Respond in 500 words with some scholarly references. Use citations, cite your references. Please use attachment to answer question.
What are some of the various ways an individual might provide directions from Point A to Point B to another person?
Routes and Directions
How people learn is a question older than theformal study of psychology. Since the time of theancient Greeks, philosophers and biologists haveasked questions about how we acquireknowledge. 50 years ago, we thought we had theanswer. The radical behaviorist approach dominatedpsychology. And the theories of classical andoperant conditioning were thought to be acomplete explanation of all learning. This videoshows how far current thinking has moved on. It’s now generally accepted that mental processesplay a very important part in learning. And so-called cognitive explanations are currently beingwidely researched. There have been many otherattempts to explain learning processes apart fromconditioning. And we’ll look at most of these asthey’ve all contributed something to the debateabout the mechanisms of how we learn. S Several questions arise continually in this studyof learning and will do so throughout this video.One concerns the difference between learningand memory. It seems obvious that you can’tremember anything that you haven’t learnt. And ifyou learn it, you have to store that informationsomewhere and be able to retrieve it. The nature/nurture debate crops up as in mostareas of psychology. Which aspects of ourbehavior are innate and which are learnt? Youwould have noticed when studying conditioningthat most of the research has involved the use ofnon-human animals studied in artificial situationsin a laboratory. And this raises two morequestions. Since Darwin’s theory of evolution, it has beenwidely assumed that what we find in non-humananimals, we can apply to all species. Can thebehavior of non-human species tell us anythingabout man’s behavior? Darwinian theory predictsthat there are similarities in learning betweenspecies due to our common evolutionary origin. However, it also suggests that there aredifferences in learning between species due tounique adaptations to unique environments. Thisraises another question. Should any animal bestudied in an environment which is not natural totheir species? Should we study natural behaviorin the natural habitat of the species and sacrificecontrol over variables? Or should we set up anartificial experiment where we can tightly controlall the unwanted variables which may creep in? Consider these questions as you’re watching. Andwe suggest that they form the basis of adiscussion later. We’re also going to discuss therecent move from radical behavioristexplanations of learning to the cognitivebehaviorist explanations. But first of all, we’ll lookat some of the many and very differentexplanations of learning that have been putforward over the years. Let’s just remind ourselves first about the basicbehaviorists principles of classical and operantconditioning. Classical conditioning occurs whena stimulus such as the sight, smell, or sound offood produces an automatic response or reflex,such as salivation. When another stimulusregularly occurs just before food, an association ismade between the two. This type of strictlystimulus-stimulus conditioning, sometimesnamed after the originator, Ivan Pavlov, has itsown Pavlovian terms to describe how a stimulusproduces an automatic reflex. Many people would find the sight of fresh creamcakes attractive and may salivate when seeingcakes displayed in a shop. However, you may findjust walking in the streets that the cake shop is insufficient to make you salivate, even if the shop isclosed. In Pavlovian terms, cream cakes, theunconditioned stimulus, or US, producesalivation. When cakes are frequency associatedwith a certain street called a conditionedstimulus, the streets alone will produce salvation,which is now a conditioned response. In classicalconditioning, the behavior, for example,salivating, is an automatic response emitted dueto the pairing of two events. In operant conditioning, on the other hand, newresponses are learnt and maintained byreinforcement. This is based on the law of effect,which says a behavior which is reinforced will berepeated. A behavior which is not reinforced tendsto die out. Any naturally occurring behavior in humans andother animals is more likely to be repeated if thatbehavior produces a reward, such as food, or inhumans, money, promotion at work, or praise. Togo back to cakes, in operant conditioning, youmay be rewarded with a cake for producing acertain behavior. We brought these students cakes for helping us.And according to operant conditioning theory,this will be instrumental in they’re being morelikely to help us on another occasion. The secondhalf of the video will look at these processesagain. Psychologists who emphasized the importance offactors other than stimulus and response havecome to be known as neobehaviorists. Tolmanwas a neobehaviorist who realized that otherfactors besides the stimulus could affect