity, based on market economic argu – ments, makes a lot of sense. The rationale is not ethics, but rather, the strategic outcomes BP seeks. Such motivations, regardless of their impact on diversity, go to an assertion that the pur – pose of business is to increase profits, not to do good. The fundamental argument of this under – standing is best articulated by the economist Milton Friedman in his oft cited essay, “The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase Its Profits.” There is one and only one social responsibility of business—to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits so long as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say, engages in open and free competition without deception or fraud. ( In contrast, an ethical approach would consider judgments about right and wrong, good and bad, what ought to be in our world, definition criteria suggested by Laura Hartman (2002). Another difference between a pragmatic, economic justification for diversity and an ethical one has to do with the judgment criteria. In economic business arguments, the criteria go to the business results. Making a decision about diversity is, at a superficial level, pretty easy: we look The Ethics of Workplace Diversity 263 at the economic business results of a decision. In contrast, ethically-based decisions are judged sometimes by the reasoning that leads to the decision, not the decision’s outcomes. The ethical dimension of a decision may not always be obvious from a surface consideration of that decision or an examination of the decision’s outcomes. cA tEgori Es of Ethic Al thEori Es So what might an ethical justification for valuing diversity be? In order to move toward that question’s answer, let’s first look at the three categories that are often used to describe Western ethical theory. First is the set of theories that looks at the process or the means of a decision; that is, how do we arrive at the decision? Second are the theories that address what is good and bad by looking at likely outcomes or consequences of a decision. Third is a set of theories that looks at the caring aspects of decisions. These three categories remind us that the assumptions upon which ethical claims can be made may vary widely. F. Neil Brady developed a matrix for these distinctive categories of ethical theories that offers a helpful summary (Brady, 1996). Exhibit 5-1 is a modification of Brady’s chart. His cor – relation of these approaches with the three virtues of faith, hope and charity is an added ben – efit as we think about the possible ethical bases for workplace diversity. The three columns on the right describe the three main theoretical bases for ethical judgment, with Brady’s suggested equivalents in parentheses. We discuss each of them and their likely application to a diversity claim: that a valuing of differences—our definition of diversity—is good or produces the quality of goodness either by process (deontological) or outcomes (teleological), or through caring for others. We also consider whether the theory is universal in nature, for all times and all places, or particular, depending on the context. The reason to consider universal or particular applications of an ethical theory has to do with culture. The cultural context in which a diversity decision is made may well affect the shared understanding of what ethical actually means. A short example of the results of different assumptions about what is ethical may be found in the consideration of the quality of difference in Japan. The Japanese culture is homogeneous, and the introduction of differ – ence is generally not seen as good. In fact, families and the individual’s company will conduct a background investigation of an engaged employee’s potential spouse to make certain he or she is pure Japanese and not from an outcast group such as the borakumin . Such activity Deontology (Faith) Teleology (Hope) Caring (Charity) Universal Application (all times, all places) Universal duty: universal principles, The Way Universal ends: Character ethic, utilitarianism, other -isms Universal care: love for humanity Particular Application (depends on context) Particular duties: situation ethic, case by case approach Particular ends: self-actualization Particular care: personal relationships Source: Adapted from F. Neil Brady. With kind permission of Springer Science+Business Media Exhibit 5-1 Three Categories of Ethical Theories 264 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues is seen as fulfilling an ethical responsibility. In North America, especially on the part of the employer, such an investigation would likely be regarded not as a moral duty but as an immoral action, on the grounds of both privacy and what we in North America would con – sider racial prejudice. Brady’s categorization describes various ethical theories based on the claims that their application makes: is the theory universally applicable (the rule, built on understood similarities) or does it claim a situational focus (it all depends, built on differences)? This distinction is help – ful as we consider the ethical bases for diversity because it incorporates the idea of the decision’s context. This distinction also corresponds in interesting ways to the Universalism-Particularism dimension used to describe culture differences by Fons Trompenaars (Hampden-Turner and Trompenaars, 2000). In cultures that measure high on the universalism dimension, such as the U.S., Switzerland, Australia, and Canada, rules are seen to apply to all equally. In particularist cultures such as China, Japan, Venezuela, Greece, and India, rules are seen as more variable, depending on the context and the actors. The implications of these assumptions in the area of diversity are significant, especially if we consider the effects of a diverse workgroup on an organization’s ethics. For example, Chinese assumptions about ethical decisions tend to be particularist and relationship-based. Awareness that American business ethics decisions, in contrast, tend to be universalistic and rule-based would help an international partner from a particularist culture such as China understand the assumptions that underpin Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This act as amended prohibits “discrimination in hiring, promotion, discharge, pay, fringe benefits, job training, classification, referral, and other aspects of employment on the basis of race, color, religion, sex or national origin.” We now look at how each of these ethical theories might be applied to diversity in the workplace. The ethical argument would be that these differences are good or produce the quality of goodness either by process (deontological, faith) or outcomes (teleological, hope), or by caring for others (care, love, charity). DEontologic Al cA tEgory of Ethic Al thEori Es The first category of ethical theories in our framework is deontological, and it stems from duties and moral obligations (the Greek deont means duty). Probably the most well-known deontological theory is Emmanuel Kant’s categorical imperative, which dictates that one has a duty to “act only on that maxim by which you can at the same time will that it should become a universal law” (Kant, 1785). We all know the popular paraphrase of Kant’s cat – egorical imperative, “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.” Deontological theories are based on duties, rules, and obligations that lie outside the person. Religious practice tends to rest on a deontological approach to ethics. For example, we can think of the Ten Commandments as a series of duties. Brady uses the term faith to capture this characteristic. DEontologic Al Ethic Al syst Ems AnD Div Ersity Can a claim that workplace diversity rests on duty be made in a convincing way? Such a claim would establish that we have a duty to at least tolerate differences. This tolerance would be not because of the results of these differences, but simply because, for some reason, having differ – ences is a duty that is a good in itself. The Ethics of Workplace Diversity 265 To explore our sense of duty in this regard, let us go to an example of which we all are a part, the U.S. housing market. We all live somewhere. Consideration of the nature of the U.S. housing market, segregated as it is by race and economic class, might suggest that there is no widely accepted duty to incorporate or tolerate difference, at least in this narrow but universally inhabited sector, despite federal law prohibiting discrimination. At the particularist level though, we can recognize that we might have specific duties we hold to one another with regard to diver – sity, depending on the context. For example, when we find ourselves part of a public group, say, a search committee, we may well accept that there is a duty to diversify the committee member – ship, simply for the sake of diversity and not for a pragmatic reason. Of course, we may well want to diversify for reasons other than duty, for example, to meet legal obligations, ensure compli – ance with the choice by including various constituencies or stakeholders and their varied points of view in the search process, and so on. Yet we can see that in some situations, diversity may be understood to be a duty, a good in and of itself. On balance though, deontological approaches to diversity are probably few in the work situation. This observation is in accord with sociologist William Julius Wilson’s application of Blalock’s theory of social power, which suggests that when majority or minority members change their beliefs about minority or majority members, these changes are initially a result of power shifts (in this case, Civil Rights legislation), and only secondarily, value shifts. Diversity in our workplaces developed initially as a response to a power shift, federal legislation (e.g., Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990, the Equal Pay Act of 1963, the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967) rather than as a response to a changed belief system about what is right. In our discussion of deontological approaches, we have considered individuals as the loca – tion of ethical decisions. This approach is justified because decisions are made in the minds of individual managers. Yet we may think of organizations themselves as having a limited kind of personhood, at least in a legal sense. Considered from the perspective of an organization capable of ethical decision-making, we find another example of deontological ethics in the workplace when we consider the ethics codes of these organizations. Ethical codes are rule-based and sug – gest that the corporate citizen is bound by duty to follow the rules, some of which may address respect for diversity. tE lEologic Al cA tEgory of Ethic Al thEori Es The second category of ethical approaches is teleological, addressing the good that comes from a focus on the ends achieved by a contemplated action (Greek telos , end). The teleological approach holds that decisions are right or good if they produce a desired goodness and bad if they produce some undesirable state (badness or pain). So teleological approaches are action- based, connected with implementation, while the deontological approaches concern the process (Hopkins, 1997). Utilitarianism, the greatest good for the greatest number, illustrates such an action-based, results-oriented approach. A business example is found in cost-benefit analysis, through which the benefit is weighed against its cost. The decision is then made to follow the path that provides the greatest overall gain for the least cost. In fact, research suggests that many American managers hold to utilitarian principles in their decision-making (Fritzsche, 1984). For example, a manager might structure a lay-off list with the least trained and newest members of the organization as the first to face cuts, on the basis that keeping people with seniority will lead to the retention of higher levels of knowledge, which in turn may lead to better results for a larger number of people. 266 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Distributive justice, concerned with fair and equitable outcomes, is another ethical theory within the teleological category. Distributive justice suggests that ethical decisions are those that lead to a fair distribution of goods. John Rawls has developed a test for distributive justice: is the decision the one that we would make if we were cloaked in a veil of ignorance ? (Rawls, 1971). This veil of ignorance would not allow us to know our status and position, so it protects us from our own self-interest’s playing a role in decisions on distribution of goods. Laura Hartman describes how Rawls sees the veil of ignorance working and the ends it would achieve (2002). First of all, we would make decisions unaware of their immediate consequences to ourselves. We would develop a cooperative system in which the benefits would be distrib – uted unequally only when doing so would benefit all, especially those who were least advan – taged. Ethical justice would be measured by the capacity of the decision to enhance cooperation among all, by its fairness. Because these theories rely on outcomes that depend on actions, but we don’t know the outcomes of an action often until well after it is completed, Brady connects these approaches to hope . tE lEologic Al Ethic Al syst Ems AnD Div Ersity Utilitarianism, in its assertion that a good or ethical decision is one that produces the greatest good for the greatest number, seems on first examination to be business-friendly. As a justification for diversity, a utilitarian approach might argue that valuing differences would lead to behaviors which themselves would be likely to lead to better results for the company’s stakeholders, through a diverse workforce that is, perhaps, better at decision-making, that possesses increased creativity, better knowledge of markets, and increased communication abilities. Such a work team would be likely to produce better results for a broader array of people, the various stakeholders. We would expect utilitarian approaches to the valuing of diversity in the workplace to be frequent since both the management environment and utilitarianism share a focus on results. Note, though, that for an ethical decision, results have to show greater good, not simply bottom line good. An example of the distributive justice theory applied to diversity is found in human resource processes that rest on principles of fairness and justice: all employees regardless of level and type of contract (part time/temporary) would receive medical and other benefits, profit shar – ing, retirement contributions and bonuses. Selection, compensation and promotion systems might also offer examples of distributive justice in the area of diversity. The ethical rationale would be that we take this decision because it is the right thing to do in order to produce equity, not that we take this decision because it will be good for business. These are all examples of uni – versal application. Teleological theories in a particularist context would be theories that apply to differences among people and also consider the ends or outcomes in order to judge the ethical nature of a decision. Self-actualization might be considered to be an example here, that we have a moral duty to fully develop our skills and talents, and that organizational decisions that lead in that direction (support for education, training programs, mentoring systems) are ethical ones. This approach, on a case-by-case basis, would have powerful application to diversity, since it would support individual learning and development within the company. Note that the increased learn – ing could be thought to lead to improved results for the company, too, and this would be a utili – tarian justification. Another application of distributive justice theories in a particularist context can be found in the justification (or failure of justification) of Affirmative Action legislation. The desired outcome (an increase in social equity universally) was thought to outweigh what some understood to be unfair processes (individual, particular decisions). The Ethics of Workplace Diversity 267 cA ring Ethic Al thEori Es The final category of our ethical framework addresses caring, which is, unlike deontology and teleology, a non-rational, emotional claim. These are the theories that come, not from a reasoned sense of duty nor from desired outcomes, but, because they are psychological and emotional in nature, “from an interpersonal connectedness”—an ethic of charity , as Brady suggests. On the universal side of this theory, examples drawn from religious situations and philanthropy come to mind readily: belief systems that value a love for humanity, for exam – ple, and a love for individuals because they are a part of that humanity. On the particular side, someone who joins the Peace Corps to do volunteer work in a specific setting or who does community volunteer work in a specific effort might offer us examples of particularized car – ing ethics. The layoff situation we discussed as an example of teleological ethics (the  greatest good is achieved by keeping those who have the most seniority and knowledge) may also rest on an ethics of caring (the manager keeps the people about whom he/she cares most, those with the most seniority). cA ring thEori Es AnD Div Ersity We can find a caring ethics basis for diversity in the workplace in Pope John Paul’s belief that “the evil of our times consists in the first place in a kind of degradation, indeed in a pulveriza – tion, of the fundamental uniqueness of each person.” He argues that the “fundamental error of socialism is anthropological.” It tries to reduce humans to something less than they are, as did the Nazis (racial makeup) and the Marxists (class status) (Brooks, 2003). Pope John Paul’s argu – ment is caring-based. David Brooks points out that when Pope John Paul told his audiences in Poland and Cuba, “You are not what they say you are,” the result was a revolution. The Pope’s claim is that our human diversity is good and that we are fundamentally unique in our person – hoods. This uniqueness should be recognized. Such ethical arguments for diversity would be strong in the workplace because they would offer the individual liberation from the crushing anonymity of a cubicle existence, for example. The ethics of caring leads to powerful emotional connections among people. Although we may not find it often at an official, articulated level (How does a CEO convincingly claim to care about 25,000 employees personally?), it may be more common, unarticulated, yet in the minds of organization members, than we realize. The college at which I teach is infused with the ethics of caring, caring about each other and about our students. Yet, as is frequently the case with ethics of caring, we don’t know how to talk about it. When students come on campus, they feel this emotional connection and are often drawn to the school for this reason. The diversity claim offered by ethics of caring might be stated as follows: we value diversity in our organization because we value every individual and his/her dignity and right to contribute and be a part of our organization. This particularist approach in a business setting seems more likely than does its universal aspect: we value individual, diverse members of our organizational community because we have come to respect, care for and perhaps love them. busin Ess Pr Agm Atism AnD An Ethic Al A PP ro Ach The economic business arguments for diversity with whose review we began our exploration are each premised on the resource-based view of the firm and are all pragmatic in that they are concerned with what works best to meet business objectives. The American William James 268 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues (1842–1910), whose work bridges psychology and philosophy, captured pragmatism’s essence in slightly different words: Pragmatism asks its usual question. Grant an idea or belief to be true, it says, “what concrete difference will its being true make in anyone’s actual life? How will the truth be realized? What experiences will be different from those which would obtain if the belief were false? What, in short, is the truth’s cash-value in experiential terms?” (James, 1911) We examine pragmatism here because it may offer us a way to better understand and pin down the ethical claims for workplace diversity. Such an approach to decision-making, including that about diversity, is the cornerstone of business practice: if it works, do it , or as James sug – gested, if it works, it is true. The question that now faces us is, how do these pragmatic approaches square with the ethical options we have just reviewed? In order to summarize this issue, we use a four-cell grid with the horizontal axis representing Ethics (highly ethical to unethical), and the vertical axis representing the level of pragmatism, (fully pragmatic to non-pragmatic). We now have a way to categorize our theoretical justifications of workplace diversity that makes sense and is useful because it considers the practical aspect, “the cash value.” We will see if any of our ethical theories can offer what is good and good for business at the same time. This matrix (figure 5-1) is a useful way to think about the possible relationships between pragmatism and ethical choices (Henderson, 1982; Lane, DiStephano, & Maznevski, 2000). Quadrant I is where most business people would like to be, pragmatic (good numbers) and ethi – cal (good  results). Quadrant I is also where the teleological ethical theories we have reviewed Quadrant I Quadrant II Quadrant IV Quadrant III Pragmatic Ethical Non-pragmatic Non-ethical figur E 5-1 The Pragmatic and the Ethical with Regard to Diversity The Ethics of Workplace Diversity 269 would be, utilitarianism and distributive justice. They are judged by outcomes and the good that constitutes those outcomes. What we see by considering Quadrant I is that an argument for diversity in the workplace can be pragmatic (good for business) and also ethical. Such an argu – ment might be, for example, that diversity is good, the right way to select personnel, because when we have a diverse team, we communicate better with diverse markets and are more innova – tive within the organization because we are always trying to question our unarticulated assump – tions. Such an environment is good for its participants and for business results. The argument for a diverse workplace because it is simply beneficial for business (the  bottom line) is an example of a pragmatic and non-ethical argument, which is where the economic arguments for diversity that we reviewed earlier are located, Quadrant IV. Such an argument would be non-ethical often because it does not consider the treatment of humans in ethical terms; humans are inputs, parallel to semi conductors and motherboards. This brings to mind that horrible phrase, Human Resources . Note that the arguments in Quadrant I (teleological) and IV (pragmatic without an ethical base) are close, and yet a world apart. The danger of the pragmatic non-ethical approach is that it might do harm to people. One can imagine a woman engineer being assigned to a project in the mainly male profession of construction engineering because the company wants to qualify to compete on projects that require a diverse workforce. In such a case, the woman engineer is there on the project for the business ends, almost as a token, but the company does nothing to support her integration into the work team. The hostile work environment that might result from the company’s unconsidered approach to building a diverse workforce would be a harm. In passing, we note that Quadrant III is where we would locate non-pragmatic, non- ethical efforts, a combination difficult about which to think. Perhaps some business decisions with regard to diversity are the result of personal prejudice or blindness that considers neither the practical aspects of the market nor the decision’s ethical content. Consider a family consumer business in a geographic area that attracts many gays and a decision-maker who has unexam – ined homophobic values in the personnel selection process. Such an example would be non- pragmatic and non-ethical. Quadrant II represents ethical, non-pragmatic approaches. Because for-profit business has to take care of the bottom line, has to show that outputs have added value over inputs, such approaches to ethics would be unusual, but they exist. Ben and Jerry’s Ice Cream sources ingre – dients for their product from worker collaboratives in impoverished areas in the U.S., Africa and Latin America. This commitment to the support of businesses owned by minority groups may increase the production costs, but it appears to be a cost the consumer is willing to pay. The consumer subsidizes the ethical non-pragmatic approach Ben and Jerry’s takes. One could argue that Ben and Jerry’s has changed the nature of the product; it is not premium ice cream that the consumer purchases, but premium ice cream and a contribution to greater good in the world. In contrast to the for-profit sector, in the non-profit sector, ethical non-pragmatic approaches would be abundant. Think of the local art museum, symphony, opera and other community efforts that by their very natures are non-pragmatic. Our analysis illustrates that Quadrant I is where most of the ethical arguments for diver – sity in the workplace are likely to be located. These teleological ethical arguments, because they focus on outcomes, are similar on the surface to the pragmatic economic justifications for diver – sity. They add an important dimension, though, an ethical consideration that is missing in the economic approach. It does seem that with some ethical analysis in the decision-making stage, business can do well and do good. 270 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Doing W Ell AnD Doing goo D As a final step as we move towards our conclusion, we need to consider how the process of  workplace decision-making about diversity might maintain a practical focus and at the same time, be encour – aged to incorporate an ethical one. One key point we can draw from our earlier discussion is that if there is an ethical consideration present in a diversity-related decision, it is usually tacit, unarticu – lated, in the decision-maker’s private thoughts. Laura Nash calls for discussion-based ethical analy – sis to become part of any organizational decision (Nash, 1981) and she offers a process to encourage discussion around these usually tacit elements. This review would be especially revealing of hidden assumptions in diversity-related decisions. The twelve questions to open such a discussion are: 1. Have you defined the problem accurately? A moral decision cannot be built on blind or convenient ignorance. Convenient ignorance is frequently a part of diversity-related issues. 2. How would you define the problem if you were to stand on the other side of the fence? There is a power in self-examination that may lead both to an awareness of the role of self-interest in a decision and to a tendency to dampen the expedient over the respon – sible action. 3. How did this situation occur in the first place? This course of questioning helps to dis – tinguish the symptoms from the disease and helps to work against the tendency to ignore problems until they become crises. 4. To whom and what do you give your loyalties as a person and as a member of the corpora – tion? The area of divided loyalties is a difficult one in the diversity area. The first steps to addressing such issues are to articulate them and then examine them. a. What is your intention in making this decision? B. How does this intention compare with the likely results? Intentions do matter. They can have effects on attitudes inside and outside the organization. Thus, their communi – cation is important. c. Whom could your decision or action injure? This question helps to discover whether any resulting injury would be intentional. D. Can you engage the affected parties in a discussion of the problem before you make your decision? Participation of all or many stakeholders insures that affected parties can discuss what among the action alternatives may be in their best interests. At the same time, they learn of possible decisions that may cause them difficulties, and have the opportunity to see these issues in a larger context. e. Are you confident that your position will be as valid over a long period of time as it seems now? Articulation of values should anticipate good and bad times. A difference in time frame can make a huge impact on the problem’s meaning. f. Could you disclose without a qualm your decision or action to your boss, your CEO, the board of directors, your family, or society as a whole? This test, referred to by some as the billboard test, helps to uncover conscience and loyalties. g. What is the symbolic intention of your action if understood? If misunderstood? How the symbol is perceived or misperceived is what matters. Getting intent out there early (see A and B) helps to frame how the symbolic aspect of an action is understood. H. Under what conditions would you allow exceptions to your stand? It is important to discuss under what conditions the rules of the game may be changed. Now we can begin to do the right thing as we implement diversity in the workplace, to make good and pragmatic business decisions. The Ethics of Workplace Diversity 271 Discussion Questions 1. Describe an approach to a business diversity program that would be pragmatic and ethical. 2. What are some possible explanations for the hesitancy to discuss ethics in the workplace? 3. This discussion’s definition of diversity rests on a valuing of differences across many groups of people. Explain why valuing (the process) is what should serve as the foundation for diversity and not the results. 4. Which of the final 12 discussion areas would be most difficult for you as a manager to discuss in the organization with your colleagues? Why? Bibliography Barney, J. (1991). Firm Resources and Sustained Competitive Advantage. Journal of Manage – ment, 17(1), 99–120. Brady, F. N. (1996). Introduction: A Typology of Ethical Theories. Ethical Universals in Interna – tional Business , p. 6. Berlin: Springer. Brooks, D. (2003). Bigger Than Nobel. The New York Times , October 11. http://www.nytimes. com/2003/10/11/opinion/11BROO.html/ Fritzsche, D. & Becker, H. (1984). Linking Man – agement Behavior to Ethical Philosophy: An Empirical Investigation. Academy of Manage – ment Journal, 27(1), 166–176. Goleman, D., Kaufman, P., & Rae, M. (1992). The Creative Spirit . New York: Dutton. Hampden-Turner, C. & Trompenaars, F. (2000). Building Cross-cultural Competence. New Haven: Yale University Press. Hartman, L. P. (2002). Perspectives in Business Ethics , 2nd ed. Burr Ridge, IL: McGraw-Hill Irwin. Henderson, V. (1982). The Ethical Side of Enter – prise. Sloan Management Review, 23, 37–47. Henderson’s matrix categorizes ethical and legal behaviors. Hopkins, W. (1997). Ethical Dimensions of Diver – s it y. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. James, W. (1911). The Meaning of Truth . New York: Longman Green & Co., ivx. Kant, I. (1785). The Foundations of the Metaphysics of Morals , section one. Lane, H., DiStephano, J., & Maznevski, M. (2000). International Management Behavior , 4th ed. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. This matrix is an adaptation of Henderson’s. Nash, L. (1981). Ethics without the sermon. Harvard Business Review, 56(6), 79–90. The questions and the slight commentary are summarized from the author’s more exten – sive and richer discussion, with applications to diversity added. Prahalad, C. & Lieberthal, K. (1998). The End of Corporate Imperialism. Harvard Business Review, 76(4), 68–79. Rawls, J. (1971). A Theory of Justice . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Rosener, J. (1995). America’s Competitive Secret: Utilizing Women as a Management Strategy . New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Quoted in Schraeder (1997). Schraeder, C., Blackburn, V. & Iles, P. (1997). Women in management and firm financial performance: An exploratory study. Journal of Management Issues , 9(3), 355–372. 272 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Div ER siTy on ThE W Eb 1. Investigate the inclusion (or lack of inclusion) of diversity/discrimination in the ethical codes of businesses. You can begin by searching for the words “diversity” or “discrimination” in the codes, but note that diversity concerns may be covered by words other than these, for example, “respecting the rights and privileges of all workers regardless of race, gender . . .” 2. Compare the codes of ethics for businesses with those of another type of organization such as a nonprofit or a government agency in terms of inclusion of diversity or nondiscrimina – tion policies. 3. Compare and contrast the codes of two competing companies within the same industry, for example, the Marriott and the Hilton hotels in the hospitality industry. sample Codes of business Ethics The site below, compiled by The Center for the Study of Ethics in the Professions at the Illinois Institute of Technology, contains hundreds of codes of ethics from corporations, professional soci – eties, academic institutions, and government. The codes are organized into 25 professional cat – egories as arts, business, communications, and so on. The codes can be searched for key words. The Your Code of Ethics site, created by Irwin Berent, is a clearinghouse for “codes of eth – ics, oaths, pledges and other forms of verbal commitment, statements of purpose, or declared standards of conduct.” This site is organized into categories, including three categories of busi – ness association codes: General, Management, and Sales or Selling as well as “Companies’ (US) codes.” The Business Ethics site by Sharon Stoerger lists business codes of ethics alphabetically by company name. 273 e thics and Diversity c ases: Legal a pplications in the Workplace M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Div ER siTy f Rom ThE bE nCh U.S. District Judge Harold Baer, Jr., in observing that class action suits involve thousands of people of both genders and likely from diverse backgrounds, twice required that for class action lawsuits every effort be made to assign at least one minority lawyer and one woman lawyer with appropriate experience. note from the Courtroom Judge Baer’s orders increase opportunities for women and minority lawyers to serve as lead counsel thereby giving them a chance to be spokespersons in a system dominated by white males. Duchess Harris (2010, December 1). Orders Highlight Need for Diversity in Appointing Class Counsel. In Litiga – tion News . Retrieved February 23, 2013, from cA sEs AnD situ Ations The managers of today have gone far beyond consideration of workers in terms of single diver – sity dimensions. Managers deal daily with multiple identities: a worker who is not just older, but who is older and female or the worker who is male and Asian-American and has a visual disability. The judicial system however, still deals only in single dimensions. Discrimination charges and lawsuits are rarely filed in terms of composites; they are filed in terms of age or gender or race or religion or disability or other single dimensions of diversity. A variety of actual cases and situations are presented here representing a broad spectrum of diversity issues in a wide variety of organizations. Each of the cases and situations outlined below involves ethical as well as legal issues in diversity. 1. For each case or situation, consider the ethical implications according to your own ethical framework. What do you personally think should be the outcome or resolution? 2. Information on the resolution or current status of most of the cases and situations can be found on the Internet. Were the outcomes and rationales similar to what you thought they should be? Why or why not? 274 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Note that ethical and legal questions arise as to what constitutes discrimination and what an employer’s obligations are when an employee has a disability. Consider the guidance offered below in making your judgments. LEgAL Consi DERAT ions Pretext analysis. A key to analyzing almost any discrimination case is determining whether an em – ployer’s given reason for taking action against an employee is the real reason, or a cover for intentional discrimination. This is known as a pretext analysis. Under ADA, employers have the legal obligation to provide reasonable accommodations for workers with disabilities to enable them to perform their jobs. Employers are not required to provide personal accommodations such as hearing aids and wheel chairs. Employers should be especially vigilant in defining and articulating essential job functions, and documenting the risks associated with an employee’s failure to perform such functions. spoilation refers to the destruction, alteration, or withholding of evidence. It results in the courts assessing penalties or even preventing the party from presenting evidence at all because if some of the evidence is “spoiled,” then all of it is suspect. cA sEs AnD situ Ations 1. eeoc v sears roebuck Diversity Issue: Disability Accommodation A former Sears service technician was injured on the job resulting in a permanent disability. Even though he asked many times to return to work, Sears did not provide accommodations and fired him when his disability leave expired. U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2009, September 29). Sears Roebuck to Pay $6.2 Million for Disability Bias. February 26, 2013, from Retrieved September 23, 2012. Or, search: EEOC vs Sears Roebuck disability accommodation 2. Universal studios Diversity Issue: Amputation Disability or Rider Safety? Two amputees, one with both forearms amputated and one with both legs amputated, were pre – vented from riding the roller coaster at a Universal Studios SeaWorld theme park. In 2012, operators of the “Revenge of the Mummy” ride told the first man that he couldn’t ride the roller coaster because he didn’t have hands to grip the safety bars. Later that same year, both men were denied rides because a new policy required that riders have at least one hand and one leg. Universal Studios Amputee Disability. Retrieved December 19, 2013 3. fitness chain Kid’s club v tot Disability Diversity Issue: Tot Autism Disability or Safety? A three-year-old was playing with toys in front of a slide in the Kid’s Club section of a fitness club. When a staff member asked him to move away from in front of the slide, he Ethics and Diversity Cases: Legal Applications in the Workplace 275 refused. Informed by his parents that the tot was autistic, the staff member told them that had the staff known the child was autistic, he would not have been allowed to play in the Kid’s Club. Maciel, K. & Schwartz, J. (2012, July 2). Fitness Club Responds to ADA Claim from Child with Special Needs with Updated Policies and Procedures. Epstein Becker Green. In Hospitality Labor and Employment Law blog . Retrieved February 23, 2013, from http:// 4. Miller v illinois Department of transportation Diversity Issue : Acrophobia Disability Darrell Miller was a highway maintainer on a bridge crew. Most of his work could be done on the ground or in a “snooper bucket.” He was terminated because his acrophobia (fear of heights) restricted his work to no more than 25 feet off the ground. His employer had a history of swapping duties to accommodate the strengths and weaknesses of employees, but fired this worker for failure to meet essential functions of the job. The supervisor stated that they did not grant requests. Find Law. United States Court of Appeals, Seventh Circuit. Miller v Illinois Department of Transportation . No. 09-3143-2013. Retrieved February 21, 2013, from 5. Mammone v. President & fellows of Harvard college Diversity Issue: Mental Illness Disability Michael Mammone was a museum receptionist at Harvard with bi-polar disorder. He worked for seven years with no problem, but then his behavior changed. He began singing and dancing in the reception area, conducted loud conversations and phone calls and established a website denouncing the low pay at Harvard. He later began wearing East Indian dress with necklaces, rings and bracelets and refused to stop using his personal laptop while on duty. He refused to meet with his supervisor to whom he used “abusive, threatening and sexually derogatory lan – guage” and refused police instructions to leave the premises. After receiving disability benefits from Harvard for six months, he was terminated. Mammone charged Harvard with disability discrimination. Weintraub, B. (2006, May 15). University Wins Anti-Discrimina – tion Suit. In The Harvard Crimson. Retrieved February 23, 2013, from 6. football referee Diversity Issue: Visual Disability When Big Ten football official James Filson lost an eye, he informed the head of the Big Ten Officiating and was told to continue working. He officiated games for six years including two Orange Bowl games until the Commissioner of the Big Ten learned about his vision. He was then terminated. He sued for violation of the Americans with Disabilities Act. Berkow, I. (2006, October 8). One-eyed Referee Flags the Big Ten Over Firing. In New York Times . Retrieved February 22, 2013, from 276 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues 7. national federation of the Blind v Penn state University Diversity Issue: Visual Disability The complaint charges that the technology at Penn State University (e.g., course management software, library catalog, website for its Office for Disability Services) is not usable by those who are blind and further that technology allowing professors to connect their laptops to a podium and display content on a screen cannot be operated by blind faculty without assistance from a sighted person, etc. Penn State vs National Federation of the Blind. Retrieved December 19, 2013 8. eeoc v Boh Brothers construction co. Diversity Issue: Gender (Male) Stereotyping A supervisor thought a male ironworker on a construction project was too feminine and not tough like ironworkers. He leveled abusive comments and sexual taunts at the man and exposed himself to him. After the ironworker complained, he was transferred to a lower-paying job that was slated for lay-off and then was laid off. The company had no anti-harassment policy nor did it provide training to supervisors on preventing harassment. U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. (2011, March 29). EEOC Obtains $451,000 Jury Verdict Against Boh Brothers Construction Co. for Male-on-Male Sexual Harassment. Retrieved February 19, 2013, from 9. creed v family express Diversity Issue: Transgender Discrimination Christopher applied for a job as a male presenting a masculine appearance, although he had already begun a gender change transition. After employment, he continued with the transition, changing to feminine attire with nail polish, mascara, eyebrow trimming, longer hair and finally using the name Amber. She/he continued to wear the company mandated unisex uniform of polo shirt and slacks. After more than 50 customer complaints, the employer demanded that Amber come to work dressed as a man and finally fired her/him. She alleged gender discrimination. Leonard, A. (2009, January). Retail Employer Can Fire Transgender Employee for Violating “Dress Code.” Leonard Link . New York Law School. Retrieved February 22, 2013, from 10. Wildflower inn v Baker-Linsley Diversity Issue: Sexual Orientation (same-sex couples) In Lyndonville, Vt., the Wildflower Inn refused to book the wedding reception of a lesbian cou – ple. The refusal was made by an employee acting without the owners’ knowledge whose email stated that the Innkeepers did not host gay receptions at the facility. The Inn’s lawyer stated that the inn did not have a policy of discriminating against same-sex couples. American Civil Liberties Union. (2012, August 23). Baker and Linsley v Wildflower Inn . R etrieved February 19, 2013, from http:// Ethics and Diversity Cases: Legal Applications in the Workplace 277 11. ta l a v e r a v shah (U sai D, Wash. D c) Diversity Issue: Sexual Harassment A federal employee filed a complaint alleging sexual harassment from a contractor when, in spite of her excellent evaluations, she was passed over for a promotion. The reason given was that another can – didate had a better interview. The interviewing supervisor had destroyed all interview notes, however. Garland’s Digest Case Summaries, March 28–April 1 2011 Cases.  