theresponse. He argued, in contrast to behaviorists,that all behavior was go directed, that is in asense of having a purpose, and that actual mentalprocesses determined a response. Tolman’s work has been valuable in highlightingthe cognitive aspects of learning, especially thedifference between learning and performance. Itis only in some situations that performance showsevidence of learning. For example, pause thevideo and consider what knowledge you have andwhat you’ve learnt but are not actuallydemonstrating at this moment. What learning areyou demonstrating? Well, there would be a huge list of abilities andskills that you are unable to actually show whilewatching a video, such as your skill in swimming,mathematics, social skills, or bungee jumping.Equally, there’ll be many things that you aredemonstrating that show learning of some kind,including almost anything that you are unable todo at birth, such as sitting in an upright positionand reading the pause message. Tolman introduced the notion of latent learning,which broadly refers to any learning not shown inbehavior, that is, which is hidden or latent at thetime of learning and which takes place withoutreinforcement. Tolman and his colleague Honzikshowed this originally in 1930 in an experimentinvolving three groups of rats, which were placeddaily in a maze. The rats in group A were given a foodreinforcement if and when they reach the goal boxat the end of the maze. Group B were allowed toexplore the maze but were not reinforced if andwhen they reach the end box. Group C weretreated in the same way as group B for the first 10days but were given a reinforcement after that ifand when they reach the end box. As we see in this graph, the reinforced group Aclearly learnt to run the maze more quickly andmade fewer and fewer mistakes. Group Bwandered around the names apparently aimlesslymost of the time and never became any quicker atrunning through the maze or finding their way tothe goal box without error. Group C made noprogress during the first 10 days. But as soon asreinforcement started, they increased their speedand reduced their errors dramatically. A very important point here is that group C learntmore rapidly than group A had when and onlywhen rewards were introduced. Obviously, therats in group C were learning about the spatialorientation of the maze during the non-rewardeddays but only showed actual learnt behaviorwhen they had an incentive to do so. The learning was only apparent in performancewhen reward was given. This demonstrates latentlearning, or what is now often called behaviorallysilent learning. Now, let’s see how good peopleare at describing routes. When you get to the end of the road T-junction,turn right again. Follow the road down to the firstset of traffic lights. Turn left, and you’re at thecathedral. No problem. You go straight down here, and then you turn left.And you go past the student union on the right.And I think– I don’t know. You’re going have to gocarry on down, and you have to go ask somebodyelse there [INAUDIBLE]. Because I don’t actuallyknow where it. Is Thank you very much. Can you show how to get [INAUDIBLE]? Yes. That’s quite simple. You go down here. Youcross the road. You go to the left of the studentsunion. And you continue along in a straight line.And you’ll see the School of Architecture on yourleft-hand side. Its description, it’s a white buildingwith lots of glass on the roof. Go straight down until you get to the next street.And then, you see a park on your left. And if youcross the park on the other side [INAUDIBLE].These are buildings similar to this one. And that’s it. Thank you. Go [INAUDIBLE] straight up here. Turn left andthen cross where the other crossings are. Then,walk through the university campus precinct.Walk straight on, and you can see Oxford Road.You’ll see the sports centre on your right. Walkacross there. And then there will be a park up onsquare in front of you. Turn left in front of thepark. Walk along Oxford Road and then turn right.And you’ll see the [INAUDIBLE], the second building on the left. Go to the top of the road. Turn left until you cometo Crown Street and turn right. I think it’s there onyour right. Now pause the video and have a go at describingroutes that you know. As you would have noticed from the people thatwe asked and your own attempts were veryheavily dependent on landmarks and left/rightdirections. Perhaps, the rats in the maze werelearning a sequence of left or right turns based onmuscular movements. However, the reinforcedrats still learnt the route quickly if the maze wasrotated. If the dead ends were moved to differentlocations, and even if the maze was flooded withwater, and they had to swim, Tolman concludedthat learning in this case does not just involve thelearning of a set of particular muscle responsesbut the formation of a mental picture of thelayout of the maze. He called these cognitivemaps. This seems a reasonable explanation, althoughwe can only infer this from the rat’s behavior. Thesame can be said of humans, of course. You mayknow how you represent