Talavera v. Shah. Retrieved February 20, 2013, from 12. University of toledo Diversity Issue: Sexual Orientation, Discrimination, or Freedom of Speech? A top human resources official at the U. of Toledo wrote a newspaper article challenging the idea that gay people deserve the same civil rights protections as members of racial minority groups. The university fired the HR official. Blake, E. (2012, February 27). Federal Court Dismisses Suit Against UT. In Toledo Blade . Retrieved February 18, 2013, from http://www. 13. Pickler and ford Dealership Diversity Issue: Pregnancy Discrimination or Worker Safety? Marilyn Pickler was working for the Berge Ford auto dealership. A week after she told a manager that she was pregnant, she was fired on the ground that it would not be safe for her to drive (a part of her job). Work Place Fairness Court Cases in the News. State: AZ. (2004, June 16). Berge Ford Pays 470,000 in Discrimination Costs . Retrieved February 20, 2013, from 14. University and community college system of nevada v farmer Diversity Issue: Race and Gender Discrimination Yvette Farmer, a white female, was a finalist for a position in the sociology department at the University of Nevada at Reno. The university hired an African-American male instead, paying him more than the posted salary range. One year later, the white female applicant was offered a position at $7,000 less than the black male received when he was hired the year before. The female sued, arguing violations of the Equal Pay Act and the Civil Rights Act. The university argued that since only one (1) per cent of its faculty members were black, it followed a minority bonus program whereby a department could hire an additional faculty member if it first hired a minority faculty member. AAUP. (2005). University and Affirmative Action Update. Retrieved February 18, 2013, from legal/topics/aff-ac-update.htm 15. new York and new Jersey v arbitron Diversity Issue: Minority Discrimination—Portable People Meters New York and New Jersey sued Arbitron for civil rights violations with its new Portable People Meters (PPMs). PPMs measure radio station program ratings. The states filed the lawsuits 278 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues because they believed the PPMs were not being distributed to people from traditionally under – represented groups. Attorneys general of New York, New Jersey Sue Arbitron over PPM Issues. (2013, February 24). In Target Market News from Radio Ink. Retrieved February 24, 2013, from http://www.targetmarketnews. 16. fedex Diversity Issue: Ethnic Discrimination Ishmail Alijev, a Turkish political refuge from Russia and now a U.S. citizen, worked for GNB Trucking Company in a Salt Lake City suburb for five years. GNB provides uniformed drivers for FedEx trucks. An Iowa weigh station warned Ishmail’s company (but did not issue a citation) about his Russian accent. GNB said he was an excellent employee and wanted to keep him, but was told by a FedEx manager (who did not speak to Alijev) to terminate him. Ishmail’s offer to demonstrate his speech to high level company officials was declined. He filed suit. Rumboy, D. (2012, November 27). Utah Truck Driver Claims FedEx Fired Him Due to Russian Accent. In Desert News . Retrieved February 17, 2013, from 17. smith v Lockheed-Martin corp (11th cir, 2011) Diversity Issue: Reverse Race Discrimination Lockheed-Martin has a “zero tolerance” policy forbidding anyone from engaging in harassment against a legally-protected status such as race. Anthony Mitten, a white supervisor, was fired for violating this policy and for improper-computer-use policies after he received and forwarded an email entitled, “Why There Are No Black NASCAR Drivers.” The email contained derogatory stereotypes of Blacks. Black employees, however, were not fired, but were only suspended for a short time when they used company email to circulate a derogatory characterization of white men (“How to Dance Like a White Guy”) during the same time. Anthony Mitten sued, claiming racially dis – criminatory termination. Smith vs Lockheed-Martin. Retrieved December 19, 2013 Removing Expensive Labor: forced Retirement cases 18 and 19 examine the practice of removing expensive labor costs from the payroll by forcing retirement. They examine two different practices intended to accomplish the same end—(a) mandat – ing retirement of older workers and (b) forcing payroll labor into contract labor. 18. sidley austin Brown & Wood v. eeoc Diversity Issue: Age Discrimination (thru forced retirement) Sidley, a giant Chicago-based international law firm with 1500 lawyers practicing on three continents, has used a mandatory retirement policy to involuntarily retire partners since 1978. Further, it demoted 32 partners thereby forcing them out also. The EEOC filed a class action suit charging that Sidley expelled partners from the firm on the basis of their age. Mandatory Ethics and Diversity Cases: Legal Applications in the Workplace 279 retirement programs for older attorneys have been criticized because they cheat the public out of competent counselors with a wide body of experience. Wilkins, D. (2007). Partner, Shmartner! EEOC v. Sidley Austin Brown & Wood. In 120 Harv. L. Rev. 1264 (2007). Retrieved February 12, 2013, from 19. allstate insurance Diversity Issue: Age Discrimination (thru demotion to contract work) In 1999 Allstate fired 6,400 home and auto insurance agents of which 90% were over age 40. Allstate offered to rehire them as independent contractors with slightly higher pay but without their expen – sive health and pension benefits—providing they waived their rights to sue Allstate for age or any other discrimination. Allstate also imposed a one-year freeze on rehiring former sales agents in other positions. This procedure was repeated with 650 life insurance agents, 80% of whom were over 40. A class-action suit was filed by employees who were joined by EEOC. Allstate counter sued for fraud. Sachs, S. (2002, May 22). Not in Good Hands. In The Harvard Crim – son. Retrieved February 22, 2013, from article.aspx?ref=214776. Appelson, G. (2007, May 14). Baby Boom – ers Battle Bias. In Houston Chronicle. Retrieved February 22, 2013, from Removing Expensive Labor: outsourcing Case 20 examines the practice of removing labor by transferring American jobs to countries where labor is cheaper. There are both positive and negative effects of this practice. “Full time jobs become contract work without benefits, and then vanish overseas.” Reingold, J. (2004, April). Into Thin Air. In Fast Company . Retrieved February 23, 2013, from “In the absence of a public policy that tells me what to do . . . I have no choice as corporate manager, nor do my colleagues . . . [but to make decisions] that very often involve moves of jobs into other countries.” Andrew Grove (former Intel CEO) quoted in Reingold, J. (2004, April). Into Thin Air. In Fast Company. Retrieved February 23, 2013, from 20. WatchMark corp. (now WatchMark- comnitel) Diversity Issue: Off-shoring (outsourcing jobs overseas) WatchMark (a software company) terminated 60 people and sent their jobs to India. Some of the terminated workers were asked to stay and train their Indian replacements with the clear under – standing that their severance pay and unemployment benefits were contingent upon them doing so. Ethical dilemma: Cost savings and benefits to economy (increased productivity, lower prices and greater demand for American products) versus downward mobility and suffering of displaced workers. Reingold, J. (2004, April). Into Thin Air. In Fast Company. Retrieved February 24, 2013, from magazine/81/offshore.html 280 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues 21. Bhatt v the University of Vermont Diversity Issue: Tourette Disability Discrimination Dr. Rajan D. Bhatt falsified an evaluation for a surgery rotation and at the hearing, claimed it was an isolated incident. It was learned however, that he had falsified other evaluations too, and falsified a diploma as well. At the next hearing dealing with these other forgeries, he claimed they were due to Tourette’s syndrome and a related obsessive-behavior disorder. The university dismissed him. He sought treatment and later requested that his medical condition be re-evaluated by the university. His application was denied and he sued the univer – sity under the ADA charging the university had not accommodated his disability. Cheney, K. (2008, June 17). Developments in Vermont law. What Accommodations Must A College Give A Liar? In V T- Wo r l d . Retrieved February 22, 2013, from More Law Lexapedia. (2008, May 30). Retrieved February 22, 2013, from 22. Hughes v the city of Bethlehem et al. Diversity Issues : Gender and Physical Disability Discrimination Catherine Hughes, a diabetic employee from the City of Bethlehem called in sick for two days when she was actually in Las Vegas having her lips and eyebrows permanently tattooed. Her deception was reported and when questioned, she lied, saying that she wasn’t in Las Vegas, but had been in her sick bed at her boyfriend’s home. She was terminated for dishonesty after an investigation uncovered her deception. She sued stating she was terminated because of her gender and diabetes and that she was retaliated against for seeking an accommodation under ADA. HR Specialist: Pennsylvania Employment Law. (2009, January 18). OK to Fire Employee Who Lies About FMLA Absence. Retrieved February 20, 2013, from 07-2349 Discussion Question A wealthy and frequent guest arrived at a small and very posh golf resort for an extended stay. He was accom – panied by a dozen important business associates. He immediately informed the hotel management that there was to be no service for any of his guests made directly by African Americans—no waiters, no housekeepers nor other Black service personnel. He was adamant on this point. As the general manager of the hotel, what would you do if: a. the wealthy guest were American? Explain. b. the wealthy guest were Middle Eastern? Explain. WRiTing Assignm EnT The court decisions on two landmark cases severely erode the rights of workers to sue employers who engage in gender discrimination (Lilly Ledbetter case) and age discrimination ( Jack Gross case). Subsequent legal action changed the impact of the verdicts. Ethics and Diversity Cases: Legal Applications in the Workplace 281 Div ER siTy on ThE W Eb global Considerations Research the following questions: 1. Do U.S. anti-discrimination laws apply to workers at U.S.-owned companies operating in other countries? 2. Do U.S. anti-discrimination laws apply to foreign companies operating in the United States? 3. The United States has child labor laws prohibiting exploitation of children in the workplace, yet many large American corporations have been exposed producing and/or marketing products made overseas by child sweatshop labor. Can these corporations be prosecuted for violations of U.S. child labor laws? starting sources: Berkowitz, P.M. & Rosenberg, E.J. (2009, August 7). Overseas Employees and U.S. Laws: Recent Developments. In Nixon Peabody Thought Leadership/Alerts. http://www. Lowe, D.A. (n.d.). Employment Rights of American Workers Abroad. In Rudy, Exelrod & Zieff. http://apps. Mok, K. (2010, June 2). Are These Unethical Fashion Brands Hiding in Your Closet? In Treehugger. http:// Nuri, S. (2013). Lists of Brands That Use Sweatshops. In eHowMoney. (type title in search box). Ledbetter v goodyear Tire and Rubber Lilly Ledbetter was the only woman among the 16 supervisors at the same management level. She worked at Goodyear over 19 years and learned late in her tenure there that all the males (even those with less seniority) earned more than she did and that her salary was as much as 40 percent lower than the salaries of the males. gross v fb L financial services In June 2003, Farm Bureau Financial Group merged with Kansas Farm Bureau and offered all employ – ees who were over age 50 with a specified number of years of employment, a buyout. In Iowa, virtually every claims supervisor over age 50 was demoted. Jack Gross, aged 54 with 13 consecutive years of top performance reviews, was demoted. The company claimed it was a “reorganization,” not a demotion. Research these cases and write a paper that explains: 1. The court rulings in each case 2. Subsequent legal actions 3. Implications for workers 282 How c anada Promotes Workplace Diversity Marc s. Mentzer University of Saskatchewan It is easy to fall into the trap of treating Canada as merely a colder version of the United States. Although outwardly similar to the United States, Canada has its own unique history and traditions. The differences between Canada and the United States are deep, yet not immediately visible. To appreciate the differences between the two countries, one must go back to the time of the American Revolution. The American revolutionaries expected that present-day Canada would join them in the fight against the English king, but the area that makes up present-day Canada stayed loyal to the king and continued under British rule until Canada became independent in 1867. As a result, Canadians have a faith in government that is very different than the usual skepticism and suspicion toward government that many see in the United States. Another key difference is that the Canadian federal government has less power than the U.S. government, especially where employment regulation is concerned. On employment issues, laws of the Canadian federal government affect only those industries that are federally regulated according to the Canadian constitution: broadcasting, telecommunications, banking, railroads, airlines, shipping, other transport across provincial boundaries, uranium mining, and crown corporations (companies in which the government owns all the stock, such as the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation). The result is that only about 10% of employees in Canada are covered by Canadian federal law, while 90% are covered only by the laws of their province or territory. All other businesses are beyond the jurisdiction of the Canadian government, and are affected only by the laws of the province in which they operate. As an example, consider Sears, the department store chain. In the United States, Sears must obey U.S. federal law regarding nondiscrimination, minimum wage, and so on. Each state has its own laws, but with some exceptions, a company like Sears can ignore the state laws because state laws are overridden by U.S. federal law. In Canada, Sears also has stores throughout the country, but retailing is not federally regulated under the Canadian constitution. Therefore, Sears in Canada must obey the laws of each province in which it operates. A Sears store in Ontario must obey Ontario laws; a store in Quebec must obey Quebec laws, and so on, which complicates the work of Sears executives in Canada. How Canada Promotes Workplace Diversity 283 thE cA nAD iAn hum An rights Act In 1977, Parliament passed the Canadian Human Rights Act, which forbids discrimination by fed – erally regulated employers on the basis of race, gender, sexual orientation, disability status, and certain other grounds. This act prohibits systemic (indirect) discrimination, as when an employer asks an applicant about her childbearing plans or engages in sexual harassment, as well as direct discrimination, as when an employer says women applicants will not be considered. Instead of com – plaints being heard in court, as in the United States, discrimination complaints are typically made to the Canadian Human Rights Commission if the employer is federally regulated, or to its provincial counterpart if it is provincially regulated. By relying on commissions and tribunals to hear cases instead of courts, the Canadian approach allows victims to have a hearing without having to hire a lawyer, although monetary damages tend to be much lower than they would be in a U.S. court. Another feature of the Canadian Human Rights Act is that it requires comparable worth in compensation, which in Canada is known as pay equity . Every covered employer must ensure that predominantly female occupations are paid the same as predominantly male occupations of equal importance or difficulty in the same organization. For example, secretaries working for a railroad might claim that their job is of equal importance or difficulty as that of a track maintenance worker, and thus could demand that their pay be the same. Pay equity or comparable worth is a type of law that does not exist in the United States at the federal level, because it is seen as interfering with market forces, but it is a fact of life for organizations under the jurisdiction of the Canadian federal government. At the provincial level, Ontario and Quebec also have pay equity laws that cover both public- and private-sector employers. Some other provinces have pay equity laws limited to public- sector organizations, such as universities and hospitals. A few provinces have no pay equity legisla – tion at all, although pay equality legislation exists in every jurisdiction of Canada, meaning men and women doing the same job must be paid equally. Where pay equity is concerned, there can be a large impact depending on which side of a provincial border an employer locates. Em Ploym Ent Equity lE gisl Ation Initially it was hoped that the Canadian Human Rights Act would be sufficient to break down the barriers that prevent the economic progress of women and minorities. However, it became appar – ent that simply forbidding discrimination was not enough. In 1984 a parliamentary commission recommended legislation that would push employers to take proactive or aggressive measures to increase the numbers of women and minority employees (Canada, 1984). This commission noted that in the United States, affirmative action has been divisive because it pits men against women and whites against minorities. Thus, to avoid the ill will surrounding the term affirmative action, a new term, employment equity , was created to cover such proactive measures as targeted recruit – ing, providing child care facilities, accommodating the needs of people with disabilities, and so on. The resulting legislation, the Canadian Employment Equity Act of 1986, was mainly sym – bolic, relying on persuasion and embarrassment so that employers would be more serious about creating workplaces that value diversity. Covered employers submit their data to the federal gov – ernment, which then assigns grades (A, B, etc.) to each employer, which are made public. A later version of the law, the Canadian Employment Equity Act of 1995, put in place modest fines up to $50,000 for not meeting targets. In practice, these fines are rarely imposed (Agocs, 2002). Some have criticized these provisions for being too weak (Lum, 2008), but on the other hand, there was an underlying intent to rely on gentle persuasion on employers to maintain a constructive atmosphere and to avoid ill will (Grundy & Smith, 2011). 284 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues thE four Prot Ect ED grou Ps In the United States, the main thrust of civil rights legislation was initially to end discrimina – tion against Blacks. However, in Canada, Blacks comprise only three percent of the population versus 14 percent in the United States. Although Black Canadians have been victims of racism, the difference in numbers means that discrimination against Black Canadians has never been the predominant issue that it has been in the United States. Similarly, Hispanics constitute only one percent of the Canadian population, compared with 16 percent in the United States. On the other hand, Canadians of Asian ancestry form a large portion of the Canadian population. For example, there are more Chinese Canadians than Black Canadians. Therefore, when Canada introduced employment equity legislation, there was a question about which groups should be chosen for coverage. In the end, the government designated four groups to be targets of proactive measures in the spirit of affirmative action: 1. Wo m e n : As in the United States, Canadian women lag behind men in income and in representation in high-paying jobs. 2. Aboriginal Peoples: This group includes Indians, Inuit (the Aboriginal people of the Arctic regions), and Métis (pronounced MAY-tee), who are those of mixed French-Indian ancestry in western Canada. Aboriginal people constitute four percent of the Canadian population, compared with less than 1 percent in the United States. 3. People with Disabilities: Both Canada and the United States define disabilities to include psychological as well as physical conditions. 