a route or plan in yourhead. But it’s difficult to explain it to someoneelse. I mentioned myself just go walking through, andthen I realized I got there, and I didn’t actuallywhich way to go. I visualize it as a map. I see a picture, really. I’m not very good ondirections. A colored picture. Yeah, really. I was like a sort of overhead view, sort of thelayout of the university. I sort of described to you as I walked down to it. So you see it through you own eyes? Yes. The way I normally go, the way I’ve done it before,that’s what’s in your head. Like a map [INAUDIBLE]. What kind of map? A-to-zed type of map, like a road. Pause the video now to discuss the way youmentally represent routes. You could alsocompare different people’s drawings of the sameroute. I’m sure that you too found enormous variationsin mental maps as well as drawings. We canconclude from our small survey that humans usecognitive maps but in different forms. Humans dodemonstrate an enormous amount of latentlearning about their environment. A further approach to learning came from agestalt school which originated in Germany.Gestaltists such as Wolfgang Kohler in the 1920stook a holistic view, particularly of perceptuallearning. He emphasized the importance of theorganization of information as a whole ratherthan being concerned with individualconstituents. The whole is greater than the sum ofthe parts. Now, what do you make of this? Most people readthis as The Cat, even though the H and A arestructured in the same way. They’re justinterpreted differently due to the context. First,the same perceptual unit can have a differentmeaning due to learning, depending on thegestalt or whole in which it is embedded. In his observation of animals, Kohler realized thatnot all learning was made up of many learnedstimulus-stimulus, and response-stimulusassociations, or by trial and error learning, butappear to involve some form of insight. In atypical experiment, a chimpanzee sees a piece offruit out of reach outside his cage. But alsooutside the cage is a stick which can be reached. After trying to reach the food with his arm, thechimpanzee suddenly reaches for the stick anduses it to pull the food towards him. Kohlernoticed that the chimpanzee seem to inspect thewhole visual field and then suddenly solved theproblem, showing a so-called aha reaction. In another experiment, the chimpanzee hasseveral boxes in his cage and some bananashanging out of reach from the ceiling. Afterjumping up and down a few times, thechimpanzee stopped activity, inspected theproblem visually, then suddenly stacked boxes ontop of each other, climbed up, and reached thebananas. In all cases, there was a period of intense fruitlessactivity followed by a reflective period which wasthen followed by a sudden solution to theproblem. Kohler called this insight learning. Thechimpanzee, he said, was thinking and usingcognitive reasoning was putting two and twotogether just as humans often do. Aha. One important feature of insight learning seemsto be that the animals have to have full sight ofeach individual piece of apparatus required tosolve the problem. Also, the animal needs tobecome aware of the function and properties ofeach element of the problem situation and mustbe able to mentally manipulate them until asolution is reached. Of course, a human would be able to solve theproblem without seeing the boxes. They wouldjudge the distance visually and think, ah, I needsomething to stand on and go and find somethingappropriate. Kohler didn’t consider the effect of pastexperience. But chimps’ performance can beimproved if they’re given experience of playingwith sticks beforehand. However, prior experiencedoesn’t rule out the possibility that insight hasoccurred. Similar work is shown that there may be innatefactors involved. Chimps given sticks and boxesdo spontaneously fit sticks together, and stackboxes, and stand on them during play. Youngerchimps are being shown to fit sticks togethermore easily than older chimps. There’d be many criticisms of this work, mainlybecause of the lack of controls used, such asseveral chimps in the same cage during trials.However, outside the laboratory, primates doseem to show some sort of reasoning and oftenlook to us as if they are thinking. Robert Epstein and BF Skinner replicated Kohler’sexperiment at Harvard University using aminiature box made out of cardboard and a tinybanana, which were placed in a small chamberwith a feeder tray on the side. They trained thepigeon using reinforcement techniques toperform each element of the behavior. Thiscertainly shows that prior training has producedlearning. But it has also produced completelynovel behavior, which the researchers suggestappears very similar to insight learning. We’ll come back to this question later. In the 1940s, Harry Harlow suggested that ratherthan there being different explanations forlearning, trial and error learning and insightlearning are two phases of the same continuousprocess. Animals, he says, have to learn to learn.And they do this by initially using trial and error,followed by insight learning. He called thislearning sets and demonstrated it using rhesusmonkeys. A monkey was presented with two objects andwas rewarded with a peanut or raisin for choosingthe one designated as correct. Let’s do a trialourselves before we explain further. You’ll see sixsets of two shapes appearing on the screenbriefly. We decide which one of each set is correct.You have to choose left or right for each set. The answers were left, left, right, left, right, right,that is, the ones composed of straight lines. Ofcourse, you didn’t have the benefit of a peanutwhen you chose the right one. But you do nowhave the benefit of experience. So let’s tryanother one. This time, we’ll take the one out ofeach of 10 sets which is correct. And you have towork out why. This was more complex involving two elements.The correct ones were the largest one when thebackground was white and the smallest one whenthe background was blue. It’ll be no comfort tothose of you who didn’t get the answer to knowthat monkeys are able to do this but only after agreat deal of experience with similar problems. Kohler concluded that they seem to haveacquired a general skill, which could be used forall similar problems, a learning set. This has atleast shown that experience plays an importantpart in learning to solve problems. It also seemsthat the animals have used some form ofcognitive representation by remembering what have gone on in previous trials and applying somegeneral rule during later ones. Learning sets are an example of transfer oflearning taking place. Positive transfer is whenknowledge or skill in one activity aids learning inanother. However, there might sometimes be anegative effect if the skills are sufficientlydifferent, as in tennis and badminton. Wrist action is primarily used in badminton,whereas in tennis, you have to learn to use yourwhole arm and shoulder. Lateral transfer is whereyou use the same knowledge or skill but indifferent contexts. Pause the video for a fewminutes now and think of examples of positive,negative, and lateral transfer of learning in yourlife. It’s quite difficult to judge the effective previouslearning on the acquisition of similar skills. Itwould seem that positive transfer may occur withdriving, whereby once you can drive a car, you cantransfer much of that learning to another vehicle.But does the ability to roller skate help or hinderwhen you use ice states for the first time? Would knowledge of Spanish make it easier foryou to learn Russian? Or would it interfere withyour learning? We often make use of lateraltransfer. In fact, if we didn’t, we would have torelearn every new task from scratch. One common form of lateral transfer is using thefour rules of arithmetic in a wide range ofsituations and environments. For example,applying mental arithmetic once learned inschool, or in shopping, or at work, in order for anyof these transfers to work, the initial learningmust be very thorough. Another approach to explaining learning comesfrom the social learning theorists who emphasizethe role of observation in learning. Albert Bandurahas been working on his theory for the last 40years. He says that we learn through watching thebehavior of others whom he calls models. Parents and other admired adults are the mostinfluential models and are closely observed. If weobserve a successful or rewarded behaviorperformed by someone we admire, then it’s likelywe’ll learn and imitate. As we noted with latentlearning, there is a gap between what is learntand what behavior is actually performed.Reinforcement, however, may determine whetherwe imitate the behavior ourselves. Bandura’s work has emphasized the importanceof good role models, especially for children. Thesepictures show one of his well-known Bobo dollexperiments, where young children watched anadult showing various forms of aggressiontowards a large inflated doll. Later, when thechildren played in a room with the same Bobodoll, they imitated many of the adult’s actions–throwing the doll, kicking it, and hitting it with atoy hammer. Further work with adults on film and cartooncharacters as models have shown the sameresults, which has disturbing implications in asociety where violent videos are so widespreadand easily available. We may be rightly concernedabout the ethics of exposing children to violencedeliberately. But luckily, in these experiments, theimitation has not been seen after the children leftthe laboratory. This doesn’t mean children do notlearn long-lasting behaviors as a result ofimitation but perhaps need to be exposed to it onseveral occasions. Observational learning demonstrates the learningperformance distinction with imitation being theacting out of what is being learnt and theevidence that what was observed has been learnt.Social learning theory seems to explain how novelbehavior can be produced and appearsspontaneously without requiring reinforcement. This is in sharp contrast to operant conditioningwhere novel behavior is said to be shaped byreinforcement. It also stresses the importance ofcognitive processes in that