4. Visible Minorities: This is the most interesting and most controversial protected group under Canadian law and it has no exact equivalent in U.S. law. “Visible minorities” refers to those of Black, Asian, Arab, Pacific Islander, or Latin American ancestry. The visible minority category includes some groups, such as Japanese Canadians, who have very high income levels today, but had historically been targets of discrimination. “Visible minorities” includes other groups, such as Pacific Islander Canadians and Southeast Asian Canadians, who are relatively recent arrivals in Canada with high unemployment rates and very low incomes on average. The category of visible minorities, comprising 16 percent of the Ca – nadian population, is an assortment of ethnic groups that have little in common with one another (Hum & Simpson, 2000). Other minorities sought to be included under the Employment Equity Act, but were excluded, although it is still illegal to discriminate against them because of the Canadian Human Rights Act and similar legislation in the provinces. For example, note that lesbians and gays are not a protected group. Also, French-speaking people in predominantly English- speaking areas wanted to be treated as a protected group, but were not included. One fifth of the Canadian population speaks French as their first language, and in some areas they feel they are at a disadvantage in an English-language-dominated society. Because the Canadian Human Rights Act (and its provincial counterparts) covers these minority groups, it is still illegal to discriminate against people on the basis of their sexual orientation or whether they learned French before English. However, employers are not required to engage in proactive or aggressive actions to increase their representation in the workforce. There have been some problems in the implementation of employment equity (Mentzer, 2002). An employee cannot be counted as a member of a minority group unless he or she identi – fies as such on a questionnaire administered by the employer. If some minority employees don’t complete the questionnaire due to a desire to blend in and not draw attention, then the employer How Canada Promotes Workplace Diversity 285 cannot count them in employment equity statistics (Lum, 2008). Another dilemma is that people of Arab or West Asian (e.g., Turkish or Iranian) descent often don’t realize that the government defines them as being in the visible minority category, so the resulting statistics are likely to undercount visible minority employees. In the United States, some white individuals have won lawsuits claiming reverse dis – crimination, causing the unraveling of some of the U.S. affirmative action initiatives. A claim of reverse discrimination cannot be made in the Canadian legal system. Section 15 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which is part of the Canadian constitution, states that discrimination is illegal. It then goes on to state that policies that improve the situation of disadvantaged groups are an allowable exception to the antidiscrimination clause. This key difference between the U.S. and Canadian constitutions has far-ranging implications for affirmative action and employment equity policies. Points of Law Summary of key diversity legislation in Canada’s federal jurisdiction: charter of rights and freedoms: This is part of the Canadian constitution and is roughly parallel to the U.S. Bill of Rights. canadian Human rights act: This forbids direct or indirect discrimination on the basis of race, gender, sexual orientation, disability status, and certain other grounds. canadian employment equity act: This requires employers to engage in proactive measures to increase the representation of four specific groups: women, Aboriginal people, people with disabilities, and members of visible minorities. Of the groups covered under the Canadian Human Rights Act, the federal government has selected these four groups for additional legal attention under the Employment Equity Act. G Em Ploym Ent Equity in Action Employment equity, when properly implemented, should go beyond increasing the number of women and minority employees, although this is important. The focus of employment equity should be to encourage flexibility and create a workplace in which people of all backgrounds feel comfortable. Employment equity programs typically include mentorship programs, in which employees in the four protected groups received coaching and career advice from senior employees. An example of a success story is RBC (Royal Bank of Canada), which strives to create flexible work arrangements whenever feasible, as a way of creating a friendlier environment for women and people with disabilities. RBC makes available such options as job sharing, flexible work schedules, and work-from-home arrangements, as ways of accommodating employees’ individual needs (RBC, 2011). Notice that all of these examples of Best Practices are in industries that are federally reg – ulated in Canada—banking, telecommunications, broadcasting, and so on—because only federally-regulated industries are covered by the Employment Equity Act. These examples show how Canadian employers creatively reach out to those in the four protected groups. When properly implemented, employment equity changes an organization’s internal culture to one that welcomes diversity in all its forms, and where all employees can reach their full potential. 286 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues cA nADA ’s Provinc Es AnD tE rritori Es Canada is divided into ten provinces and three territories, which in matters of employment legislation, have more power than U.S. state governments. Each of the ten provinces and three territories has its own human rights laws forbidding discrimination. While every province and territory forbids discrimination, none of them, generally speaking, have laws requiring proac – tive measures in the spirit of employment equity or Affirmative Action. The result is that only those employers in federally regulated industries are required by leg – islation to have employment equity programs. Such household names as Wal-Mart, McDonald’s, or General Motors are not in federally regulated industries, and therefore are not covered by the Canadian Employment Equity Act. However, such companies must obey the antidiscrimination laws of the provinces and territories in which they operate. Lastly, provincially regulated compa – nies that sell goods or services to the federal government are required to have employment equity programs or else risk losing their federal contracts. Executives of companies operating in both the United States and Canada face a special challenge, because they must be knowledgeable about the laws of two countries, and in many instances the laws of Canada’s ten provinces and three territories as well. Frequently, a human resource policy that is legal in the United States will be illegal in Canada, or vice versa, and such companies have to obey the laws of the jurisdiction in structures to address the issue of increas – ing diversity in the workplace. Discussion Questions 1. How does the power of the Canadian federal government in relation to the provinces differ from the power of the U.S. federal government in relation to the states? 2. If a U.S.-based retail chain has stores throughout Canada, which laws apply—those of the United States, those of the Canadian federal government, or those of each province? 3. What is the difference between employment equity and pay equity? Best Practices in Canada Employers often look for creative ways to increase the number of applicants from the four protected groups. For example, recruitment ads can be run in publications directed toward visible minority groups, such as Chinese Canadian newspapers. Job fairs can be conducted in predominantly Aboriginal communities. One creative example of recruiting is by Pelmorex, a company which operates The Weather Network on Canadian TV systems. Pelmorex iden – tifies jobs that can be done by people who are blind, and works with the Canadian National Institute of the Blind to increase the number of employees with vision-related disabilities (Pelmorex, 2012). In the same spirit, Telus, a telecommunications company, has an ongoing partnership with the First Nations Employment Society to increase the number of appli – cants from the Aboriginal peoples of Canada (Telus, 2012). How Canada Promotes Workplace Diversity 287 4. How does the Canadian constitution affect affirmative action–type programs? 5. a. Present an argument that it is easier for employers to comply with diversity legislation in Canada than in the United States. b. Present an argument that it is harder for employers to comply with diversity legislation in Canada than in the United States. WRiTing Assignm EnT Choose one province or territory, look up the website of its human rights commission or tribunal, and discuss what types of cases or complaints dominate the work of that commission or tribunal. In some instances, there will be a section of the website labeled “Decisions.” Are the issues addressed by your chosen organization different than one would expect from a similar enforcement agency in the United States? The following websites are particularly well designed: british Columbia: newfoundland and Labrador: ontario: Quebec (clickable button converts the web page into English): saskatchewan: yukon: Bibliography Agocs, C. (2002). Canada’s employment equity legislation and policy, 1987–2000. International Journal of Manpower , 23, 256–276. Canada. Minister of Supply and Services. (1984). Report of the Commission on Equality in Employ – ment . Judge Rosalie Silberman Abella, Commis – sioner. Ottawa, Canada. Grundy, J., & Smith, M. (2011). Evidence and equity: Struggles over federal employ – ment  equity policy in Canada, 1984–1995. Canadian Public Administration , 54(3), 335–357. Hum, D., & Simpson, W. (2000). Not all visible minorities face labour market discrimination. Policy Options/Options Politiques , 21(10), 45–48. Lum, J. M. (2008). The federal Employment Equity Act: Goals vs. implementation. Canadian Public Administration , 38(1), 45–76. Mentzer, M. S. (2002). The Canadian experience with employment equity legislation. International Journal of Value-Based Management , 15, 35–50. Pelmorex. (2012). The Weather Network: Careers: Diversity. careers/our_diversity RBC. (2011). 2011 RBC Employment Equity Report: Workplace Accommodation. http://www.rbc. com/diversity/docs/2011Employment_Equity_ Report.pdf Telus Communications Company. (2012). Diversity and Inclusiveness: Thriving on Diversity. http:// – sity_and_inclusiveness/ 288 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Note U.S. statistics are from the 2010 census, as reported by the U.S. Census Bureau. Canadian statistics are from the 2006 census, as reported by Statistics Canada. Div ER siTy on ThE W Eb Choose a Canadian bank from the list below and look at its website to see what is presented regarding employment equity or diversity. Next, choose a U.S. bank and look at what its website says regarding diversity. To what extent do differences between the two websites relate to dif – ferences between Canada and the United States? In some cases, it will be necessary to do a web search within the bank’s website for the keywords “diversity” or “employment equity.” To get started, here are some websites of Canadian banks: Marc S. Mentzer, PhD, is a professor at the Edwards School of Business of the University of Saskatchewan. His research has appeared in publications such as Employee Responsibilities & Rights Journal and the Journal of Organizational B e h av i o u r. 289 a r eport on the c urrent Health of the Media M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Did you know . . . .? Twitter is a smashingly popular social networking site in Japan. Twit – ter translates as “mumbling” in Japanese. “They love the idea of talking to themselves.” (Tokuriki, 2010) As agents of cultural transmission and maintenance, media conveys society’s values to newcomers and passes culture down to succeeding generations. Media shapes culture by inform – ing and incorporating ideas and practices from subcultures and outside cultures into the resident culture. Paradoxically, it integrates subcultures into the mainstream and at the same time sepa – rates groups both from the larger culture and from each other. Media roles in integration can be seen in the case of immigrants and established ethnic groups where mainstream media teaches them about the larger U.S. culture and the larger cul – ture about them. But television, e-mail, and electronic communication also allow newcomers to maintain their ethnic and social class identities by providing easy contact with their home cultures and with fellow immigrants within the U.S. The social health of mass media, how well it transmits and integrates, depends on acces – sibility—how well it reaches everyone in the society, how much participation and voice society members have in it, how comprehensive and appropriate its coverage is, and how accurate and fair it is. Personal communication media, as with mass media, depends upon accessibility and participation/voice. mED iA Acc Essibility Print Media Although declining in use, print media still plays an important role in transmitting culture. Millions of U.S. adults read national newspapers and substantial percentages of all cul – tural groups read magazines. Newspaper readership is lowest among young adults (59 percent) and increases with age to 76 percent among seniors 65 and over. Readership also increases with education and with income levels (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Broadcast Media: radio and t.V. Ninety-nine percent of American households own radios averaging eight radios per household. Listening time increases as education and income rise, but reverses with age (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). 290 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Television ownership is virtually universal in the U.S. By 2010, 114 million U.S. house – holds owned televisions, viewing an average of more than 151 hours per month (U.S. Census, 2010). Access to cable TV across the three major ethnic/racial groups ranged between 83 and 87 percent, close to the U.S. average of 89 percent. Television ownership and viewership both declined by half a million people between Census 2000 and Census 2010, something Fixmer attributes to a preference for online viewing (2012). Although total U.S. ownership declined, Asian-American, African-American and Hispanic households all increased T.V. ownership during this decade (Frazier, 2011). African- Americans lead all groups in TV watching, averaging 213 hours per month (Nielsen, 2012). electronic Media: cell Phones and the internet Almost 23 percent of U.S. households owned at least one wireless telephone by 2009 with more than half (59 percent) using both land – line and wireless phones. Approximately 97 percent of Americans earning over $75,000 and 85  percent of those earning $50,000 or less owned cell phones by 2012 (Pew, 2012). Internet usage was also widespread in 2012 with over 85 percent of American adults accessing the Internet and 99 percent of the more than 16,000 public libraries were connected to it with public access to workstations (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). While it is the younger, better educated and more affluent in all cultures that most use elec – tronic media, cyber technology is not just for the young. “By mid 2012, over half of all Americans 65 years and older were online according to the Pew Internet Project with two of every three con – nected seniors using email and one in three likely to be social surfing ” (Miot, 2012). targeted (Ethnic and segment) media Historically, it was common for print and broadcast media to avoid dealing with people of color and various subgroups. Mass media worked to build audiences based on age, education, income, and/ or gender. It was selective in who it transmitted to and in what it transmitted. Advertisers, the driv – ing force determining the audiences targeted by newspapers, wanted predominantly affluent Anglo readers. In practice, this meant selectivity in which stories were printed or aired and which were not. As immigration swelled ethnic numbers in the late 20th century, their exclusion from U.S. mainstream media gave rise to newspapers and TV channels specifically for them. In September of 2003, large mainstream English-language newspapers launched several Spanish-language daily newspapers such as Hoy, Diario La Estrella, and Al Dia. By 2005, ethnic media focusing on culture-specific entertainment and news already reached 57 million African Americans, Hispanics and Asian Americans on a regular basis. New America Media reported that close to half of the major racial and ethnic adults preferred ethnic broadcast and print media to mainstream media (Butod, 2009). With an estimated 10.9 million Hispanic American television households in the U.S., Spanish-language TV channels grew into major networks. In addition, satellite dishes now bring in stations from Mexico and Colombia, CNN (in Spanish) and Fox Sports (in Spanish). AT&T has launched three Latino websites: Facebook, MySpace, and YouTube. Cable operators serve geographically-defined markets with programming geared to those areas. Smaller ethnic and cultural groups that are more diffused geographically such as the Arabic, Russian and Korean language groups are serviced by satellite television. Pivot, a recently announced TV channel, targets Millennials (15 to 34 year olds) and plans to feature documentaries aimed at inspiring lasting social change (Moore, 2013). With the introduction of the Internet and cell phone came, e-mail, video conferencing, and text messaging, thereby expanding traditional means of cultural contact. Although these A Report on the Current Health of the Media 291 electronic advances are widespread in developed countries, they are the media of the more privi – leged in many countries. The digital divide has replaced geographic boundaries. Even within the U.S., the “digital divide” (high speed vs dial-up Internet access) denies the less affluent these avenues of cultural exchange. Some 89 percent of Americans with incomes over $75,000 have broadband at home, but not so 41 percent of those earning $30,000 or less (Pew, 2012). In spite of its widespread usage, nearly 10 percent of Americans still cannot get broadband Internet connections that are fast enough for activities such as watching videos or teleconferencing (Tessler, 2011). Two-thirds of the schools have broadband connections that are too slow to meet their needs. Pew Internet reports that only 66 percent of American adults have broadband access at home (67 percent of Caucasians and 46 percent of African Americans) and according to some reports, the “divide” is widening (Hilbert, 2013; Smith, 2010). mA ss mED iA mE ss Aging the Producers of mass media messages Ownership and control of the mass media (television, movies, music, radio, cable, publishing and the Internet) have dwindled in the past two decades to fewer than two dozen. Power is con – centrated in 10 huge conglomerates (Forum on Media Diversity, 2010). Mass media producers have long been known for lack of diversity within their ranks. In 2003, Ron Smith of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel noted that “Diversity is a word journalists often hear . . . But you can walk into just about any newsroom in the country and never see it.” Little seems to have changed in the years that followed this observation for in 2010, The Forum on Media Diversity reported that journalists of color represent only 12.6 percent of newsroom management positions in the 151 television stations owned by the 10 major stations (July, 29). The driving power behind the scenes, the Madison Avenue advertising agencies, are no different. Well known for gender discrimination, in 2009 a long-term pattern of racial discrimi – nation also came to light. This serious diversity imbalance among the producers and advertisers has serious consequences for what is aired for everyone. news broadcasting The latest research on diversity in primetime cable news found none of the “Big 3” cable net – works (CNN, FoxNews, MSNBC) to have diverse programming. The vast majority of hosts and guests are white males with hosts of color often relegated to week-ends (Holcomb-Jones, 2013). As with print media, broadcast news reflects little sensitivity to environmental and other issues that run counter to the business interests of big advertisers (Schweiger, 2010). The FCC (Federal Communications Commission) has turned a deaf ear to the effects of the decreasing racial-ethnic diversity in the media. “When the FCC abandoned the Fairness Doctrine requiring broadcast companies to give balanced coverage to important controversial issues, free public-service announcements became very rare on the airwaves” (Schweiger, 2010). Critics further charge the FCC with weak enforcement of affirmative action regulations and dropping the requirement that stations must report on their minority staffing (Wikipedia, 2013). The effects of this lack of balance are seen online also. Polling 1,900 Americans, Harris reported that 98 percent of them mistrust the information they find online (Schwaback & Schwaback, 2012). Interestingly, most ethnic groups (except Hispanics) prefer main – stream media over ethnic media for information about politics and the U.S. government (Bendixen & Associates, 2005). 292 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Drama and sitcom Personnel Diversity messages are present not only in the personnel and content of newscasts, but are embedded in the diversity of actors and personnel in drama and in the characters they portray. On both sitcoms and dramas, ethnic performers rarely get recurring roles and writers, direc – tors, producers and crewmembers are mostly Caucasian (Seitz, 2002). Nowhere is the lack of diversity more evident than in children’s programming. According to a 2012 study by Children Now, the 8 p.m. to 9 p.m. television–viewing family hour is the least ethnically diverse with only one in eight programs having a mixed cast. Content: Stereotypes, Prejudice, Discrimination It has long been recognized that all forms of media engage in the transmission of cultural stereotypes. A recent Yale study reported in the Huffington Post uncovered a similar situation in social media with Facebook (most of whose 25,000 members are between 20 and 29 years of age), displaying extreme prejudice against the elderly and encouraging discrimination on more than a third of its sites (Brenoff, 2013). A few bright notes appear in the discrimination and prejudice picture, however: There are now more gay and bisexual characters on scripted TV than ever before and traditional type- casting of African Americans and Native Americans by advertisers has decreased markedly in broadcast and print media (The Associated Press, 2012). Unfortunately, other forms of stereo – typing are alive and well, often in the character roles portrayed in TV dramatizations. PErson Al mE ss Aging On the personal level, social networking has traditionally been conducted face-to-face or by landline phone. Modern networking has added Internet, e-mail, texting, mobile phone and Internet phone capabilities. Global Notes…………………………………………………………………Uganda The mobile phone in Uganda is used by less skilled workers for inexpensive customer contact. Migrant workers use it to transfer funds to remote villages and it is vital for those needing medical services. Todd, D. (2009, May). Understanding is the key. IBWorld. Issue 56. p. 21 ……………………………………………………..……South Africa Nearly all South African college students own cell phones. College education is very expensive, so students use their phone cameras to take pictures of textbook assignments and blackboard notes to share. Howard, J. (2012, March 2). Laura Czerniewicz, is educating by phone. The Chronicle of Higher Education. p. 12 ……………………………………………..……………………China The Chinese do not like voice mail at home or office. They prefer text messaging via cell phones. They don’t like being expected to return phone calls. Many don’t like to leave messages either, perhaps feeling they may lose face if they leave messages with someone lower in rank. Buckman, R. (n.d.). Career Journal: Why the Chinese hate to use voice mail. Wall Street Journal Online. . Retrieved June 22, 2012 A Report on the Current Health of the Media 293 figur E 5-2 Percentages of U. s. Ethnic groups Accessing social networks Weekly Asian Americans hispanics African Americans non-Ethnics Facebook 71% 52% 53% 52% YouTube 51 45 40 30 Twitter 9 15 14 9 Source: Merkle. (n.d.) View from the social inbox reported in Sutton, W. (2011, May 1). Social media’s diversity problem. Social media today . In less developed countries, it is now the cell phone that is the principal modern individual medium. This is particularly so in southern Africa and in rural settings where an infrastructure has been developed for it. In more developed countries, cultural preferences dictate the preferred method of personal communication. social networking In more developed western countries, e-mail and online chatting rank high in importance for social and business interchanges. Individual and group social media are vehicles of cultural transmission. Social media primarily refers to specific sites such as Facebook, MySpace, Twitter and Foursquare, RSS, YouTube, blogs (web logs or diaries) and Wikis. Social networking has mush – roomed as sites like these proliferated. The popularity of these communication channels is especially high among ethnic groups in the U.S. who visit social media sites in equal or greater percentages than non-ethnic Americans (see Figure 5-2). A similar situation exists in Canada where a large social media survey found more immigrants and visible minorities than other Canadians to be not just tuning in, but creating content across social media sites (Delvinia and Environics Analytics, 2011). Although the percentages of ethnic users are high, an extremely low percentage of Internet start-ups are founded by them: 1 percent each of African-Americans and American Indians; 7 percent of other races; 12 percent of Asian Americans; 87 percent, Caucasians (Sutton, 2011). Social media preferences vary by socio-economic level in the U.S. Approximately 65% of those with incomes over $75,000 network compared to only 48% of those with incomes under $30,000 (Pew, 2012). Households with incomes over $75,000 are mostly on LinkedIn; those with incomes under $50,000 favor MySpace (Hare, 2009). Age differences in networking are marked. Young people develop huge networks which they often view as evidence of their social acceptance or prestige. Older people, however, main – tain relatively smaller and more concentrated networks. Such findings are not unexpected according to socioemotional selectivity theory which predicts that when time seems expansive as it does to the young, knowledge-related goals guide social preferences and when time seems limited as it does for their elders, social preferences are guided by emotional goals (Carstensen, Isaacowitz, & Charles, 1999). In 2012, Facebook teen networks (12 to 17 year-olds) averaged 300 “friends” for boys and 350 for girls (Pew, 2013). The major social media have grown so large with hundreds of millions of “friends” that the pendulum is swinging back and the newest networks such as Path, Family, and Leaf are becoming more intimate. 294 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues busin Ess marketing Businesses now aim to develop loyalty in ethnic niche markets. Since it is more economical to market standard products than to develop products for niche markets, they translate their advertising into multiple languages and use culture marketing to reach these customers. A notable exception is Comcast, which tailors the programming on its cable channels to specific ethnic groups. Businesses increasingly use social media for advertising, strengthening relationships with customers, managing their image, starting promos, learning customer concerns about purchasing, and analyzing blog demographics to identify market niches to survey for early adopters. By 2010, 79 of the 100 largest Fortune 500 companies were using Twitter, Facebook, YouTube or corporate blogs to communicate with customers and other stakeholders. The most popular is Twitter where these large corporations maintain an average of 4.2 accounts. Twenty of the 100 largest Fortune 500 companies use all four social media platforms (Axon, 2010). U.S. corporations are not alone in adopting social media. Over 88 percent of European and 50 percent of Asian-Pacific global companies were also using at least one social media platform by 2010 (Axon, 2020). Global Notes…………………………………………………………………East vs. West Western-oriented companies primarily use social networks like Twitter and Facebook. Asian Pacific companies, however, mostly use corporate blogs except when dealing with consumers in Europe and North America. Axon (2010) There are pitfalls in using social media. While it allows companies to tout their products and services, it also allows consumers to publically evaluate company practices and products. Consider the case of Dell when a blog, The Consumerist , published tips for getting better deals on Dell products. Dell’s lawyers sent a cease-and-desist letter which the blog then published. Within hours, the story went viral. Two days later, Dell issued an apology (Axon, 2010). Global Notes…………………………………………………………………Japan Google unwittingly ran into a serious problem in Japan: When Google Earth posted historical maps of Japan, a national firestorm erupted with Google accused of prejudice. The finely detailed woodblock prints dating back to the feudal era with its strict caste system detailed the locations of former low-caste burakumin communities. People with this heritage still face very strong prejudice, based almost entirely on where they live or their ancestors lived. The locations of these old villages were largely unknown until Google Earth pinpointed them (Alabaster, 2009). A Report on the Current Health of the Media 295 hiring Consumer blogs can also affect hiring. For example, The Consumerist published a poll asking readers to rank the worst employers in America and another web site, The , allowed readers to rank a company’s chief executive (Kennedy, 2012). Where once jobs were primarily advertised in newspapers and trade magazines, these post – ings gave way first to online job boards such as Monster and CareerBuilder and more recently to online recruiting with niche-oriented social networks such as trade group discussion boards and sites such as LinkedIn and ZoomInfo, today’s hunting grounds for hiring managers. On LinkedIn job-seekers can post their profiles, check on companies they want to work for and converse with friends and colleagues. Sites such as Plaxo, Wink, and Spoke combine tra – ditional job postings with social networking tools. Venturefizz combines job boards with news. Twitter both feeds news and blogs and Genotrope is an online startup directory containing job postings (Moore, 2009). Corporate headhunters consult multiple Internet sites to evaluate potential employees— profiles are checked on LinkedIn and additional information is sought from Facebook pages, blogs and other websites. HRs report that this Internet trek not only provides a better-rounded picture of candidates than the traditional résumé, but it gives clear indication of  technical savvy. While providing potential employers with increased information about candidates, online profiles offer job candidates the opportunity to avoid common forms of discrimination by not disclosing information such as race/ethnicity, age, gender, physical appearance, etc. that are likely to be apparent in face-to-face interviews. internal corporate use Social media have found many uses within organizations. The rise of video-conferencing, for example, is especially important for business communication—particularly so for organiza – tions with multiple sites. Organizations have developed unusual in-house applications for social media. Some use competitions intended to recruit already employed professionals because they attract highly competitive people who are not actively looking for a job. Target, for example, uses games to motivate people working in particular jobs (Kennedy, 2012). In spite of widespread use, not all companies encourage blogging as not all companies are convinced of its value. Phone interviews of 14,000 CIOs found that more than half (54 percent) prohibited visiting social networking sites completely and another 19 percent permitted limited- use personal blogging (Robert Half Technology, 2009). Some of those with strict policies on net – working report that blogging produces chaos in corporate culture and it distracts employees. Further, trade-secret leaks are a serious concern as are lawsuits resulting from using Facebook to prescreen employees when disclosure of confidential information such as religion, race, marital status, etc. occurs. Discussion Questions 1. FCC has recently issued new rules for protecting the neutrality of the content of the Internet. Investi – gate these rules and discuss the strengths and weaknesses of this policy. 296 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Starting Source: Davis, C. (2011, January 3). FCC net neutrality rules meet criticism. Worcester Business Journal. p. 12. 2. The major requirements for evaluating the social health of mass media are described in this article. How would you complete a “Report Card” on the social health of the media in terms of these require – ments? Explain. 3. Is it legal for employers to monitor the email and other communications their employees send? Starting Sources: Spykerman, M. (n.d.). Is email monitoring legal? Red Earth. Nolo. (n.d.). Monitoring employee communications. Learn the rules on email, voicemail, telephone conversations and Internet use. Nolo. (n.d.). Email monitoring: Can your employer read your messages? Owings, K. (n.d.). Legality of email monitoring. EHow money. facts_6901953_legality-email-monioringt.html 4. Will videoconferencing and text messaging replace face-to-face meetings? Examine the arguments on both sides of this debate. Starting Sources: Kahai, S. (2010, May 6). Is video conferencing a good substitute for face-to-face meetings? http:// Cassim, B. (2009, March 12). Face-to-face conference vs. video conference. Continent exchange. Avanta. (2011, September 9). Video conferencing vs face-to-face meetings. Av a n t a . http://www. Nugent, K. (2010, January 8). New global markets keep businesses flying. Worcester Telegram & Gazette. pp. B12, 13. WRiTing Assignm EnT Select a group, for example, an ethnic group, social class, government, religion, disabilities, gays, gender, obesity, public officials, or businessmen. Conduct your own examination on how one media characterizes them. 1. Write a two- to three-page paper on your findings. Be sure to include how you arrived at your findings (your methodology). Hint: The article that follows provides instructions on how this might be done. A Report on the Current Health of the Media 297 Bibliography Alabaster, J. (2009, May 3). Japan in uproar over Google maps of ancient neighborhoods. Wo r c e s – ter Telegram and Gazette. A14. Axon, S. (2010). Social media trends at Fortune 100 companies [STATS]. In Mashable the social media guide. fortune-100-social-media Bendixen & Associates. (2005, June 7). Ethnic media in America: The hidden giant in plain sight. New America Media. http://news. Brenoff, A. (2013, March 13). Facebook encour – ages age discrimination, negative age ste – reotypes (STUDY). The Huffington post . Butod, M. (2009). The growth of ethnic Chinese media. Ethnic media in the U.S. topics/2009/06/ Carstensen, L., Isaacowitz, D., & Charles, S. (1999, March). Taking time seriously. American psy – chologist. pp. 165–181. Children Now. (2012). Davis, C. (2011, January 3). FCC net neutrality rules meet criticism. Worcester Business Journal. p. 12 Delvinia and Environics Analytics. (2011, October 14). Quoted in Sutton, W. (2011, May 11).). Uncovering diversity: Social media’s diversity problem. Social media today. Fixmer, A. (2012, September 25). Nielsen cuts 500,000 TV homes on census, web viewing. Forum on media diversity. (2010, July 29, 30). Forum report. www.mediadiversityforum.lsu. edu Search: race and media Frazier, J. (2011, June 13). TV viewing habits are changing. https://www./business2community. com/trends Grief, I. (2009, October 21). Quoted in MHT. Being more social. Mass High Tech. p. 14. www. Hare, B. (2009, October 14). Does your social class determine your online social network? CNN. Social networking by the number. http://www. Data source: The Nielsen company. Hillbert, M. (2013, March 8). Reported in Young, J. Bandwidth Divide. The chronicle of higher education. p. A12. Holcomb-Jones, S. (May 14, 2013). Diversity in prime time cable news. NAACP. Journalism. (2007). Ethnic media audience trends 2007. Kennedy, J. (2010, September 2). Whats new in the world of hiring, firing Worcester Telegram & Gazette. p. 16. Lau, J. (2012, June 9). Not just about kids, social media presents real business opportunity. Mass High Tech . p. 28. Matsuda, C. (2009, July 7). Among ethnic groups, the digital divide narrows. Knight digital media center. Miller, S. (2013, January 16). Public-relations pio – neer began with “Toni Twins” stunt. The Wall Street Journal. p. B7. Miot, S. (2012, June 6). More seniors now surf – ing the web, Pew finds. PC Magazine. (Search: Seniors surfing the net or seniors surfing the web.) Retrieved December 19, 2013. Moore, F. (2013, March 29). Worcester Telegram & Gazettte . p. B6. Moore, G. (2009, August 14–20). Hiring sands shift toward social media. Mass High Tech. p. 1. www. Nicodemus, A. (2010, December 16). WPI grad is working the crowd to fund startup. Worcester Telegram & Gazette, Business Matters. p. 2. Nielsen (2012, October 25). Top TV viewing facts by Nielsen, special for Pew Internet (2013, May 13). Teens. Median number of facebook friends. http://www. Pew Internet (2012). Use of technology by different income groups. Robert Half Technology (2009, October 21). Quoted in Anti-social media? Mass High Tech. p. 14. Schwaback, B. & Schwaback, J. (2012, July 29). Free online college courses are proliferating. Wo r c e s – ter Telegram & Gazette. Schweiger, L. (2010). NWF. What’s not making the news. National Wildlife Federation. www.nwf. org/view 298 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Seitz, M. Z. (2002, July 16). Despite some progress, minorities remain an unseen presence. Star Ledger. p. 28. Smith, A. (2010, August 11). Home broadband 2010. (Pew Internet & American Life Project, 2013). broadband-2010.aspx Smith, R. (2003, October 23; updated 2011, March 2). Copy editing for diversity. Poynteronline. on August 13, 2013 from http://www.poynter. org/uncategorized/17641/copy-editing-for- diversity. Sowell, T. (1991). A world view of cultural diversity. Society. 29, no. 1, 37–44. Sutton, W. (2011, October 14). Uncovering diver – sity: Social media’s diversity problem. Social media today. Tessler, J. (2011, February 18). Digital divide. Worcester Telegram & Gazette. p. B2. The Associated Press (2012, October 6). Study finds rise in gay characters on network TV. Worcester Telegram & Gazette. p. 8. The Insight Research Corporation (n.d.). Telecom and ethnic groups: Uses of local, long distance, and wireless services in ethnic communities. Tokurki, M. (2010, June 20). Quoted in Kageyama, Y. Twitter is a hit for Japanese individual – ity a big selling point. Worcester Telegram & Gazette. p. D5. U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical and Abstracts of the United States. (2012). Information and Commu – nications . p. 723. Wikipedia. (2013). http://enwiki/Federal_ Communications_Commission. 299 e xercises in Media Diversity M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita To examine media messages, select one of the following media to investigate. Note: Your instructor will provide the recording forms from the Instructor’s Manual to aid you in recording your observations. 1. electronic Media: Prime time tV Watch prime time television, selecting option (a) or option (b) below. Record the information (role, gender, ethnicity, social group and behav – iors) about the principal and secondary characters on the Recording Form. You will need several copies of the Recording Form for each program. Be sure to use separate forms for each program. Option (a) Watch two hours of prime time TV drama (between 6 and 11 p.m. ) Option (b) Watch three different prime time crime dramas (between 6 and 11 p.m. ) After recording your observations, answer the following questions: i. What audience do you think each program targets? Explain. Give examples. ii. What stereotype and cultural messages do you think the programs send? Explain. Give examples. iii. What audience do you think the commercials target? Explain. Give examples. i v. What stereotype and cultural messages do you think the commercials send? Explain. Give examples. 2. Print Media: Mass circulation newspapers Examine a single issue of a mass circulation daily or Sunday newspaper selecting option (a) or option (b) below. Record your observa – tions of the ethnicity, gender, social class and tone (i.e., positive, negative, neutral) of the content on the Recording Form. You will need several copies of the form. Option (a) Newspaper stories Option (b) Features including wedding, engagement, anniversary and death notices, financial reporting, clothing, travel articles, etc. After recording your observations, answer the following questions: i. Are groups treated in proportion to their numbers in the population? Explain. Give examples. ii. Do you think groups are treated equally in tone (i.e., positive, negative, neutral)? Explain. Give examples. 300 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues iii. What audience do you think these publications may target? Explain. Give examples. i v. What stereotypes do you think they may foster? Explain. Give examples. 3. Print Media: Magazines Visit a library or book store. Select three magazines, one from each column below. Use the Recording Form for your observations of the ethnicity, gen – der and social class and the tone of the commentary. You will need several copies of the Recording Form for each magazine. Cosmopolitan Brides Business Week Good Housekeeping Maxim Bicycling Instyle Vanity Fair Jet Marie Clair Seventeen Real Simple Martha Stewart Living Sports Illustrated Time Shape Travel & Leisure Money Woman’s Day People TV Guide After recording your observations, analyze the media messages and answer the following ques – tions for each magazine: a. What group(s) (gender, class, race/ethnicity, age, etc.) does the content of each maga – zine seem to target? Explain. Give examples. b. What messages (cultural value, stereotypes, etc.) does the content of each magazine seem to convey? Explain. Give examples. c. What group(s) (gender, class, race/ethnicity, age, etc.) do the advertisements in each magazine seem to target? Give examples. d. What messages (cultural value, stereotypes, etc.) do the advertisements in each maga – zine seem to convey? Explain. Give examples. 4. other cultural Products Transmission of cultural expectations for both genders begins at birth and continues throughout childhood. Verify this by making observations of one the following cultural products. Your instructor will supply Recording Forms to aid you in making your observations. You will need several copies of the Recording Forms. a. Baby cards. Visit a store selling baby cards and record the gender differences in color, design and message. Use separate Recording Forms for male and female cards. Do not use cards from the Internet. b. To y s . Visit a large toy store and record gender and racial differences in color, design and message. Use separate Recording Forms for male and female toys. c. Comic books . Examine three different comic books and record social identity in- formation such as gender and race about the principal and secondary characters. Use separate Recording Forms for each comic book. d. Children’s books or elementary school textbooks . Visit a library or bookstore and ex- amine the textbooks used in a single grade or examine subject textbooks (e.g., social science, biology) for several grades recording information about the characters. Use separate Recording Forms for each book. Exercises in Media Diversity 301 e. Video games . Examine three different video games, noting information about the principal and secondary characters. Use separate Recording Forms for each game. After recording your observations, answer the following questions: i. What stereotypes and cultural messages do you think are being sent? Explain. Give examples. ii. How are ethnic and racial groups represented? As leading characters? Villains? He – roes? What are the gender roles? Explain. Give examples. 5. optional group assignment: anatomy of an english Language newspaper Select one newspaper. One person will examine each of the following parts (i-vi) of the paper for a single day (issue). Other individuals will examine the same parts of the paper on different days. Use Recording Forms to make observations. i. Comic strips ii. Advertising iii. Letters to the editors i v. Features v. News stories vi. Photographs Combine group member observations into a “profile” of the newspaper. 6. optional group assignment: anatomy of foreign Language newspapers Examine foreign language newspapers in the same fashion as the English language newspapers in 5 above. 