people can predict theprobable consequences of their behavior. Observational learning has been found in manynon-human species too, and many anecdotalaccounts of imitation have been reported.Unfortunately, very few examples of sociallearning in non-human species have beenproperly analyzed as yet. Some experimentalwork has confirmed that observation doesproduce learning in rats. Those who watch another rat in the laboratorymaking learned responses, such as bar pressing,acquire the response much quicker when it’s theirturn than animals who’ve had no observingexperience. For animals, observational learningobviously improves their chances of survival byproviding a shortcut to learning new methods ofobtaining food or avoiding predators. As withhumans, it also helps to improve socialcohesiveness. Ethology is a major area of evolutionary sciencewhose beginnings coincided with the flowering ofbehaviorism. While the behaviorists wereestablishing the laws of association mainly inlaboratories using small mammals and pigeons assubjects, the ethologists were observing animalbehavior in the wild. They established that there are basically threefactors governing the behavior of animals– signstimuli, instinctively recognized cues, motorprograms, innate responses to cues, drive,controlling motivational impulses. Konrad Lorenz,one of the founders of ethology as a science,found all of these factors in the egg rollingbehavior of geese. Geese build nests on the ground. And sometimes,an egg rolls out of the nest. When the goosenotices this, she fixes her eyes on the egg, extendsher neck, gets up, puts the underside of her beakon the far side of the egg, and rolls the egg gentlyback into the nest with her bill. Although thisseems a natural kind of response to a commonproblem, it’s been found to be highly stereotypedand innate. Any objects which is a similar shape regardless ofcolor, and to some extent, size, can trigger off thesame response. Even beer bottles will get thesame loving attention and may end up in the nest.In this case, the shape is the sign stimulus, the eggrolling, the motor program, and the entirebehavior controlled by a drive which lasts forabout two weeks after the eggs are hatched. It now seems that most animals have fixed actionpatterns, that is, innate preprogrammedbehaviors. They seem to need to act out thesevery specific behaviors in very particular ways toincrease their chances of survival. However, notall animal behavior is based on innate instincts,as we’ve already seen in insight learning inchimpanzees, the formation of cognitive maps inrats, and of course, the many novel behaviors thatcan be learnt through classical and operantconditioning. Even in the egg-rolling behavior, although much isfixed and happens in response to any stimuli ofthe appropriate shape, the goose does adapt itsbehavior. If the egg seems to be slipping out ofplace, she will move her beak to prevent it, thatshe seems to be reacting to the environment aswell as innate instincts. These instincts have been shown to be so strongthat they sometimes can’t be overwritten byconditioning techniques. Keller and MarianBreland spent 14 years trying to conditionanimals to perform tasks which were not species-specific, that is, not an actual behavior for thatspecies, the various displays, exhibitions, andadvertising campaigns. The Brelands tried to use conditioning techniqueswith pigs who are famously easy to condition andhave a ravenous appetite. Their task for a shopwindow display was to pick up large woodencoins, walk across the shop window, and depositthem in a piggy bank. This Initially appeared to be successful with thepig learning the behavior and enjoying the foodreinforcement. But the behavior quickly declinedinto routine behavior using their snouts to detectfood hidden underground or under debris, whichis their natural way of searching out food. The Brelands used 38 different species totaling6,000 individual animals and found the sameproblem, which has become known as instinctivedrift. Learnt behavior, which is rewarded,sometimes seems to drift towards instinctivebehavior. This relates to what Seligman calledpreparedness. He argued that rats don’t have topress levers for food in everyday life anymorethan dogs encounter flashing lights and ringingbells to signal foods in the real world. To explain why some behaviors are more easilyconditioned than others, Seligman said thatorganisms are biologically prepared to learncertain things and biologically contra-prepared tolearn others. The degree of preparedness isassessed by the number of trials taken to learn atask. Animals, including humans, are prepared tolearn actions which are closely related to theirsurvival, for example, ways of finding food oravoiding danger. Garcia and Koelling’s experiments with ratsdiscussed more fully in an early learning videoshowed that rats who had nausea linked with acompound of flavour, light, and clicker avoidedthe flavour but not the light afterwards. Whilethose who had a mild electric shock paired withthe same compound avoided the light and clickerafterwards