7. optional individual or group assignment: specialty Magazines Select unusual maga – zines (such as biking magazines or skiing magazines or Travel Over 50 ) and analyze them to determine what segment of society they target in terms of race/ethnicity, age, social class, gender, etc. 8. optional individual or group assignment: specialty tV networks Select TV networks targeting special groups such as the Home and Garden channel or ESPN and compare their programming (messages) to those of mass TV. 302 n ew Business o pportunities: c hanging c onsumer Markets M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita Did you know? . . . Mature Americans make up a larger market than the African- Americans and Hispanic markets combined. With some $2 trillion in buying power, mature Americans control more than 70% of the disposable income. (CMDG, n.d.; Senior Magazine, n.d.) thE nEW consum Er mA rk Et Pl AcE Forecasters predict that by the year 2020, the U.S. marketplace will be very different from that of today. They point to the declining birth rate, the aging of the population and the rapidly increasing multi-ethnic diversity of the population (Anderson in Nielsen, 2009). These changes in the population composition and demographics underscore the need for businesses to pre – pare for major market changes. The expansion of the ethnic community looms as a particularly potent future market force in the American economy. The signs were there as early as the 1990s, when forward thinking observers noted that the minority market niches were already becoming profitable. Today these profitable niches are rapidly becoming profitable major markets as ethnic and aging populations burgeon and their lifestyles become more affluent. Total U. s. buying power $11.1 trillion $14.1 trillion Racial buying power* $1.6 trillion $2.1 trillion Market Share and Projected Share 23% 25% year 2010 2015 *Combined Asian, Black/African and Native American, U.S. Census 2010 Business needs to understand these groups if they are to market to them effectively. Focus, tac – tics and products must all be adapted to the needs and cultural values of these older and ethnic consumers. New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer Markets 303 Asi An Am Eric Ans Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) comprise an astonishingly diverse popula – tion, representing more than a dozen and a half countries. “Their indigenous lands reach from the Himalayas to Hawaii and from the deserts of the Middle East to the tropics of the South Pacific. . . . encompassing “a vast array of cultural, religious, social and institutional entities” (U.S. EEOC, 2008, Dec. 21). Asian Americans originate from three broad regions: northeast asians come from countries such as China, Taiwan, Japan, Korea and Vietnam withlinguistic and religious similarities. The Hmongs originate in the moun – tainous regions of southern China and adjacent areas of Vietnam, Laos and Thailand. southeast asians arrive from countries such as the Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia and Cambodia sharing a strong Portuguese, Spanish and/or French influence. south asians originate in countries such as India, Pakistan and Bangladesh and are either Hindu or Muslim but share a strong British influence. Magazine Publishers of America, 2008 There is tremendous diversity within each region. There is little commonality of lan – guage or culture among these peoples, yet, many do share the values of hard work, education, collective effort and advancement. As immigrants in the U.S., they also share the experiences of being physically distinct in a new culture. Their acculturation is reflected in how they iden – tify themselves. Most refer to themselves solely by their country of origin, such as Korean or Vietnamese. The Japanese, however, use a compound name, i.e., Japanese-American (Tharp, 2001). Asian American Profile • Nearly two-thirds of Asian Americans are immigrants; only 36 percent were born in the U.S. • The majority of Japanese-Americans and Chinese Americans are U.S.-born, however, and many are third or fourth generation. • They are young with 28% under age 18 and a median age of 31.6 years. • Asian Americans bring more languages to the United States than any other group, but they often speak a fair degree of English upon arrival and adopt English rapidly. A large majority report that they speak “English very well.” • They have the highest level of education of the minority markets. • Their yearly household income is almost $9,000 above the U.S. average, although their fam – ilies tend to be larger than U.S. families. • Asian Americans tend to be very tech savvy and heavy users of the Internet. • In 2008, 31 percent of Asian American consumers made five or more purchases online. (Asian-American Market Profile, n.d.; Hawkins and Mothersbrough, 2010, p. 172;, 2007; Magazine Publishers of America, 2008; U.S. Census Bureau, 2007) Asian Americans from india • Today the largest numbers of Asian Americans arrive from India. • Asian-Americans from India number approximately 2.25 million. Large numbers reside in New York, California, New Jersey, Illinois and Texas. 304 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues • They are affluent, well educated and fluent in English, but maintain cultural ties to their Indian heritage. They represent dozens of languages and subcultures. • They value education, are concerned with financial security and save at a much higher rate than average Americans. • They are tuned into mass media and the Internet. • They shop for quality and long lasting products. (Hawkins and Mothersbrough, 2010) Asian American consumer market It is estimated that the entire U.S. Asian population will number 12,635,000 adults in 2014 and will grow to 41 million by 2050, nearly tripling in size. There is limited market research on Asian Americans, especially by country of origin and projections of future Asian-American buying power vary. Although the Asian share of the market is small, it has the second fastest growth rate, second only to Hispanic market growth (Dodson, 2007). Asian-American buying power $544 billion $775 billion Market Share and Projected Share 4.9% 5.5% year 2010 2015 Source: Fahmy (2010) Asian American trends • The Asian population is increasingly concentrated within California, New York, New  Jersey, Texas and Hawaii. California alone accounts for over one-third of the Asian American pop – ulation. • Given their geographic concentrations in the U.S. and preference for native languages, a high percentage of Asian Americans can be reached with promotional messages in their native tongues (Hawkins & Mothersbrough, 2010, p. 172). • English-language media with Asian American content targets the second generation Asians who blend language and culture. • Asians are more likely to buy a new car rather than a used one and more likely to own a luxury car rather than a non-luxury one. • Compared to the general U.S. population, they spend a significant amount on clothing. (Dodson, 2007; Asian-American Market Profile, n.d.; Hawkins & Mothersbrough, 2010) blAck/Afric An Am Eric Ans The U.S. Census Bureau uses “black” and “African American” interchangeably. (“People of color” defines a broader group, referring to anyone who is not Caucasian.) The Bureau consid – ers the U.S. African-American population to include U.S.-born people whose families have been [in the U.S.] for more than 300 years, persons of Caribbean descent and recent immigrants from Africa. This includes “persons who indicate their race as ‘black’ or report themselves as ‘African-American, Afro-American, Black Puerto Rican, Jamaican, Nigerian, West Indian or Haitian’ on the U.S. Census. ” (SIFMA, n.d.) New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer Markets 305 By 2015, they will represent 15 percent of the U.S. population. They are a young popula – tion; in 2010, 32 percent were under 18 years of age. Studies indicate that most Black/African- Americans want to be viewed as heterogeneous rather than as a single culture or race. In one poll, two thirds said that ethnic identity is more important than national identity; they are “Black” first and “American” second (Magazine Publishers of America, 2008). black/African American Profile • Education, income and purchasing power have risen dramatically over the past several de- cades, trends that are expected to continue (Burns, 2005). • African Americans are not as concentrated geographically as are Asians. Forty percent live in 10 U.S. cities and they are said to “drive the market in many U.S. cities.” Regionally, they still concentrate in Northern urban centers and in the South. • Their Internet usage has grown tremendously. An estimated 62 percent of adults and 93 percent of the college graduates are online. They are heavy media consumers, especially TV and magazines. (African American Readership Magazine , 2002; Burns, 2005; Magazine Publishers of America, 2008) black/African American consumer market In 2014, the U.S. Black African American population is projected to be 30,655,000 adults. African-Americans continue to increase their spending in proportion to their rising incomes. The disposable personal incomes of the African American and Hispanic groups are projected to increase at similar rates (Progressive Grocer, 2010). black-African buying power $957 billion $1.2 trillion Market Share and Projected Share 8.6% 8.5% year 2010 2015 Source: Fahmy (2010) black/African American trends • African Americans outpace the general market by over 300 percent in terms of mortgage originations, median household income, small business ownership and earning advanced degrees. • Building relationships within the African-American community is important both to generate business and to maintain loyalty. Successful companies demonstrate under – standing and respect for this community through event marketing and community- based programs. • Market leaders tend to be brand loyal and not price sensitive. They view brands as com – municating their style. • Market followers tend to follow trends rather than lead the way. Many experience financial constraints and tend to be more price conscious and less brand loyal. • They make great use of mass media preferring media specifically targeted to black culture. African American consumers want to see themselves in advertisements. • They use shopping as a form of recreation and are drawn to stores that employ black people, treat all people well and carry ethnic products. 306 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues • Many African Americans will pay a premium to get the best. • Increasingly home-owners, African Americans show greater reliance on banks, real estate and whole-life insurance and patronize those companies with diversity. (African American Readership Magazine , 2002; Flo yd & Shinew, 1999; Hawkins & Mothersbrough, 2010;  Packaged Facts, 2008) his PA nic/ lA tino Am Eric Ans Hispanics are categorized by the U.S. Census as an ethnic (rather than racial ) minority. The U.S. Bureau of the Census defines an Hispanic as a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, of other Spanish culture of origin regardless of race. In 2012, they constituted the largest ethnic minority in the U.S. and were second only to Asians as the fastest growing. Like the racial minorities, this population group is diverse. Three distinct ethnic subcul – tures have been identified: Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans and other Latinos mainly from Central and South America. Each group tends to live in distinct regions of the U.S., speaks a slightly different version of Spanish and has somewhat different values: Mexican americans comprise about 64 percent of this population. They are found primar – ily in the southwest and in California. Puerto ricans make up about 10 percent of this group. They live mainly in New York and New Jersey. cubans , together with the other Latinos comprise about 26 percent of Hispanic/ Latino Americans. They are concentrated in Florida. U.S. Census Bureau, 2007, p. 2 hispanic/ latino American Profile • Hispanics of Cuban descent tend to have higher incomes than those of Mexican or Puerto Rican descent. • Over 40 percent of the growth of this population is due to immigration. • Most adults identify with the Hispanic culture. • Hispanic teens are bicultural. This group is expanding faster than other U.S. teen groups. • The Hispanic/Latino culture is a masculine one. • Sports are important, especially boxing, baseball and soccer. • The Spanish language is very important with 69 percent of the households primarily speak – ing Spanish at home. • They are young with 33 percent under 18 years and 50 percent under 34 years. • With Spanish as their principal language, they have been slower than the general popula – tion to use the Internet, but this is changing—especially for more acculturated English- language Hispanics. (Bermans, 2002; Hawkins and Mothersbrough, 2010; Latinos Online, 2007; Nuestro Futuro, 2006; Ortiz, 2005) New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer Markets 307 hispanic/ latino American market segments The first-generation adults , 63 percent of the Hispanics, were born outside the U.S. They have the lowest income and education. They are family-oriented and maintain extended family ties. Most often they speak Spanish as their primary language and they are most likely to possess traditional values. The second-generation adults , 19 percent of the Hispanics, were born in the U.S. of im – migrant parents. They have higher incomes and education than the first-generation and are more likely to identify as American. They are equally split between Spanish and English as their primary language. They are less likely to subscribe to traditional values than their immigrant parents. The third-generation adults , 17 percent of the Hispanics, were born in the U.S. to U.S-born parents. They have the highest education and income. They are the most likely to identify as American (57 percent) and most likely to use English as their primary language. Pew Hispanic Center (2004) hispanic/ latino American consumer market In 2010, the Hispanic/Latino population in the U.S. numbered over 50 million, a figure expected to rise to over 102 million by 2050 (U.S. Census 2010). In 2014, the U.S. adult Hispanic/Latino population is projected to exceed 37,246,000. The major Hispanic communities in the United States are found in California, New York and Texas, but recently Hispanic communities in other areas in the South and East (Raleigh and Greensboro, N.C. and Atlanta, Georgia, Virginia and Delaware) have burgeoned (McLoone, 2008). Hispanics control more disposable personal income than any other U.S. cultural minority group. In 2007, the Hispanic market in the United States, like the African American market, was about the same size as Mexico’s entire economy (Dodson, 2007). hispanic/Latino buying power $1.0 trillion $1.5 trillion Market Share & Projected Share 9.0% 10.6% year 2010 2015 Source: Fahmy (2010). hispanic/ latino American trends • Hispanics/Latinos often prefer Spanish media and most respond best to Spanish advertising. • A youth trend is emerging that spends more time using English-language media. • Price is important, but so are high-quality national brands. Hispanics tend to be less recep – tive to store brands. • They tend to be highly brand-loyal, particularly to products adapted to their culture and needs. • Marketing messages must take into account this culture’s unique interests and features. • More and more specialty products are being developed for this market. • Hispanics will increasingly buy new homes and patronize banks, home furnishing stores and other companies catering to home ownership. (Hawkins & Mothersbrough, 2010; McLoone, 2008; Nuestro Futuro, 2006; Packaged Facts, 2003) 308 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues nA tiv E Am Eric Ans Some 5.2 million people self-identified as “American Indian or Alaskan Native” (a single category on Census 2010 forms). Estimates of this population vary between 2.8 and 4.1 million as some individuals belong to more than one tribe (U.S. Census, 2010; Humphreys, 2009). They represent approximately 1.3 percent of the U.S. population (Norris, T., Vines, P., & Hoeffel, E., 2012). Currently, the U.S. officially recognizes 565 Native American tribes. There is no single definition of “Indian” or of tribal membership. As far back as 1978, for example, thirty-three different definitions of Indian were discovered just in federal legislation. Tribal membership is determined by each tribe. About two-thirds of the tribes define membership by a minimum blood quantum (amount of Indian blood); usually the blood quantum minimum is one-quarter. The remaining tribes do not specify a minimum. More is better, however, for those with more Indian blood are seen as more “authentic” and more entitled to respect and so they have more rights to inherit than those with less Indian blood (Garroute, 2011). native American Profile • Native Americans face discrimination from the larger U.S. society based on their appearance. • The most easily recognizable Indians pass the “brown bag test,” i.e., their skin is darker than a #10 paper bag. • The darker they are, the more negative the racial stereotypes and the greater the discrimina – tion from the general public. • Indians of mixed race have complicated identities and can face discrimination from their own tribes if they are either too light or too dark. • Although the tribes are regionally concentrated, each has its own language and customs. • Native Americans are increasingly proud of their heritage and resent inaccurate • stereotypes. (Garroute, 2011; Humphreys, 2009) native American consumer market Native American income is generally limited, but this varies widely by tribe. Some tribes are very poor while some of the larger tribes have their own casinos, newspapers and even radio sta – tions. The Native American population is growing and so is the number of Native-American- owned businesses thereby fueling increases in their buying power (Fahmy, 2010). native American buying power $67.7 billion $90.4 billion Market Share & Projected Share .60% .64% year 2010 2015 Source: Fahmy (2010) mA tur E Am Eric Ans Did you know? . . . 53,364 Americans reached 100 years or more in 2010. This is the great – est number of known centenarians of any nation. Many countries celebrate new centenar – ians. In the U.S., this celebration includes receiving a letter from the U.S. President and since 1963, public recognition as NBC’s Today show names new centenarians on the air. (2010 U.S. Census) New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer Markets 309 The native-born U.S. population is aging. In 2010, the U.S. Census counted 75.5 million adults over 55 years (24.7 percent of the total U.S. population) with more than 40 million Americans over 65. Some 6.7 million Americans, 65 years and older, were in the labor force in 2010, a number expected to increase to 11.1 million by 2018 as more baby boomers join the ranks of the elders. Fifty-seven percent of those employed, worked full time (U.S. Census, 2012). Older Americans are not as diverse racially and ethnically as younger generations, but their diversity increases as more and more baby boomers age. By 2050, the mature American population is projected to be comprised of 42 percent racial/ethnic minorities (Vincent, G. & Velkoff, V., 2010). mature American Profile • Age confers status for some; but for others, it is defeating. • Mature Americans prefer to be regarded as individuals. • Seniors have a strong need to remain independent. • Most elders have some sort of chronic health condition. • They are cautious about doing business with you and want information about you before they do. • Age shapes the media that they use, where they shop, how they use products and how they think and feel about marketing activities. • Seniors 55 years and older are the fastest growing Internet consumer market segment, spending $7 billion online annually. • An average retired senior who is online, spends more time online than an average teenager. (CDMG, n.d.;, 2010; U.S. Census, 2010) Three fairly distinct subcultures based on age have been identified among mature Americans: Pre-Retires (55–62 years) Census 2010 recorded nearly 37 million Americans aged 55–64, comprising 12.1  percent of the U.S. population. They are independent and don’t regard themselves as “old,” but rather as hip. The baby boomer generation is already well into this pre-retiree group. Their cultural reference spans the ’60s and the ’70s. This group is increasingly racial and ethnically diverse. Over 90 percent are on-line users. Active retirees (63–74 years) This is an interim group numbering 21.4 million (7 percent of the population). Baby boomers have begun to enter this age group. Approximately two-thirds are online. Seniors (75 years and older) The oldest mature Americans number 17.7 million (5.8 percent of the population). They are distrustful, reluctant to give out credit card numbers, may refuse to order Global Notes…………………………………………………………………World Wide The United Nations estimates that in 2012, there were 316,000 centenarians in the world. Centenarians are the fastest growing age group in the world. 310 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues using toll-free numbers, and are leery of scams and rip-offs. They prefer print media, but will watch videos and DVDs. Their cultural referent is pre ‘60s with themes of community, country and simpler, more conservative values. They like products that are exclusive, i.e., not available to everyone else. (CMDG, n.d.) mature American market segments Moschis describes four market segments within the senior population. These are functional segments, not based on age, but on needs and concerns (n.d.). The Healthy indulgers are the most common and will be increasingly filled with baby boomers. This segment likes activities, cruises, group travel, convenience, personal ser – vices and high-tech home appliances. The ailing outgoers, those with health problems, provide a key market for retirement communities and assisted-living housing. Discount prices and products providing ease and convenience are valued. The Healthy Hermits are healthy, but withdrawn. They buy clothing styles that are popu – lar with other seniors. Well known brands are valued. They tend to be do-it-yourselfers. The frail recluses tend to stay at home. They purchase home and lawn care services as well as health-care products, home exercise and health testing equipment and emergency response systems. (2010, pp. 126–127) mature American consumer market Seniors are the wealthiest segment of society controlling 79 percent of America’s financial assets, 80 percent of its savings accounts and have per capita incomes far higher than the national average. Seniors account for 40 percent of total consumer demand. Mature Americans make up a larger market than the African-Americans and Hispanic markets combined. With some $2 trillion in buying power, mature Americans control more than 70% of the disposable income (CMDG, n.d.; senior magazine, n.d.). mature American trends • They are not generally first adopters, tending to resist change and dedicated to tradition. • Seniors are the most brand loyal age group. • Additional future markets include: fitness, family fun, convenience and information services. • They want to be in control of the buying decision process and not be pushed into buying. • Most research potential purchases in detail. They respond to endorsements, testimonials, statistics and facts. • Most are mail-order buyers and subscribers. • They seek value and want products that are simple to use and make life more comfortable. • Seniors account for 80 percent of all luxury travel and 74 percent of all prescription drugs. • They are the main purchasers of luxury cars. (CDMG, n.d.; n.d.) New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer Markets 311 lgbt Am Eric Ans ( thE gA y mA rk Et) The self-identified LGBT community is comprised of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender adults, 18 years and older. This community has many sub-groups identified by names such as the leather community, the chubby community, the bear community, the lesbian community, the bisexual community, the transgendered community, the drag community, and the rave community among others (Wikia, n.d.). lgbt American Profile • This community varies in ethnicity, occupation, age and geographic region—factors often more relevant to what they buy than their sexual orientation. • They tend to be more tech-savvy than the general population and to spend more hours online. • A large number of gay print media exists and numerous gay web sites have emerged, but a large part of the gay community uses standard media and rarely if ever, uses gay-oriented media. (Chaplin, 1999; Greenspan, 2003, July 30; Hawkins & Mothersbrough, 2010, p. 99; Packaged Facts, 2007) lgbt American consumer market The Census Bureau does not collect information on sexual orientation, making population counts and buying power hard to estimate. The gay market is thought to include about 15.3 million people, 7 percent of the adult U.S. population (Brier, 2004). Lgb T buying power $743 billion $790 billion Market Share & Projected Share 6.7% 6.5% year 2010 2012 SDGLN Staff (2010) lgbt American trends • Gay consumers are extremely loyal to brands and companies and actively seek out those that cater to them. • They will switch products or service providers if they learn the company engages in actions viewed as harmful to the gay and lesbian community. • Most products don’t need to be adapted for this market segment. • Some of the areas that do need modification are TV content, bridal registries, and financial services such as estate planning. • TV content (news, concerns, programs, and movies) of specific interest to LGBT audiences is increasing. • Firms targeting this market advertise in gay media and support gay community events such as Gay Pride week (Hawkins & Mothersbrough, 2010, p 101). (Hawkins & Mothersbrough, 2010; Ocasio, in J. Stevenson; Packaged Facts, 2007) 312 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Am Eric Ans With Dis Abiliti Es According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, A person with a disability has at least one of the following conditions: is deaf or has serious difficulty hearing; is blind or has serious difficulty seeing even when wear – ing glasses; has serious difficulty concentrating, remembering or making decisions because of a physical, mental or emotional condition; has serious difficulty walking or climbing stairs; has difficulty dressing or bathing; or has difficulty doing errands alone such as visiting a doctor’s office or shopping because of a physical, mental, or emotional condition. (2010, March) Adults with Disabilities Adults without Disabilities Workforce 5,950,000 148,844.000 Participation rate, January 2013 20.8% 68.9% U.S. Dept of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2012). Economic news release. Table A-6. Americans with Disabilities Profile • Americans with disabilities come from all backgrounds, cultures and ages. • It is estimated that 306.6 million Americans (12.1 percent of the population) have a disability. • Approximately 8.3% of U.S. children and teenagers—5.2 million—have a physical or mental disability. • This community is comprised of many subgroups, each focused on unique health concerns and quality of life challenges. • The top five cities where people with disabilities live are Detroit, Baltimore, Miami, Newark and Buffalo. • More than half of those whose activities are limited by disability, own their homes and nearly half are principal shoppers. (Solutions Marketing Group, 2010; U.S. Census Bureau, 2011;Witeck & Combs, n.d.) Americans with Disabilities consumer market The aggregate income of people with disabilities tops $1 trillion. They are reported to have $220 billion in discretionary spending power, more than twice that of the teen market, estimated at $67 billion (Blum, 2007; DiversityInc, 2001). Americans with Disabilities trends • The access provision of the ADA legislation led to a 12 percent increase in the revenues in the hotel and hospitality industry. • People with disabilities travel. In 1995, they spent $81.7 billion on travel and this did not include the travel of family, friends and escorts. • They are brand loyal toward products affiliated with disability-related causes. New Business Opportunities: Changing Consumer Markets 313 • Over 40 percent of those with disabilities now conduct business and personal activities online, spending an average of 20 hours per week on the Internet. (Solutions Marketing Group, 2010; U.S. Census Bureau, 2011; Witeck & Combs, n.d.) Bibliography African American Readership Magazine . (2002). 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Summary Over and over the message is that “one size” does not fit all markets—those organizations that will profit from new and growing markets must recognize the unique features of each of these cultures and further understand that each group is complex and comprised of segments differing in needs and wants and requiring different promotional approaches. Efforts must be made to reach out to these cultures with genuine interest shown in them. Ad copy must be adapted and infused with cultural symbols and meanings that are relevant to each culture. Discussion Questions 1. Which of the diverse consumer markets mentioned in this article has the best future potential for sales of: (a) sports cars, (b) new technology (c) energy drinks? Why? 2. Make a business case for diversity for translating your company’s U.S. website into a foreign language if you are selling (a) life insurance, (b) designer shoes, (c) computer technology services. In your an- swer, be sure to select a specific language that matches the consumer demand for each product. 3. How could individualism and collectivism impact consumer buying decisions? 4. What marketing opportunities do consumers in the baby boomer age cohort present? 5. Besides income, how does social class impact buying decisions for products and services? 314 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Brier, N. (2004 November). Coming of age. Ameri – can demographics . pp. 16–19. Brunel, F. & Nelson, M. (2000, Fall). Explaining gender responses to “help-self ” and “help-others” charity ad appeals. Journal of Advertising . pp. 15–28. Burns, E. (2005, October 10). African Ameri – can online population is growing. The ClickZ Network. and AOL: Some 80 percent of African Americans online. MarketingVOX (2005, October 17). www. (2008, June 7). Cartagena, C. (2008). Quoted in McLoone, S. (2008). CDMG. 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Journal of Consumer Research. pp. 319–331. Witek, R. & Combs, W. (n.d.). America’s disability market at a glance. Whitek & Combs Communi – cation. Retrieved March 18, 2013, from http:// Wikia. (n.d.). Retrieved March 15 from http://lgbt. 316 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Div ER siTy on ThE W Eb In June 2010, Coca-Cola launched a “first-ever, fully-integrated marketing campaign created exclusively for U.S. Hispanic consumer(s)” called POWERADE Latino. This Spanish-language advertising campaign was timed to coincide with the 2010 World Cup in South Africa. Visit the websites below and evaluate this campaign in terms of what you now know about the U.S. Hispanic/Latino community. Sources: Witeck & Combs Communications. (n.d).; click on Publications; then click on the multicultural economy; then click on Executive Summary 317 Points of Law: t he Bar e xam M. June allard Assumption College Worcester State University, Professor Emerita There is an enormous amount of litigation arising from diversity issues. It is a complex area as there are federal, state and local laws pertaining to discrimination as well as case law. It is important for managers to have some knowledge of the areas to which these laws apply and to understand that the laws themselves frequently change, are subject to (court) interpretation and court interpretation can change. thE bA r Ex Am quEstions 1. You manage the Canadian branch of an American company. What employment discrimi – nation laws must you follow? 2. As the owner of a small company of 60 employees, if your employee adopts children, do you have to provide adoption leave? 3. You are the manager of a retail store and you are concerned about the appearance of your employees who meet customers. Can you impose a dress/appearance code, i.e., require that they not wear nose rings, have visible tattoos, etc.? 4. Are you required to provide benefits such as health insurance for the same-sex partners of your employees? 5. Faced with a bad economy, you are forced to lay off a substantial number of workers. To avoid being accused of discrimination, what must you ensure? 6. Your local labor pool contains a large number of immigrants. If you hire non-citizens, what may happen? 7. As part of your company’s health program, you would like to have the name of each em – ployee’s doctor and a list of their medications in case of a personal or workplace emergency. Can you require employees to provide this information? Can you request it? 318 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues 8. Your Vice President is pregnant. Are you required to provide maternity leave and benefits for her? 9. You want to hire some teenagers to work at your company. Is there a limit on how many hours they can work? 10. You are the manager of a non-profit organization employing 100 people. After demoting one of your 55 year old employees for excessive absences, she files a claim citing age bias. What do you have to prove and what does she have to prove? 11. Your employee of five years began exhibiting bizarre behavior in the workplace last year. It was discovered that he was using drugs illegally. At that time he claimed he would stop us- ing them. His behavior then returned to normal until a few weeks ago when he began acting strangely again. Can you insist he be tested for drugs? 12. Your employee in the previous question insists that he has a disability and the drugs are a necessary accommodation under the Americans with Disability Act. Must you agree to allow this, i.e., is this employee protected under ADA? 13. If your employee is an alcoholic, is she considered to be a person with a disability and there – fore protected by the ADA? 14. A woman applying for a job requiring foreign language translation skills has a qualifying disability. Another applicant without a disability has better foreign language skills, however. Must you hire the woman with the disability? 15. A job applicant has a child with a disability. Your company is extremely busy and you are convinced that the applicant will need to take much time off caring for this child. Can you refuse to hire this person for this reason? 16. If you do hire the parent in question 15, is this parent entitled to a reasonable accommodation? 17. In two weeks there will be local elections and many of your employees expect to vote. Does the law allow employees time off to vote? 18. If your employees do take time off to vote during work hours, must you pay them for this time? 19. Are you required to grant a religious accommodation to your employee who wishes to go on week-long religious retreats several times a year during the busiest time of your business? 20. After a series of poor and expensive hiring choices, you want to update your hiring practices to include personality and pre-employment tests. Is it legal to do this? 319 c hick- f il- a and the Media carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita While it is easy to dismiss the Cracker Barrel situation as something that happened years ago, and to believe that LGBTs are totally accepted today in American society, the 2012 Chick-fil-A incident indicates that this is not always the case. Should one patronize an organization whose president publically condemned same-sex marriage and whose foundation supports anti-gay causes or, is this his right to a personal opinion, and a matter of freedom of religion and free speech as protected by the U.S. Constitution? In July 2012, current president and COO of Chick-fil-A, Dan T. Cathy, the son of the founder, was quoted in The Baptist Press as saying, “We are very much supportive of the family— the biblical definition of the family unit…We are a family owned business, a family led business, and we are married to our first wives. Thank God for that” (Huffington Post, 2012). That same month in a radio interview on the Ken Coleman Show , Cathy said that he supported the biblical definition of the family unit as being one male and one female (Salbu, 2012) and that “supporting same-sex marriage invites God’s judgment on our nation when we shake our fist at him and say ‘We know better than you as to what constitutes a marriage’ ” (New York Times, 2012). Because Chick-fil-A and its family foundation, WinShape, have long supported conservative causes, as might be expected, these statements set off media frenzy. com PA ny history In 1946, S. Truett Cathy, a conservative southern Christian, founded the Dwarf Grill which featured a small dwarf door and dwarf decor. In 1961 Cathy developed a unique pressure-frying method for cooking chicken and in 1967 made a fried chicken sandwich the featured menu item for a new privately held fast food chain, Chick-fil-A. From its humble beginnings in Georgia, this chain, still under private family ownership, has expanded to 1,679 locations in thirty-nine states and includes stand-alone restaurants, food courts in malls, drive thru restaurants, and institutional locations at colleges, airports, etc. In 2010, this chain’s gross sales per location were the highest in the U.S. fast-food industry—averaging $2.7 million per restaurant, which was more than Mc Donald’s at $2.4 million. Unlike Cracker Barrel, Chick-fil-A has no documented history of discriminating against gays in terms of hiring, promotions or firing but it does have a unique business model. Although many locations are technically franchises, the Chick-fil-A’s carefully selected franchisees make a modest investment of only $5,000, while the corporation retains ownership of each location (Grantham, R., 2011). Currently, the organization has a growth strategy of adding sixty or more 320 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues new locations per year by expanding beyond its current geographical markets which now are primarily in the south, southwest, and California. Geographic expansion in the north may be complicated by shifting public opinion on gay marriage. The Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life Research found that in 1996, 65% of the U.S. public opposed gay marriage but in 2001 this was down to 57% and in 2012, to 43% (Masci, 2012). org Aniz Ation Al cultur E Chick-fillet-A’s corporate values that guide both their business practices and their philanthropic endeavors are rooted in the conservative Christian biblically-based principles of the Cathy fam – ily. Their restaurants are not open on Sundays, employees are encouraged to attend religious services and restaurant openings include prayers (Gilgoff, 2011). The organization’s corporate purpose is “To glorify God by being a faithful steward of all that is entrusted to us and to have a positive influence on those who come in contact with Chick-fil-A. As a result, we will not cham – pion any political agendas on marriage and family” (Metro Weekly, 2011). Phil Anthro Py Over the past three years, the Chick-fil-A corporation donated over $68 million to charita – ble causes targeted to three categories: creating educational opportunities for employees and youth; food donations for the military or those in need; and developing family/marriage enrich – ment programs and supporting local communities. “A part of our corporate commitment is to be responsible stewards for all that God has entrusted to us…Chick-fil-A’ s giving heritage is focused on three program areas: educating youth, strengthening families, and enriching mar – riages, and supporting communities” (Chick-fil-A, 2012). • In terms of education, Chick-fil-A awards approximately $1.6 billion a year to scholarships for employees and over the past two years gave $7 million to colleges and universities. In addition, they sponsor the Chick-fil-A Bowl games at an annual cost of $1.25  million and a cost of $13 million over the past ten years. The S. Truett Cathy Foundation supports char – acter education and literacy, particularly through a $600,000 gift to Junior Achievement. • The food donations program is focused on providing food to children, disaster relief victims or workers, and military personnel and their families. Chick-fil-A donated over 12,000 sandwich – es to those affected by or working to contain the 2012 Colorado wildfires. Yearly, thousands of sandwiches are donated to children’s hospitals and special needs homes. In 2012 at Military Appreciation Nights events 13,500 personnel and their families enjoyed free meals. Since 2006, over 36,000 free sandwich coupons have been given to the military at the Atlanta airport. • Their third philanthropic area is supporting local communities and developing youth and family enrichment programs. About $10 million is donated annually to meet local needs such as support for the families of fallen police officers, providing band uniforms, donations to the Grady Burn Center in Atlanta the United Way, the Salvation Army, etc. Chick-fil-A donates $480,000 a year to the Fellowship for Christian Athletes sports programs for disadvantaged youth. Their WinShape Foundation supports children’s camps, foster homes and marriage retreats. About 4,000 couples a year attend these programs that focus on improving relationships in traditional marriages (Chick-fil-A, 2012). Chick-fil-A’s charitable endeavors, like its corporate values, are controversial. In 2011, the corporation was accused of supporting an anti-gay marriage event conducted by the Pennsylvania Chick-Fil-A and the Media 321 Marriage Institute, Equality Matters. Their website,, which defines its mis – sion as “using communication, research training, and media monitoring to strengthen efforts for full LGBT rights and to correct anti-gay misinformation” researched the WinShape foundation, Chick-filet-A’s charitable arm. Using publically available 990 IRS forms, their study revealed that the foundation donated $1.9 million in 2010 and over $3 million between 2003 and 2009 to groups such as the Marriage and Family Foundation (MFF), Exodus International, the Fellowship of Christian Athletes (FCA), etc. (Equality Matters, 2012). According to Equality Matters, these foundations have missions and conduct programs that are consistent with anti-gay causes. The MFF funds national media campaigns against gay marriage. Exodus International promotes changing one’s sexual orientation from gay to straight. The FCA holds a yearly conference where coaches and athletes are “delivered from homosexuality” (Equity Matters, 2012). thE mED iA controv Ersy Cathy’s July 2012 comments on gay marriage coupled with the family’s long time financial support of conservative initiatives, set off a media frenzy of both criticism and support that spread rapidly on Facebook and Twitter. Among the critics, Jim Henson’s company, which sup – plied Chick-fil-A with Muppet toys for kids’ meals, withdrew its products and made a financial contribution to the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (Seversen, 2012). Chick- fil-A responded that they had initiated stopping the distribution of these toys because they posed a safety hazard. The Speaker of the New York City Council, Christine Quinn, supported New York University students who advocated removing the Chick-fil-A restaurant from their campus (Salbu, 2012). Actor, Ed Helms, from The Office , tweeted that he was boycotting the restaurant. “Chick-fil-A doesn’t like gay people? So, lame. Hate to think what they do to gay chickens! Lost a loyal fan” (ABC News, 2012). Among others, celebrity support came from talk show host Jon Stewart, comedienne Roseanne Barr, and Glee actor Grant Gustin. In Boston, where the corporation was looking for new locations in the Freedom Trail area, in accordance with its expansion plans, Mayor, Thomas Menino, wrote a letter to Cathy saying “I was angry to learn on the heels of your prejudiced statements about your search for a site to locate in Boston . . . You can’t have a business in the city of Boston that discriminates against a pop – ulation” (Ovadia, 2012). After a Boston Globe editorial, the ladies of The View , and others criticized Menino’s position as a violation of Cathy’s right to religious freedom and free speech, the Mayor recanted somewhat and said, “I didn’t say that I would not allow them to go for permits or anything like that. I just said we would do everything we can, bully pulpit-wise” (Ryan & Powers, 2012). In contrast, the National Organization for Marriage (NOM), an anti-gay marriage advo – cacy group, called Cathy “a corporate hero for marriage” (Huffington Post, 2012). New York Mayor, Michael Bloomberg, who worked for marriage equality in New York said, “You can’t have a test for what the owners’ personal views are before you decide to give a permit to do some – thing in the city” (New York Times, July 30, 2012). The company posted the following statement on its Facebook page. “The Chick-fil-A culture and service tradition in our restaurants is to treat every person with honor, dignity and respect—regardless of their belief, race, creed, sexual orien – tation or gender” (Huffington Post, 2012). Although gay activists attempted to organize a national boycott of the restaurant chain it was never very successful. In contrast, Mike Huckabee, former Arkansas governor and  presi – dential candidate, used Facebook to organize a highly successful Chick-fil-A Appreciation Day that resulted in record sales, packed parking lots, and long lines. “It is estimated that the average Chick-fil-A restaurant had 29.9% more sales and 367 more customers (on August 1st 2012) than 322 Section 5 • Managing Diversity in Terms of the Ethical, Legal, Media, and Marketing Issues Bibliography ABC News. (July, 2012). Actor Ed Helms boy – cotting Chick-fil-A for gay marriage stance. Retrieved from entertainment/2012/07/ed-helms-boycotting- chick-fil-a-for-gay-marriage-stance/ Chick-fil-A “anti-gay” controversy blows up: Conser – vatives see restaurants as part of a war against “gay agenda .” (February 1, 2011). Me t row e ek ly. Retrieved from Chick-fil-A Company Fact Sheet. (2012). Retrieved from Chick-fil-A jumps into controversy . (August 2, 2012). The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved on January 17, 2013, from CNN Wire Staff. (August 4, 2012). Gay rights activ – ists hold “kiss day” at Chick-fil-A restaurants. Retrieved from us/chick-fil-a-kiss-day/index.html Equity Matters. About us . (n.d.). Retrieved from Equity Matters. (n.d.). Chick-fil-A donated nearly $2 million to anti-gay groups in 2010 . Retrieved from factcheck/201207020001 Gilgoff, D. (n.d.). Chick-fil-A controversy shines light on restaurant’s Christian DNA . Retrieved from Grantham, R. (December 28, 2011). Chick-fil- A model helps it lead . The Atlanta Journal , Retrieved from chick-fil-a-model-1273562.html Masci, D. (2012). Overview of same-sex mar – riage in the United States . Retrieved from and-Homosexuality/Overview-of-Same-Sex- Marriage-in-the-United-States.aspx NOM praises Chick-fil-A’s anti-gay marriage stance. (July 20, 2012). Huffington Post. Retrieved from marriage-chick-fil-a_n_1687743.html on a typical Wednesday” (CNN Wire Staff, 2012). In response to his critics, Cathy, the President and COO said, that his company would “leave the policy debate over same-sex marriage to the government and the political arena” (Severson, 2012). Discussion Questions 1. Compare and contrast Cracker Barrel and Chick-fil-A. How are these two situations similar and how are they different? 