but not the flavour. The taste is associated with nausea. And the toneclicker are associated with the shock. Byevolution, the species has acquired apredisposition to learn that in the real world,foods make you ill, and external stimuli cause youpain. Whilst food doesn’t cause pain, an externalstimuli don’t make you ill. Thus, the species is predisposed to learn somestimulus-stimulus associations and contra-prepared to learn others. Seligman has arguedthat in humans, many phobias are preparedbehavior. Irrational fears develop towards a small range ofobjects and situations, such as snakes, or spiders,darkness, heights, or in closed spaces. Specificphobias are learnt very quickly, usually with justone pairing of objects, such as snakes withtraumatic experience. And they can be difficult toextinguish. It’s thought that possibly that theseare evolutionary throwbacks which were oncethreats to our survival. We rarely become phobic about pot plants orfamily pets. But if gerbils threatened to take overthe world, we may see new phobias developing.Instinctive behaviors are obviously important forthe survival of the species and relate to behaviorsthat improves the chances of survival for theindividual, such as finding food, detecting danger,choosing the right mate so that the whole speciescontinues. Another very vibrant area of research intolearning is that pursued by neuroscientists whopresume the brain must possess neuralmechanisms through which stimuli, actions, orideas can be associated in various ways. Researchhas already shown that the brain possesses anenormous number of different types of neuronswith different types of synapses making differenttypes of collections leading to many patterns ofsynaptic transmission. Research has now moved on to look at plasticity,that is, the way in which synapses alter, how theychange, and whether there’s any causalconnection between learning and the plasticity ofsynapses. The last years of the 20th century haveproduced scientific evidence and laboratoryexperiments that changes in synapses exist whichare directly related to associative learning. However, laboratory results may not be recordingchanges during natural behavior, a recurrentproblem in neuroscience and when working withanimals. In terms of understanding themechanisms of learning, however, the potential ofthis approach is enormous and very important interms of application to real-world problems. If we can understand the physiology involved inlearning processes, we can help to treat manymemory disorders and learning difficulties. We’velooked at many widely differing approaches toand explanations of behavior. And we’re nowgoing back to the behaviorist theories of classicaland operant conditioning to look at the recentdevelopments in this area. Cognitive psychology, the study of mentalprocesses, has made a revival in the last fewdecades. With the advent of the computer, theinformation processing approach has becomepopular, and computers are often used as modelsfor the human mind in areas such as memory,perception, and attention. Even more recently, there has been a revolution inthinking in learning theory with psychologistsmoving away from the traditional behavioristexplanations towards cognitive ones. Theresearchers at the forefront of this change in theUK are Anthony Dickinson, and NicholasMacintosh, and their colleagues at the Universityof Cambridge. In the USA, Robert Rescorla, Allan Wagner, Leon Kamin, and many others are involved in equallyexciting research. The difference in interpretationbetween the behaviorist and cognitive view ofobservable behavior is described simply byDickinson. Suppose a rat was exposed to a seriesof trials, let’s say a light is paired with a mildelectric shock. Eventually, the rat is going to showsigns of being frightened, such as crouching in acorner or freezing when the light comes on. The question is what has the rat learnt? Thebehaviorists would answer that the rat haslearned a new response, in this case, that ofcrouching or freezing, that is, the animal is merelyresponding to a stimulus. The cognitivepsychologist, on the other hand, would beinclined to view any behavioral change as a signof mental processes, that is, of stimulus-stimuluslearning having taken place. Cognitive psychologists would argue that the rathas learnt to predict that the light means shock,and is, therefore, frightened by it. It is, afterall, anatural innate behavior for a rat to freeze whenfrightened, not a learned behavior. But how do we know there any new mentalprocesses? All we can see is the behavior. As wesaw with latent learning, we have to devise a wayof showing that something has been learnt. It iswhat we call behaviorally silent. If, for example, we paired a tone with a light butrepresented no shock, there will be no behavioralchange. And the behaviorist would say that nolearning had taken place. However, Rescoria,among others, has convincingly shown thatlearning has actually taken place but is not beingdisplayed. This is known as sensory pre-conditioning. After the tone has been paired with the light forseveral trials, a light alone is then paired with ashock. If a rat is then presented with a tone, itshows a typical fear response, even though thetone has never been presented with the shock. Itis thought that a mental representation of thetone/light association was made during the firststage but not acted on, because neither of thestimuli were of any significance to the rat at thetime. When the light acquired significance because ofthe shock paired with it, the mental structurerepresenting the tone as a predictor of the lightresulted in the tone also becoming fear-reducing,or as a human might see it– That light used to come on at the same time as the tone. I got a bit of a shock when that lightcame on. I might get a shock with the tone as wellbecause they used to appear together. Dickinson argues that any observable change inbehavior is related to mental processes. Thismove towards cognitive explanations of learninghas come about through a buildup of evidencewhich showed that cognitive processes, such aspredictability and expectancy occur inconditioning experiments, and therefore, affectthe outcome. In classical conditioning, theconditioned stimulus has been shown to haveinformation value which depends on the extent towhich it reliably predicts an unconditionedstimulus. Leon Kamin demonstrated in his famous blockingexperiments that when two stimuli are presentedtogether, rats do not necessarily condition equallyto both elements. Firstly, the experimental groupof rats were trained to associate noise with shockwhile a control group had no pre-training.Secondly, both groups were presented with acompound of light and noise as a signal for a mildshock. Later, when both groups were tested withlight alone, only the control group produced aconditioned response. Kamin argues that this was because the lightprovided no new information for the experimentalrats. They had already learnt that noise was apredictor of shock before the presentation of thecompound of light and noise. The addition of lightto form a compound did not provide any newinformation since the presentation of the shockremained the same. As a predictor, therefore, lightwas redundant. Conditioning to it was blocked,prevented by prior conditioning to noise. Thislends a lot support to the idea of mentalprocesses intervening in the conditioning process. Some of the original principles of operantconditioning have also been questioned. Skinnerbelieved that reinforcement must be deliveredimmediately after the design behavior occurs. ButPremack’s principal suggests that differedrewards may work just as well. According to Premack, we have a hierarchy ofpreferred activities with those that we wouldmost like to do at the top. Premack proposed thatany activity in the hierarchy could reinforce a lesspreferred activity lower down. And equally, anyactivity can be reinforced by a more preferredactivity. Stimuli resulting from a preferred activity can bepowerful rewards for less preferred activities Inhuman and non-human animals. A hungry rat, forexample, may run on an exercise wheel to get afood reward. Or if he’s been inactive for a while,he may eat in order to get an exercise wheelreward. The order may vary so that if eating is top of thelist, it would drop down the list after a large mealor during illness. Try to devise your own hierarchyof your preferred activities at the moment. Howdo you use preferred activities to reinforce lesspreferred ones? You probably realize that you do a lot ofdeferment of reward such as finishing an essaybefore you reward yourself with a snack. Thisprinciple of ordering preferences suggests thatunder some circumstances, immediategratification is not a necessary condition forlearning and also that expectation is involved. Another indication that cognitive processesintervene in conditioning is what is called bySeligman learned helplessness. Put simply, it wasfound that the animal can learn that it has nocontrol over presentation of some stimuli, forexample, delivery of a shock. If there is no or limited control, then the animalbecomes passive and remains so even if thesituation is changed so that escape or avoidanceis possible. This suggests that animals are usingsome cognitive processes to understand thesituation in terms of estimating the relationshipbetween their behavior and the aversive stimuliover a period of time. They’re learning that there’sno control over the situation and are developingthe expectation that their behavior will make nodifference to the outcome on future trials. This is being compared with the behavior seen inhumans who are depressed. For example, peoplemay go through a period when events aroundthem seem totally out of their control. Theyexperience a lot aversive events, such as a friendor relative dying, or being made redundant. Theybecome convinced that whatever they do, they’llbe unable to affect the course of events. And sothey become passive and don’t even try to cope. If some forms of depression are learnt in this way,then it allows us to develop ways to help peopleto unlearn them. These