2. Do you think that the owners’ personal values should influence which social causes a corporation supports? Why or why not? 3. What role did social media like Twitter, blogs, and Facebook play in this case? 4. Why was the Chick-fil-A Appreciation Day event so successful and the Cracker Barrel boycott not as successful? 5. Could Chick-fil-A be sued for discriminating against LGBT employees and/or customers? 6. Use the McNett article, “The Ethics of Workplace Diversity,” to evaluate the ethics of the Chick-fil-A corporation’s philanthropic donations by applying the deontological, teleological, and caring theories to their strategy for philanthropic contributions. Chick-Fil-A and the Media 323 Ovadia, T., Tomer. (July, 2012). M e n i n o letter: Chick-fil-A “an insult.” Retrieved from stories/0712/78986.html Ryan, R., and Powers, M. (July 27, 2012). Boston’s mayor Menino clarifies Chick-A-fil-A stance . The Boston Globe . Retrieved from http:// menino-clarifies-view-stance-against- chick-fil/S8zwf3nBeDUXKbWQ6TjExM/ story.html Salbu, S. (August 1, 2012). Let Chic-filet-A fly free. New York Times , August 1, 2012. Retrieved from http://www, let-chick-fil-a-fly-free.htm?_r=0 Severson, K. (July, 25, 2012). Chick-fil-A thrust back into the spotlight on gay rights. The New York Times . Retrieved from The Chick-fil-A business . (July 30, 2012). The New York Times . Retrieved from http://www. fil-a-business.html Integrative Questions For Section V 1. How do (a) Canadian and (b) American diversity legislation fit or not fit with the three theoretical ethical perspectives (deontological, teleological, and caring) discussed in the McNett article? Justify your answer. 2. In your opinion, what federal legislation that does not currently exist in the United States should be enacted? Why? Was your opinion influenced by reading about other countries, especially Canada’s diversity legislation in this text? 3. Given the high growth rate of the young Hispanic population, and the decline in traditional college- age non-Hispanic white population, develop a marketing plan for your college or university to im- prove its recruitment of Hispanic students. 4. Analyze and evaluate the effectiveness of your college or university’s website as a recruitment tool for each of the following groups that your institution currently does or potentially could market to: (a) 18–23-year-old day college students, (b) evening college older working adults, (c) graduate students. Provide a grade from A to F and your reasons for this grade for each of the three market segments. Justify your answer in terms of how well the website addresses its message to meet the different needs of these distinct populations. Div ER siTy on ThE W Eb Go to and search for “Chick-fil-A’s President responds to Gay Comments” and “Chick-fil-A’s Appreciation Day Sparks Nationwide Turnout.” Watch these videos. What do they teach you about society’s acceptance of LGBTs today? Search the Chick-fil-A corporate website ( for the company’s mission statements and diversity policies. What did you learn? 324 Learning goa Ls for section V i • To examine successful strategies for building a more inclusive workplace through corporate leadership, diversity training, mentoring, employee resource groups, supplier diversity programs, and corporate social responsibility initiatives • To understand the need for more flexible work programs for parents, caregivers, and older workers • To assess the value of diversity award programs • To recognize and manage workplace bullying • To provide an example of an organization that is working toward inclusion and benefiting from the diversity of its employees The material in Section VI is intended to examine what organizations are doing that contributes to achieving effective management of a diverse workforce and to raise awareness of some current controversial issues such as the difficulties of achieving work-life balance, the questionable value of diversity awards, and the growing problem of workplace bullying. To benefit from diversity, organizations and corporate leaders need to support policies and programs that help to make all employees feel included and valued. In What Do Organizations Do to Manage Diversity ? we examine some of these initiatives: diversity training, mentoring, employee resource groups, supplier diversity programs, and corporate social responsibility and philanthropy. In Work-Life Balance Issues: Changing When and How the Work Gets Done, we make a case for implementing more flexible work arrangements particularly for parents, caregivers, and Section V i Managing Organizational Change and Diversity: Current Issues older workers. However, The Six Sigma Case: Promotion at the Western Company provides a real-life example of how complicated it may be for managers to accommodate workers’ requests for such flexibility. Diversity and Inclusion Awards: A Critical Examination analyzes the criteria, selection pro- cess, organizational costs, benefits, and risks of applying for and receiving or not receiving these coveted prizes. Workplace bullying is on the rise and has the potential to lead to harassment and even discrimination lawsuits when the victim is a diverse employee protected by law , as illustrated in the When Women Do Lead: Gender Bias 2013 Style case in Section II. So, it is particularly important that managers be aware of the potential dangers and organizational costs of bullying, as explained in One Workplace Bully Is One Too Many: The Four Faces of Bullying and in A Case of Harassment, Discrimination or Bullying? You Decide. . . . The final case in this section, The Path to Inclusion: The Business Case for Diversity at Ocean Spray , provides an example of an organization that is working hard to achieve an inclusive culture for its employees while simultaneously striving to benefit from the advantages of having a diverse workforce. Managing Organizational Change and Diversity: Current Issues 325 326 What Do o rganizations Do to Manage Diversity? e xamining c orporate Leadership, t raining, Mentoring, e mployee r esource g roups, and s ocial r esponsibility Programs carol P. Harvey Suffolk University Assumption College, Professor Emerita Well-managed diversity programs can benefit an organization in terms of the business case for diversity and the stakeholders in terms of the involvement of employees, suppliers and the com – munity. John Robinson, Director of the Office of Civil Rights for the U.S. Department of State, lists five requirements for effective diversity leadership: making diversity visible, being specific about what needs to be done, evaluating for results, providing constant reinforcement, and making change intentional (, n.d.). To fulfill these criteria, direction needs to come from the top of an organization where the CEO and Board provide the necessary vision and support. Without sufficient resources and lead- ership, it is difficult to make diversity an advantage. There is a range of mission-critical diver- sity initiatives that organizations implement including recruiting a diverse Board, appointing a Chief Diversity Officer, providing effective training and mentoring programs, forming effective employee resource groups, developing successful supplier diversity programs and contributing meaningfully to corporate philanthropy. Governance and diversity: corporate Boards and chief diversity officers To understand the importance of diversity leadership, think back to the Pitney Bowes case where the three CEOs championed diversity and made it an operational value. Once diver – sity has a highly ranked champion, two ways to strengthen governance in terms of support for What Do Organizations Do to Manage Diversity? 327 diversity initiatives are to have diversity on the Board of Directors (or Board of Trustees for non-profit organizations) and to appoint a chief Diversity officer (CDO), an executive at the corporate level whose job is to oversee, coordinate and manage an organization’s diversity initiatives. Corporate boards are expected to provide expert financial, legal, management, and stra – tegic advice from an external perspective. Since one of the advantages to having diversity is to add unique viewpoints, appointing diverse directors to a board should improve decision making by minimizing groupthink and challenging the status quo. Kim Goodwin, a director at Akami Technologies Inc., once compared a homogeneous board to a fraternity where people conform rather than challenge the norms (Carrns and Johnson, 2010, p. 12). Board membership in the U.S. is still quite homogeneous. A 2010 Catalyst survey, of Fortune 500 companies revealed that women held 15.7 percent of the board seats (with 2.9% of these women being of color) and men of color comprised 6.8 percent of board memberships (Catalyst, 2010). In 2011, ten percent of these organizations still had no female board members (Ross, 2011). There are pros and cons to diversifying corporate boards. Adding diverse members, if not managed well, has the potential to result in conflict and gridlock. However, one of the major issues is finding qualified diverse directors. In PwC’s 2011 Annual Corporate Director Survey , 55 percent of the respondents found it difficult to recruit female board members and 65 percent found it difficult to find people of color for the boards. Membership is by the invitation of the nominating committee, which is made of current board members. Ramnirez (2004) contends that the homogeneity of corporate boards is largely a result of women and racial minorities not having the same access to networks and the social capital that white men do. Board members, like most people, tend to know and associate with people like themselves. Consequently, these are the people that they tend to nominate for board memberships. Second, corporate boards require a range of specific skill sets such as experience at the executive level, in global markets and knowledge of law, finance, accounting, etc. Diverse individuals with these qualifications may be harder to find. However, when diverse voices are valued in the boardroom, companies manage to over- come these obstacles. Women, African Americans, Asians and Hispanics comprise 50% of the board at Alcoa, 46% of the boards at PepsiCo, Aetna, Dow Chemical, and IBM, and 43% of the boards at CitiGroup, Well Point, Wal-Mart, and Wells Fargo (Virtcom, 2009). On the other hand, a heterogeneous board also offers advantages such as enhanced finan- cial performance, the perspectives of a changing customer base, improved employee morale, and increased attractiveness to investors (Kidder, n.d.). Yet, only 17 of the Fortune 100 companies have a board that is considered to be “highly diverse” with 40% of the directors being female or people of color (Virtcom, 2009). As with any group, just adding diverse individuals to the mix is not enough to ensure that an organization will benefit from diversity. Diverse directors may be reluctant to speak freely or to take a devil’s advocate position because they fear being in the “O” or “only” position. Diversity brings a range of differences in communication styles, such as directness vs. indirectness and culturally acceptable behaviors such as respectfully waiting for an opportunity to break into the conversation vs. interrupting others. Board diversity, like employee diversity, must be well man- aged by selecting new members carefully, helping newcomers to adjust, not dismissing dissent- ing opinions too quickly, and sharing the role of devil’s advocate, etc. (Manzoni, Strebel, and Barsoux, 2010). 328 Section 6 • Managing Organizational Change and Diversity: Current Issues There is a growing body of research that relates but not yet correlates, financial perfor – mance to board diversity. For example, in 2007, a Catalyst study of Fortune 500 companies revealed that “companies with higher representation of women on their corporate boards out- performed on three key financial measures (Return on Equity, Return on Sales and Return on Invested Capital) compared to companies with lower representations of women” (Catalyst, 2007, p. 2). A 2013 study of 4,100 companies found that companies without any female board mem- bers financially underperformed those with women on the boards (Thomson Reuters). A similar study in Finland, where the law that requires board composition to be 33–50% members of each gender, showed an adjusted return on assets 14.7% higher in companies with a majority of female directors compared to those with a male majority (The Finnish Business and Policy Forum, 2007). So, there are many good reasons to strive for board diversity. Today, many organizations are moving the internal management of diversity away from Human Resources where it was treated as a legal compliance matter to the executive level where it can be treated as a strategic business issue by creating a new position called chief diversity officer (CDO). Today, 60% of Fortune 500 companies have a CDO or someone with a simi – lar title, an increase of 40 percent over 2005. The primary responsibilities of the CDO position are to provide strategic leadership for an organization’s diversity agendas and to assure that the corporation’s culture values diversity as a business imperative, i.e., linking diversity to the bot- tom line. CDOs function as change agents coordinating and integrating diversity as a strategic opportunity for talent recruitment, product development, penetration of global markets and community involvement. While this role will vary based on an organization’s mission, a 2010 study of 170 United States CDOs by Diversity Officer Magazine revealed that about 65% are at the vice-presidential level and 75% report to the board on a regular basis. Recently the movement towards having a CDO is a positive step in the diversity management process. pro Grammatic diversity initiatives In an effort to make diversity a business asset, while promoting employee inclusion, organiza – tions have implemented a variety of programs. While some, like training and mentoring focus more on individual employee needs, others like Employee Resource Groups and social respon – sibility/philanthropy address group, organizational and/or community needs. mentoring programs/ sponsorship In the workplace, mentoring refers to the developmental process that occurs when a more experienced person provides career guidance and support to someone who has less experience. While many people develop and benefit from these informal mentoring relationships at work, women and minorities are less apt to have the benefits of these networks so organizations also create formal mentoring programs. The best programs have corporate support, clear goals, sufficient training, and ongoing evaluation (Frankel, 2013). Membership in a non-dominant group can lead to feelings of isolation and miscommunication that minimizes the advantages of having a diverse workforce. So, besides providing career guidance, having an effective mentor can help build feelings of inclusion, increase engagement and improve the retention of diverse employees (Thomas, Murrell, and Beard-Blake, 2006). sponsorship involves adding an advocacy component to the mentoring relationship. A manager who becomes a sponsor takes a career risk by placing his own reputation on the line when he assertively promotes the talents of the protégée. For example, a sponsor is more proactive and may recommend the employee for highly visible assignments, etc. While “men – tors see associates to the threshold of power; sponsors pull them through” (Hewett, 2013, p. 43). Sponsorship is particularly important for moving women and people of color beyond the middle management level (Johnson, 2013). affinity Groups/ employee resource Groups ( er Gs) Douglas suggests that these groups also promote inclusion because they offer a mechanism for connections and open up communication channels (2008). Today, many companies are responding to their diverse employees’ needs for inclusion and the corporate need to stay com – petitive in a diverse marketplace by sponsoring affinity or Employee Resource Groups (ERGs). While some use these terms interchangeably, technically affinity groups , as the name implies, are “communities within a corporation that are organized around employees’ similar circum – stances and common goals” (Douglas, 2008, p. 12). Affinity groups often have a more social and mentoring focus. Although employee resource groups (EGRs) usually provide similar support for diverse employees, these are also tied more closely to the mission of the organiza – tion and utilizing diverse employees as a business resource. For example, ERGs can offer pro – motional advice for products targeted to diverse populations, assist in linking the company with diverse communities for employee recruitment and in product development. The origins of these groups goes back to the 1960’s, when corporations such as Digital Equipment, and Xerox pioneered efforts to diversify their workforces in response to Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Management soon learned that just hiring women and employees of color was often problematic. These new recruits often felt isolated, unwelcome and misun – derstood in organizations long dominated by white males. Additionally, many of these employ- ees experienced backlash and were unjustly stereotyped as “tokens,” i.e., unqualified people just hired to comply with EEO/AA laws, or to meet a government quota, even if they were fully quali- fied for their positions. In the turbulent 1960’s, the Black employees at Xerox Corporation formed regional caucus groups to secure fairer treatment for Black employees. In the process, these groups became a mentoring resource for newer minority employees and a network for the recruitment of addi – tional minorities. Because both employees and management benefited, Xerox soon established caucus groups for its female and Asian employees. 1 Changing over time there are broader more inclusive categories for group memberships. For example, Microsoft has ERGs for parents, GLBTs, and Employees with Disabilities, etc. In addition, membership now is usually open to any employee with an interest in that topic. So, someone who is able-bodied but who has a blind parent might have an interest in participating in the group that focuses on people with disabilities and is usually allowed to do so. Since ERG members can provide diversity related expertise in terms of reviewing promo- tional materials for offensive content, contributing ideas for product development that meet the needs of diverse markets, linking the company to diverse communities for employee recruit – ment, and outreach and promoting cultural awareness the members can operationalize diversity as a competitive advantage. Recent research indicates that an important business outcome of these groups can be increasing employee satisfaction and motivation. Each year Aetna Insurance conducts a yearly 1For a complete history of these pioneering groups see: Mary Gentile. (1960). The Black Caucus Groups at Xerox Corpo- ration (A) Case. Managing Excellence Through Diversity , Waveland Press. What Do Organizations Do to Manage Diversity? 329 330 Section 6 • Managing Organizational Change and Diversity: Current Issues employee engagement survey of 34,000 employees and ERG members usually consistently scored higher in employee satisfaction than non-ERG members (Zippo, 2010). The most successful employee resource groups have direct communication and/or a spon- sor on the corporate level, capitalize on the idea that diverse employees can be a competitive advantage and tie to the business case for diversity (See Exhibit 6-1). Approximately, 90% of the Fortune 500 companies currently have ERGs. To prevent future legal liabilities involving affinity groups or ERGs, organizations need to proceed carefully to minimize the appearance of favoritism towards specific groups. First, there should be clear written guidelines and policies that specify where and when the group can meet (on company property or not, on paid or unpaid time, etc.), and which organizational resources they can or cannot use (email, intranet, copiers, office supplies, etc.). Second, membership in all groups must be open to all employees, even those who do not share the social identity characteristic that is the focus of the group. For example, if the adoptive father of an Asian child wants to join the Asian employees group, he must be allowed to do so. Third, ERGs or affinity groups cannot negoti – ate terms of employment with management or they will be in violation of the National Labor Relations Act. Fourth, all employees must be treated alike. In 2005, General Motors won a court ruling related to employee groups from the 7th U. S. Court of Appeals (Moranski vs. General Motors Corp.). Mr. Moranski, a GM employee, claimed religious discrimination under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act because the corporation refused his request to form a Christian Employee Network at GM. Fortunately for GM, they had Employee Benefits Organizational Benefits Opportunity to be mentored Improved communication with diverse consumer markets Safe place to discuss diversity issues Assistance with recruiting diverse employees Networking opportunities Outreach to diverse communities Professional development Product development for diverse markets Increase feeling of inclusion Increase global business opportunities exhi Bit 6-1 Individual & Organizational Benefits of Affinity & Employee Resource Groups Eli Lily & Ford Motor Company Best Practices