examples make it clearthat cognitive processes are involved inconditioning. There is now no doubt amongstmost psychologists that cognitive processes areinvolved in both animal and human learning atdifferent levels. And we have some goodindications about the what and how. Many new theories are being developed andcurrently tested which attempt to explain themechanisms of learning in more detail.Macintosh’s theory, for example, has attemptedto explain how different stimuli have differentlevels of predictive power. It suggests thatfollowing every learning trial, every stimulus isevaluated to see whether it’s a good predictor ofanother stimulus occurring. So as well as learning about relationshipsbetween events, the animal also learns whetheror not particular events are good or badpredictors. And this information is then used inlater trials to decide what degree of processing isrequired. But no one cognitive behaviorist theoryhas yet been universally accepted. Anthony Dickinson suggests that if the fervor ofcurrent research is maintained, there will soon bea widely accepted alternative to the classicbehaviorist theories which uses a cognitiveexplanation of learning. However, the behavioristexplanations may be around for a long time yet. Modern-day radical behaviorists still seek topredict and explain behavior without reference tointernal mental events which cannot be easilyobserved and measured. BF Skinner continued toequate learning with performance until his deathin 1990. This is how he explained the apparentinsight shown by pigeons who pushed boxes andpecked at bananas. By exploiting what we know about contingenciesof reinforcement, we have produced extremelycomplex behavior which would ordinarily beattributed to higher mental processes of one sortor another that I think is it. I believe that weshould then stop talking about the higher mentalprocesses and look instead at the contingenciesof reinforcement which are responsible for thebehavior as we have demonstrated. What I’d like to see some day is a kind ofinterdisciplinary approach to the study ofcomplex behavior. You’re only going to be able to give complete accounts of the kinds of behaviorswe’ve looked at by knowing something about thegenes, about the nervous system, and obviouslyabout environmental histories. But you’ve reallygot to know everything [INAUDIBLE]. It’s got to be a synthesis, a grand synthesis ofinformation, as there was, for example, inevolutionary theory in the 1930s. A synthesis ofthis sort is obviously a long way off. But I thinkwork in this direction is worth pursuing. And it’scertainly preferable to the highly speculativementalistic accounts that are currently whatmany psychologists offer. Psychological models of how the brain works arehelping in an attempt to find out the mechanismsof learning. They’re known as connectionisttheories or parallel distributed processing.Several complex computer models have nowbeen built based on formulae for calculating theexpected learnt outcome of certain combinationsof events. It’s assumed that associations are learnedthrough mental associations between actions andoutcomes. And these follow a set of rules whichadapt to each new input. The current models aremuch more sophisticated than the informationprocessing ones of a few decades ago andacclaimed to model neural activity in real brainsfairly accurately. Cognitive factors have been built in with waitingfor factors such as the surprise or expectationcontent of a learning situation. Some aspects oflearning such as selective attention, which ofcourse, must play a large part, particularly inhuman learning, have not been incorporated. Sothere is still some way to go. You may be thinking that learning theory is allabout rats and pigeons in laboratories. But it isprobably contributed more to applied clinicalpsychology than any other area of psychology.Learning theory is highly relevant to real-worldproblems and is currently used on manyimportant issues, such as craving and drugaddiction, behavior modification, andbiofeedback. We suggested at the beginning that you thinkabout several questions during this video. Toremind you what they were, firstly, what is therelationship between learning and memory?Secondly, do we have to learn everything onceborn, or do we have any innate knowledge, theso-called nature/nurture debate? Thirdly, can weuse the results from animal experiments tounderstand human learning? And lastly, shouldwe be studying learning in the laboratory or in thenatural environment? Now might be a good time to discuss eachquestion using supporting evidence from themany examples presented. This is a very excitingtime in the psychology of learning, a time whenwe’re seeing the move from one dominant theoryto the development of another. It will be a fewdecades, perhaps, before cognitive behaviorismwill be fully formed and accepted by the majority.There is no doubt, however, that a great deal ofthe research we’ve examined has helped to shapethe new revolution in learning research and thatcurrent work is forming a new cognitive theory oflearning.